Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Blacks – violence against”
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Da Costa Silva, Khalil, Andreza Silene Silva Ferreira, Cleonice Camino i Ana Raquel Rosas Torres. "Moral Judgment and the Perceived Legitimacy of Police Violence against Black People". Revista de Psicología 42, nr 2 (4.07.2024): 975–1006. http://dx.doi.org/10.18800/psico.202402.011.
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This work analyzes the relationship between moral judgment and racial discrimination in Brazil, operationalized as the perception of legitimacy regarding the use of police violence against Blacks. Study 1 (N = 123) found that racial prejudice predicts the legitimacy of police violence against Blacks and this relationship was moderated by moral judgment. Study 2 (N = 71) identified that police violence against a Black suspect was perceived as more legitimate when compared to a White one. Study 3 (N = 129) found that conventional morality increased the differences between Black and White in legitimacy of police violence, whereas post-conventional morality reduces this difference. In conclusion, the interaction between moral judgment and prejudice explains the racial discrimination in Brazil.
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Beck, E. M., i Stewart E. Tolnay. "A Season for violence". International Review of Social History 37, nr 1 (kwiecień 1992): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000110910.
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SummaryIn this paper we explore the hypothesis that monthly variation in white mob violence against blacks in the American South was affected by seasonal variation in the demand for labor in southern agriculture. Using monthly data on black lynchings that occurred between 1882 and 1930 we find that mob violence was more frequent during times of stronger labor demand than during slack periods. While the manifest function of lynchings might well have been to rid the white community of offending blacks who violated the moral order, we suggest that the latent function was to tighten the reins of control over the black population, especially during times when whites most needed black labor to work fields of cotton or tobacco.
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Anderson, James F., Tazinski P. Lee, Adam H. Langsam i Kelley Reinsmith-Jones. "Police Violence Against Black Protesters: A Public Health Issue". International Journal of Social Science Studies 10, nr 2 (21.01.2022): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v10i2.5456.
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With the increased number of documented cases of violence perpetrated by police against protesters of the Black Lives Matter movement, public health officials are starting to list police violence as a health risk or a public health issue for black Americans. Using several timely theoretical explanations, we explore reasons why law enforcement officers routinely inflict violence against black protesters and avoid criminal stigma. Although police use of excessive force and untimely killings of blacks have always been criminal justice issues, the number of negative health consequences that are emerging after violent police confrontations implicates public health concerns. We argue that several strategies can be used to reduce police violence in the future.
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Inst. Iman Mahdy. "Violence as a Safeguard against Hostility: Black Mother-to-Son Parenting in Richard Wright’s Black Boy". Journal of the College of Basic Education 23, nr 98 (26.12.2022): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35950/cbej.v23i98.8640.
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Richard Wright (1908- 1960), an African American author, has grown up in the American South at a time when the American society has witnessed deep division, for together with the Whites vs. Blacks conflict there has been The Blacks vs. Blacks tension likewise, and violence has formed the dominant behavior between the conflicting groups. Wright’s autobiographical novel, Black Boy, shows how he has been reared by a mother who believes that violence is the only effective strategy to protect her son from their violent environment. The misery and hardships the mother, Ella Wright, has undergone in her larger society as well as with her family and separated husband, have led her to adopt this strategy. She uses violence to teach her son the priority of family, religion, and beyond everything else she teaches him violence itself as a means of self-protection. Albeit this strategy affects the mother-son relationship negatively on the part of the son at the beginning, the son’s intellectual maturity minimizes its significance, and he gradually starts to generate sympathy and show deep understanding towards his mother. The article discusses Wright’s mother use of violence as a method for bringing up her son, Richard Wright in his autobiography, Black Boy. It also examines the impact of this method upon Richard’s relationship with his mother and how he perceives her maternal role. Finally, the conclusion sums up the main findings of the article.
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McKay, Patrick F. "Winning and losing at the same time". Equality, Diversity and Inclusion: An International Journal 39, nr 7 (9.07.2020): 761–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/edi-06-2020-0153.
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PurposeThe purpose of the paper is to summarize the author’s negative experiences with police. The author seeks to enlighten readers to the differential experiences of blacks and whites in police interactions.Design/methodology/approachThe paper is an essay that details the author’s negative experiences with police, while living in a mid-sized Midwestern city.Research limitations/implicationsThe key research implication of the paper is that whites and blacks often have qualitatively different experiences with the police in local communities. While black professionals may be experiencing professional success at work, they may also grapple with racial slights and harassment that undermine their overall physical and psychological wellbeing.Practical implicationsPractically, this paper highlights the needs for police departments to train police on unconscious biases that lead to potential violence against black people. Prospective police officers should be screened on their racial attitudes and ideology to ensure they are equipped to police a broad array of citizens.Social implicationsSocially, the paper underscores the unique experiences of black people with police compared to their white counterparts. To reduce cultural mistrust among blacks against whites, the latter must show empathy and understanding when blacks report instances of racial harassment and mistreatment. Also, whites who witness racial harassment perpetrated by their families, friends, and people in general, should speak out against such practices.Originality/valueThe author thinks the paper is original in that it chronicles his unique, negative experiences with police as a black man in America. The author provides a theoretical background to understand the recent uptick in police violence against blacks and provide helpful tips for moving forward to improve intergroup relations.
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Threadcraft, Shatema. "Making Black Femicide Visible". Philosophical Topics 49, nr 1 (2021): 35–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtopics20214913.
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Black women struggle to make the violence they experience visible for at least four reasons: the violence occurs in private, not in public; it is associated with sex, sexuality and intimacy; the violence is not amplified within the public and counterpublic spheres; and, finally and importantly, activists have not been as successful in constructing resonate narratives regarding the violence. Contemporary violence against black men, for example, is often understood through the lens of lynching, a phenomenon that earlier activists were able to link to the biblical crucifixion. The activists’ work ensured that lynching holds an important place in the story of black peoplehood; it helped to make blacks as a political people and has been crucial to black understandings of who we are and why we are here. Social visibility requires that black women tell stories that not only build social movements; they must also tell stories that help to build people.
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Garraio, Júlia. "Framing Sexual Violence in Portuguese Colonialism: On Some Practices of Contemporary Cultural Representation and Remembrance". Violence Against Women 25, nr 13 (10.09.2019): 1558–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077801219869547.
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This essay examines two Portuguese novels about colonialism and its legacies: António Lobo Antunes’s Fado Alexandrino (1983) and Aida Gomes’s Os Pretos de Pousaflores ( The Blacks from Pousaflores) (2011). Fado Alexandrino perpetuates the use of Black women’s raped bodies as a plot device to represent colonial violence, while Gomes’s narrative empowers racialized victims of sexual abuse and challenges dominant public memories of the Colonial War. A close reading of these novels, contextualized against the background of scholarly debates about the representation of sexual violence, exposes both the perils and potential of cultural works to preserve the memory of rape in armed conflict.
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Johnson, James D., Len Lecci i John Dovidio. "Black Intragroup Empathic Responding to Police Interracial Violence: Effects of Victim Stereotypicality and Blacks’ Racial Identification". Social Psychological and Personality Science 11, nr 5 (11.07.2019): 579–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550619859316.
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Despite the public outrage in response to police violence against unarmed Black men, work on the psychological dynamics of reactions to these incidents is relatively rare. The present research examined whether empathy for a Black male victim of White police interracial violence would vary as a function of victim stereotypicality (stereotypic/counterstereotypic) and Black participant racial identity. In Study 1, 140 Black participants were recruited from Amazon Mechanical Turk (MTurk). As hypothesized, Black participants low in racial identification reported less empathy for the stereotypical relative to the counterstereotypical victim. Those high in racial identification showed relatively high levels of empathy regardless of the characteristics of the Black victim. Study 2 replicated these effects with 263 Black MTurk participants. This research highlights the value of considering individual differences in the Black observers (racial identification) and the characteristics of Black victims to better understand the psychological processes involved in intragroup responses to police violence.
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Toh, Ernest Muchu. "African Immigrant and the Struggle against Class, Racism and Xenophobic Consequences in Post-Apartheid South Africa". International Journal of Innovative Science and Research Technology 5, nr 7 (26.08.2020): 1460–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.38124/ijisrt20jul837.
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This paper brings to understanding the effects of class and racism which are manifested in xenophobic attacks against foreign blacks in South Africa. Xenophobic attacks have been persistent in the country for over the last two decade. It has amongst other things slowed the economy, particularly affected the country’s relations with the African continent and tainted the image of South Africa to the entire world. These attacks turn the livelihood of Africans immigrants into a daily struggle to adapt, survive, integrate themselves and contributes to the development of the country. The article seeks to unveil the reasons South African blacks behave the way they do against their fellow Black African counterparts despite the call for African unity and solidarity also known as ‘Ubuntu’. From the findings, it demonstrates that the act of xenophobia is a manifestation of effect of mindset influenced by the apartheid policy, which was based on hatred, class, race, and violence.
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Vandal, G. ""Bloody Caddo": White Violence Against Blacks in a Louisiana Parish, 1865-1876". Journal of Social History 25, nr 2 (1.12.1991): 373–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsh/25.2.373.
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Liyana A, Ancy, i Anu Baisel. "Unveiling Color-Blind Racism: Racial Violence, Identity, and Resistance in Sue Monk Kidd’s The Secret Life of Bees". World Journal of English Language 14, nr 1 (20.11.2023): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/wjel.v14n1p135.
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Racism is pervasive in society; its roots have been deeply ingrained into individuals’ lives, hindering African Americans' ability to achieve stability and peace. It is established in favor of societal convictions that primarily benefit whites to maintain their superiority and dominance over Blacks. Naturally, white people are the foundation of racial supremacy, pretending to treat Blacks equally through practices such as color-blind racism yet limiting Blacks in different fields. African Americans continue to be victims of the dominant ideology of color-blind racism, which produces significant racial tension and conflict in American culture. Correspondingly, they face racial inequities in their daily lives. This study's primary goal is to examine how racial violence still exists in the form of color-blind racism in one of Kidd's most famous novels, The Secret Life of Bees, in which Lily, the white protagonist, is prejudiced against African Americans. Eventually, Lily realizes her ingrained white racial guilt and strives to change it once she embraces the Black community by valuing their identity. In addition, the study also examines how Lily recognizes society's color-blind racist approach, which attempts to instill racism in order to impact and constrain Blacks as an inferior race. Finally, the findings of this study provide a clear picture of the hegemonic ideology known as color-blind racism and how its ideals in practice affect the lives of Black people while favoring the prejudice and discrimination of white characters in the novel.
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Paul Marie, MANKOU, i N’ZAMBI-MIKOULOU Donald. "BLACK AMERICANS’ VIOLENT STRUGGLE AGAINST RACISM IN THE UNITED STATES: A SCRUTINY OF STEPHEN COONTS’S UNDER SIEGE". International Journal of Language, Linguistics, Literature, and Culture 03, nr 02 (2024): 68–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.59009/ijlllc.2024.0064.
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The examination of Stephen Coonts’s Under Siege has enabled us to discover that Aldana and his black fellows are the first characters who organize a violent struggle against racism in the United States in order to achieve their civil rights denied to them for years by their white counterparts because of their black skin color. They, for example, start bombing on Whites’ stores and killing even white American authorities who refuse to see them as full American citizens. Unfortunately, this violence which gives to the author’s text the form of a historical book does not provide them with their needs. For, many of them are caught, punished, and killed under the white American authorities’ order. Such is the case of Aldana who is persecuted several times and tortured mercilessly by Whites for his committed crimes as a way for the latter to give a lesson to all Blacks in case of disobedience. This black character’s violence which also results in the spread of drug in all the spheres of the United States urges white American authorities to fight against drug business in this powerful nation.
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Stark, Evan. "Rethinking Homicide: Violence, Race, and the Politics of Gender". International Journal of Health Services 20, nr 1 (styczeń 1990): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/2tn0-dafw-8cpg-8ve5.
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Although homicide is the fourth leading cause of premature mortality in the United States and the leading cause of death for young blacks, the health professions have been largely oblivious to violence. Prevailing explanations contribute to this neglect by emphasizing biological or psychiatric factors that make homicide unpredictable and cultural and environmental factors such as the emergence of a new “underclass” that link violence to race. Focusing on instances where no other crime is involved, this article proposes that “primary” homicide be reconceptualized as a by-product of interpersonal violence, a broad category of social entrapment rooted in the politics of gender inequality and including wife abuse, child abuse, and assaults by friends and acquaintances. The data show that blacks are no more violent than whites, though they are arrested and die more often as the consequence of violence. In addition, a majority of homicides are between social partners or involve gender stereotypes, are preceded by a series of assaults that are known to service providers, and grow out of “intense social engagement” about issues of male control and independence. Professional failure to respond appropriately is a major reason why assaults become fatal, particularly among blacks. An international strategy that combines sanctions against interpersonal assault, gun control, and the empowerment of survivors might prevent half of all homicides.
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Abdulrahman, Salih Abdullah. "The Cultural confrontation in Sonia Sanchez’s Rap Poetry". Journal of Tikrit University for Humanities 29, nr 3, 1 (25.03.2022): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/jtuh.29.3.1.2022.22.
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This paper studies the rap poetry of Sonia Sanchez as an example of the literature of protest which prevailed throughout the 1960s and „70s of the twentieth century, especially the poetry of the Black Arts Movement. During the 1960s a group of Black poets started to compose poems that can best be described as anti-white poems which aimed at rejecting the hegemonic white culture and its oppressions over the Blacks. They rejected the American culture in favour of a Black one that would formulate a Black consciousness which would be the touchstone of the cultural resistance and would, the poets wished, initiate a revolution against the white Americans‟ violence and unfair practices towards the African-Americans.Sonia Sanchez was an active member of the Black Arts Movement which was established in the 1960s and called for a violent revolution against the white Americans, especially after the assassination of Malcolm X and Martin Luther King. This movement called for Black aesthetic which highlighted a literature that reflects and explores the Black culture and traditions and speaks to the Blacks‟ issues and concerns. Therefore, their poems were politically oriented as they addressed the lives and ambitions of the Black people and started using the Black speech in their poetry. Their poetry, then, is given a Black identity which is considered as the essence of the Black Aesthetic Movement
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Botha, M. P., i D. P. van Vuuren. "Reactions of Black and white Children to TV Violence in South Africa: 1987–1991". South African Journal of Psychology 23, nr 2 (czerwiec 1993): 71–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/008124639302300204.
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Violence became an upsetting factor within the socio-political realities of South Africa and the struggle for and against apartheid: thousands of people have lost their lives in political violence since the 1980s. Due to severe media restrictions under the emergency regulations in the 1980s, the exact nature of township violence and police actions were seldom shown on local television or reported in the press. Since 2 February 1990 with the repeal of the media regulations, images of mass action, township violence and clashes between the police and demonstrators became an everyday reality on South African television screens. In this transitional society, a new world with a definite culture of violence, issues such as the reactions of black and white adolescents, to scenes of violence and interracial conflict in local television broadcasts were investigated in a research project amongst adolescents from 52 areas in Johannesburg and Pretoria. The correspondence between initial levels of aggression and perceptions regarding fictional and non-fictional programme contents (being measured by means of questionnaires), as well as the differences between the perceptions of the whites and blacks regarding the programme contents, were investigated. It seems that regarding the non-fictional portrayal of violence in the South African media, white adolescents are more desensitized than black adolescents who live within these conditions every day. Black adolescents may enjoy fictional programmes with physical violence more than white adolescents, but they experience more anxiety during exposure to non-fictional portrayals of events similar to the realities in the townships. They therefore tend to rate the level of violence depicted in news broadcasts higher than white adolescents. The implications of these findings are discussed.
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ABDULBAQI, Mohammed Sabbar, i Alaa Mohammed Khalaf AL-HALBOSY. "NIHILISM AND IMAGES OF REBELLION: A CRITICAL STUDY OF RICHARD WRIGHT'S NATIVE SON". Rimak International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 4, nr 3 (1.05.2022): 282–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.17.17.
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Richard Wright (1908-1960) is one of the notable novelists of African-American literature. Native Son (1940) is one of his outstanding novels which received as a unique literary work of his time and still. Most of his writings call for liberation from the racial discrimination that African Americans experienced during the Great Depression (1929-1933) and beyond, notably in his novel of Native Son. This novel chronicles the poverty of a twenty year old black man called Bigger Thomas. It implicitly traces the gradual aspirations of Bigger to rebel against white prejudice. In this study, Nihilism is the scope of debate and Bigger with his surrounding is the range for that view of negation. Bigger exemplifies the revolted figure of his peers against marginality and nothingness. The present research is a critique to elaborate some of the tangible and intangible trajectories of rebellion pursued by Bigger Thomas. This treatise aims to reveal a sort of condemnation against apartheid and to cast the light on the resentment of Blacks for their nihilism. The images of rebellion shown in this research are to explain some of the psychological reactions when one is destined to be a subaltern. Consequently, rebellion identifies the hope of Blacks for which a release from the chains of being peripheral might be obtained. However, some images, as violence, are reversibly perceived to maintain rebellion out of a quagmire of nihilism. Key words: Bigger Thomas, Blacks, Identity, Liberation, Nihilism, Rebellion.
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Cramer, Elizabeth, Judith McFarlane, Barbara Parker, Karen Soeken, Concepcion Silva i Sally Reel. "Violent Pornography and Abuse of Women: Theory to Practice". Violence and Victims 13, nr 4 (styczeń 1998): 319–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.13.4.319.
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To examine violent pornography use and associated violence against women, an ethnically stratified sample of 198 abused women were asked about their partners’ use of pornographic materials, and if they had been asked or forced to look at, act out, or pose for pornographic scenes or pictures. Overall, 40.9% of the women reported the abuser used pornographic material, with the proportion significantly higher for Whites (58.7%), compared to Blacks (27.1 %) or Hispanics (38.5%). When groups were formed according to the abuser’s use of pornography and associated involvement of the woman, violence scores as measured on the Index of Spouse Abuse, Danger Assessment, and Severity of Violence Against Women scales were significantly higher (p = <.001) for women reporting the abuser requested or forced her to look at, act out, or pose for pornographic scenes. Severity of violence was not related simply to whether or not the abused used pornography. This analysis is a beginning step toward understanding how pornography influences woman abuse.
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Campney, Brent M. S. "“Stamping Out Segregation in Kansas”: Jim Crow Practices and the Postwar Black Freedom Struggle". Great Plains Quarterly 43, nr 4 (wrzesień 2023): 359–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/gpq.2023.a927242.
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Abstract: This study examines Jim Crow practices and the Black Freedom Struggle in Kansas between 1945 and 1960, focusing at the state level. It proceeds in three sections. First, it examines Jim Crow in housing, employment, schools, public accommodations, and sundown towns. Second, it addresses the enforcement of these practices through mob violence and, to a greater degree, police violence. Third, it investigates the activism of Black Kansans who were, irrespective of age, gender, or class, determined to destroy Jim Crow through public protests, legal strategies, and physical self-defense, even if they represented considerable ideological, methodological, and strategic diversity. The study is based primarily on extensive research in regional and local newspapers, in public and university archives, and in oral histories with contemporary Black activists. Because of the limited time period involved, it utilizes a topical approach overall but, within this framework, addresses change over time. Before proceeding, the study briefly examines the long history of racism against Blacks and Black resistance to it in Kansas before 1945.
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Cohen, Cathy J., i Matthew D. Luttig. "Reconceptualizing Political Knowledge: Race, Ethnicity, and Carceral Violence". Perspectives on Politics 18, nr 3 (1.04.2019): 805–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592718003857.
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What is political knowledge? We argue that the traditional measure of political knowledge is limited, as it represents one domain of facts that people should know about American politics. This domain of knowledge is rooted in the liberal-democratic face of the state and neglects other political knowledge generated from the carceral face of the state. We argue that knowledge of carceral violence, especially against African Americans, represents a separate domain of knowledge that is particularly relevant to marginalized communities, especially black youth. Once we include carceral violence in our measures of political knowledge, established patterns of whites having more political knowledge than Blacks are reversed. Using a novel measurement strategy and based on a nationally representative survey of over 2,000 young people, we find that knowledge of carceral violence is distinct from measures of what has been called general political knowledge. Finally, we find that knowledge of carceral violence has distinct correlates from the standard knowledge battery and its relationship to political participation varies by racial group but tends to depress the political participation of African Americans. Our findings raise the question of what comprises relevant and important political knowledge today and for which communities.
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Zack, Naomi. "Intersection Theory as Progressive". Harvard Review of Philosophy 26 (2019): 83–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/harvardreview201910325.
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Many are already familiar with the idea of intersectionality. Intersection Theory can be conceived as encompassing other progressive theories, such as Philosophy of Race and Feminism. In Philosophy of Race, the ultimate explanatory concept is race; in Feminism, the ultimate explanatory term is gender. This discrepancy has given rise to Black Feminism. Intersection Theory can also be contextualized and expanded to include more detailed intersections when there is inequality within intersected groups. But, intersectionality does yet address unpredictable violence, either against blacks or normally advantaged groups, such as United States Jews. For such cases, it is useful to posit a new intersectional factor of regressive violence, to account for counter-revolutionary response to decades of progress for minorities. Overall, the flexibility of Intersection Theory allows for creative analysis. However, not all intersections yield politically viable identities and those that would might require governmental recognition of group rights.
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Moodley, Kogila. "The Legitimation Crisis of the South African State". Journal of Modern African Studies 24, nr 2 (czerwiec 1986): 187–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00006844.
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On 21 March 1985, the twenty-fifth anniversary of the infamous Sharpevile incident, South African police, without provocation or warning, killed 20 unarmed black marchers at Langa in the Eastern Cape. Most were shot in the back. The outnumbered contingent of white and black police with two armoured vehicles, felt that the blacks, on their way to a funeral, would threaten the white township.The repetition of this crudest form of state violence against politicised youngsters and workers, threatened by recession after two-and-a-half decades of anti-apartheid opposition, suggests that little has changed in the repression by a minority ré. The rulers command the guns and the subordinates are left wiht no alternative but to submit or perish.
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Lorentzen, Jørgen, i Per Are Løkke. "Kadına Yönelik Şiddet Sorumluluk Almalı". Bulletin of Legal Medicine 3, nr 1 (1.04.1998): 3–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.17986/blm.199831285.
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The problem of violence has become a central part of European politics and of each human being in the European countries. We have heard reports of massive rape rituals in Bosnia, we are witnessing a Belgium in deep sorrow because of the slaughter of its daughters, we are experiencing gang wars in the inner cities, In every country, racism is creating death and pain and fradually the knowledge of violence against women and children in their own homes is reaching our consciousness. Most of the time, this violence is talked about in the media in terms of gangsters, devils, murderers, bandits, drug addicts, blacks, nazis, rapists or just thieves, Very seldom are the perpetrators talked about as men, and almost never are they understood within the concept of masculinity. Even when the fact undoubtedly is that they are, in almost every case, men. One of the most important things is that we need to know more about how masculinity is created. What does it mean that the violators are men? What implications will this have for the understanding of violence? What is the specific relationship between masculinity and violence? And: How will it influence the politics of violence - the work against violence in the media, in the streets and in the society as a whole? These types of questions will be the guidelines of our talk here today. Let us go straight to the heart of the problem. While the media and the public's attention are concentrated on the violence which occurs in the public sphere, they are forgetting the violence in the private sphere. Our claim is that the violence which we see in public is largely rooted in the private sphere, It is violence carried out in the private sphere which is transferred and extended into the public sphere. In other words, it is the private violence which should claim our attention, and it is against this violence that the efforts to combat violence should be directed. Focusing on private violence will also enable us to bring to bear a clearer gender perspective. Even though we know that women use violence against men and children, private violence mainly consists of men's violence against those nearest to them: girlfriends, wives and children. Let us therefore spend the few minutes we have presenting three perspectives on men's violence against women, in order better to get to know these men.
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Castronovo, Russ. "Security, Exile, Population: Colonization from David Walker to the Liberia Herald". American Literary History 34, nr 3 (19.08.2022): 912–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/ajac092.
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Abstract By looking at colonization at white responses to Black population increase in the US, this essay argues that exile and other biopolitical mechanisms undo the logic of security by showing how the search for safety itself generates and amplifies insecurity. Framed against contemporary meditations on exile, the essay examines how whites presented the deportation of US Blacks to Liberia as a solution to a national security crisis. In response, Black activists and writers such as James Forten and Russell Parrott demonstrated how white concerns created insecurity among the US Black population. To offset the vulnerability of exile that other colonizationists mandated for Black people, the use of racial arithmetic in Freedom’s Journal, the first African American newspaper, and by David Walker shows that security for Blacks can be achieved, at least rhetorically, by mobilizing biopower and exploiting arithmetical ratios of Blacks to whites. In a twist, however, the editor of Freedom’s Journal, John Russwurm, emigrated to West Africa to publish the Liberia Herald whose columns reveal how in the exile’s safe haven racial differences upheld by the US continued to have meaning. In exile, security and insecurity remained twined about each other in cycles of violence. Extermination is population security at its most absolute. . . . if the problem of security is the population’s ceaseless potential for being born, reproducing, and dying, then, exile and colonization serve as technologies for radically altering the polity in the name of national interest.
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Gupta, Anirudha. "Sanctions against South Africa: Some Issues and Implications". India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 42, nr 3 (lipiec 1986): 274–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848604200304.
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Two diametrically opposite views hare been advanced on the subject of sanctions against South Africa. One supports sanctions on the ground that, 1. sanctions will facilitate the end of apartheid and 2. timely imposition of sanctions can avoid an all-out racial blood-bath in Southern Africa. India's Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi has been the foremost advocate of this argument. In his address at the Harare Summit of the Non-aligned Movement, 2–6 September 1986, he reiterated that‘sanctions could yet bring a relatively peaceful transition to racial equality and majority rule. Else, unprecedented violence would mow down a multitude of the finest flowers of South Africa.‘1 Opposing this view others argue that, 1. sanctions are immoral; 2. they will hurt South Africa's blacks more than the whites and 3. that at any rate sanctions are impracticable. The champ ionof this “no-sanction-business” is Britain's Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher, who observed towards the close of the Commonwealth Meeting that sanctions would only harm the blacks and frontline states and so she would not like to be accused of causing‘greater hardship to the people of South Africa.’2 Mrs Thatcher also warned that imposition of sanctions would hurt the British economy as well as render some 250,000 British workers jobless. In addition to giving a new angle to the sanction debate, she obviously picked up this theme to impress the British voters.
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Diakhaté, Babacar. "Political Activism and Family Matters in Nadine Gordimer‘s My Son’s Story (1990)". Budapest International Research and Critics Institute (BIRCI-Journal): Humanities and Social Sciences 4, nr 1 (14.01.2021): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/birci.v4i1.1530.
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Before independence, South Africa experienced her most socio-political turbulences because of Apartheid. Peter Abrahams, John Maxwell Coetzee and Nadine Gordimer depict racial discrimination, political and sexual violence and social injustice in the context of Apartheid. The aims of this article is to portray “political affairs”, “family matters” and private passions in Nadine Gordimer’s My Son’s Story. It also brings to light Sonny’s motivation to become a political activist and join the blacks in the resistance against racial discrimination.
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Ncube, Christopher, i Alice Dhliwayo. "Post Slavery and the Plight of Black Americans: An Analysis of Langston Hughes’ “Not without Laughter”". EAST AFRICAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATION AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 2, Issue 3 (30.09.2021): 37–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.46606/eajess2021v02i03.0101.
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This paper discussed the lives of black Americans in the Post Slavery period. It was believed that black Americans who were former slaves were then free from being treated brutally by the slave masters and that the whipping of the so called offenders was a thing of the past. On the contrary, Black Americans were not free to receive education, have access to legal marriages, own properties and enjoy all other benefits that an American should enjoy. Life after slavery was still difficult. The reality was that black Americans were free only in a narrow sense as they were still discriminated by the government institutions. This gave rise to activism and movements such as Civil Rights Movement and Black Power Movement. Great Black scholars, The Talented Tenth, such as Alice Walker, Du Bois, and Langston Hughes emerged. Not without Laughter is one of the books that Langston Hughes wrote. This paper is an analysis of civil injustices that Black Americans had to endure according to Hughes in Not without Laughter. Today, the situation has not changed much as racism is still rampant as depicted by violence still perpetrated against the Blacks. The rise of the Black Lives Matter Movement worldwide against the death of Floyd in the USA gives evidence to such. One encouraging aspect, though, is that the current President, Joe Biden is against racism as he has ordered that those that killed Floyd should face the full wrath of the law.
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Ncube, Christopher, i Alice Dhliwayo. "Post Slavery and the Plight of Black Americans: An Analysis of Langston Hughes’ “Not without Laughter”". EAST AFRICAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATION AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 2, Issue 3 (30.09.2021): 37–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.46606/eajess2021v02i03.0101.
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This paper discussed the lives of black Americans in the Post Slavery period. It was believed that black Americans who were former slaves were then free from being treated brutally by the slave masters and that the whipping of the so called offenders was a thing of the past. On the contrary, Black Americans were not free to receive education, have access to legal marriages, own properties and enjoy all other benefits that an American should enjoy. Life after slavery was still difficult. The reality was that black Americans were free only in a narrow sense as they were still discriminated by the government institutions. This gave rise to activism and movements such as Civil Rights Movement and Black Power Movement. Great Black scholars, The Talented Tenth, such as Alice Walker, Du Bois, and Langston Hughes emerged. Not without Laughter is one of the books that Langston Hughes wrote. This paper is an analysis of civil injustices that Black Americans had to endure according to Hughes in Not without Laughter. Today, the situation has not changed much as racism is still rampant as depicted by violence still perpetrated against the Blacks. The rise of the Black Lives Matter Movement worldwide against the death of Floyd in the USA gives evidence to such. One encouraging aspect, though, is that the current President, Joe Biden is against racism as he has ordered that those that killed Floyd should face the full wrath of the law.
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Wahyuni, Yuli, i Diyah Iis Andriani. "Postcolonial Studies: Hybridity and the Dominance of Whites over Blacks in American Poetry". LITE: Jurnal Bahasa, Sastra, dan Budaya 17, nr 2 (23.12.2021): 185–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.33633/lite.v17i2.5058.
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This study aims to reveal the postcolonial issues contained in poetry I, Too by Langston Hughes and Incident by Countee Cullen. Both authors of these poems are figures from black people in America. The method used in this study is the qualitative method and literature study approach with the aim of exploring, describing, and understanding how the hybridity and dominance of whites over blacks in American poetry. The data source of this study is the words and phrases in both poems. The data containing postcolonial: hybridity and mimicry in the poems were characterized and analyzed using Homi K. Bhabha's theory (2007). Bhabha in his thinking tries to provide a "middle space" between the colonizer and the colonized. Bhabha states the concept of a “middle space” as a time-lag. This space is an intercultural space where personal and communal self-defense strategies can be developed. All of these cultural expressions and systems are built in a space called the “third space of enunciation”. Interestingly, the issue of hybridity that occurred a century ago has not completely gone in a better direction. The proof is that at the beginning of the first semester of 2020 there was an incident of violence against blacks by whites which caused a massive demonstration that led to the creation of a movement group called Black Lives Matter. This study uncovers how bad the treatment of white people towards black people is that the position and social stratifications between them are different.
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Kachun, Mitch. "“Big Jim” Parker and the Assassination of William McKinley: Patriotism, Nativism, Anarchism, and the Struggle for African American Citizenship". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 9, nr 1 (styczeń 2010): 93–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400003790.
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On September 6, 1901, at the Buffalo Pan-American Exposition, Leon Czolgosz, the son of immigrants and an avowed anarchist, shot President William McKinley. As McKinley clung to life for several days before succumbing, praise was heaped upon James B. “Big Jim” Parker, an African American Exposition employee who was credited with saving McKinley's life by subduing and disarming Czolgosz. By the time of Czolgosz's execution, government officials and the mainstream press were characterizing Parker as a glory-seeker who had played no role in capturing Czolgosz. African American spokespersons vigorously defended Parker, contrasting the brave, patriotic black hero with the treacherous foreign radical whose murderous act struck symbolically at the heart of the nation. These black commentators constructed a framework for understanding the assassination as a cultural critique of an American society that was paying the price for its acquiescence to extralegal violence against blacks. At the same time, black spokespersons used the assassination to create a narrative in support of African Americans’ claims to American citizenship and national belonging.
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Rashid, Samory. "Islamic Aspects of the Legacy of Malcolm X". American Journal of Islam and Society 10, nr 1 (1.04.1993): 60–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v10i1.2524.
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Spike Lee's 1992 film, ''Malcolm X," is the most recent evidence ofthe increased popularity of Malcolm X (El Haj Malik El Shabazz). Thefilm, based on a screenplay by James Baldwin and Arnold Perl, sparkedcontroversy over "X" memorabilia and also a debate over the appropriateinterpretation of Malcolm X's legacy. For example, black nationalistAmiri Baraka opposed Lee's portrayal and criticized the film as an attemptto "make middle class Negroes sleep easier." Yet when the currentcontroversy and debate end, the Islamic aspects will remain, as before,the most significant and least recognized elements of Malcolm X'slegacy. This paper briefly examines this phenomenon in order to offer amore accurate and meaningful analysis of the significance of Malcolm X.Although Alex Haley's Autobiography of Malcolm X climbed to theNew York Times' best-seller list in 1992, popular media accounts, suchas Lee's film, have stimulated even greater social interest. As one writernotes, "if many blacks did not listen when he was alive, young blacks arelistening now." It is also interesting to note how "Malcolm X's appealhas crossed racial barriets in a way that would have been unthinkableduring his life." Nevertheless, the emergent popularity of Malcolm X inthe 1990s is a direct result of the lingering presence of racism and of hisown martydom in the struggle against it.Most mainstream analyses associate Malcolm X's message with vielence and hatred of white America. For example, his oft-quoted phrase,"by any means necessary," and his advocacy of martial arts proficiencyand rifle club formation for defenseless black victims of racial violence ...
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Acheme, Doris E., i Ioana A. Cionea. "Protest Structures: Responses From Nigerians in the United States to Police Brutality and #BlackLivesMatter Protests". Journal of Language and Social Psychology 41, nr 1 (30.10.2021): 29–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261927x211049473.
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This study examined how Nigerian immigrants communicated about, and got involved in, #BlackLivesMatter protests and/or advocacy due to racialized violence against Blacks in the United States during the summer of 2020. Using a qualitative open-ended questionnaire, a purposive sample of Nigerians ( N = 70) was assembled. Constant comparative analysis revealed that communication about and participation in the BLM movement consisted of affective (feelings associated with protests), cognitive (psychological processes triggered by thinking about protests), and behavioral (actions and engagement in protests) responses. This process is labeled protest structures, a term that captures the socio-psychological processes that shape the communication of and involvement in protests and/or advocacy. We discuss further how social positioning impacts active participation in the fight for racial equality and social change.
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Frassetto, Mark Anthony. "The Law and Politics of Firearms Regulation in Reconstruction Texas". Texas A&M Law Review 4, nr 1 (sierpień 2016): 95–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/lr.v4.i1.3.
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In District of Columbia v. Heller, Justice Scalia instructed that the historical understanding of the right to keep and bear arms should inform our present day understanding of the Second Amendment. This means an accurate accounting of the history of firearms regulation is essential for understanding the scope of the Second Amendment. The current state of scholarship on Second Amendment history paints post-Civil War firearms regulations as racist efforts by Southern states to prevent blacks from defending themselves against racial violence. This reading distorts the historical record by ignoring the actors responsible for numerous gun laws across the former Confederacy. This article is, in part, a response to such inaccurate accounts. More fundamentally, this article provides an in-depth account of the political views of the Republican Unionists, who followed their ratification of the Fourteenth Amendment with strict regulation on publicly carrying firearms to protect freedmen from racial violence. This article’s account of Texas history makes clear that the Republican Unionists who ratified the Fourteenth Amendment held a narrow view of the right to carry firearms in public, and believed public carry could be broadly regulated. By contrast, it was the Southern Democrats — who had fought relentlessly against the Fourteenth Amendment after losing the Civil War — who advocated an expansive view of the right to carry guns in public, a view which gun rights proponents continue to espouse today.
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Campney. ""The Peculiar Climate of this Region" The 1854 Cairo Lynching and the Historiography of Racist Violence Against Blacks in Illinois". Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1998-) 107, nr 2 (2014): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jillistathistsoc.107.2.0143.
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Albrecht, Lawrence G. "Symposium Editor's Introduction". Journal of Law and Religion 5, nr 2 (1987): 259–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400011541.
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Valparaiso University School of Law and the Christian Legal Society annually present a symposium on a critical public issue which is examined from a variety of perspectives. Between October 28-31, 1987, a major symposium was held entitled: “Perspectives on South African Liberation.” In the light of press and other media restrictions in effect since a state of emergency was declared in South Africa on June 12, 1986, and the banning of all political activity by 17 anti-apartheid organizations on February 24, 1988, it is crucial that the world community have access to current information and analysis concerning developments in that tragic land.The Pretoria regime has renewed the state of emergency for a third year following an unprecedented three-day nationwide protest strike on June 6-8 by more than two million black workers mobilized by the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and other anti-apartheid groups to protest the recent bannings, a proposed restrictive labor bill, the continuation of apartheid and the regime's violence. These comments are written on June 16, the 12th anniversary of the Soweto student uprising (now commonly known as South African Youth Day) as several million black workers again defied the regime by staying away from work in honor of the hundred of blacks killed following the 1976 protests against apartheid education.
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Bwalya Lungu, Nancy, i Alice Dhliwayo. "African American Civil Rights Movements to End Slavery, Racism and Oppression in the Post Slavery Era: A Critique of Booker T. Washington’s Integration Ideology". EAST AFRICAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATION AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 2, Issue 3 (30.09.2021): 62–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.46606/eajess2021v02i03.0104.
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The Transatlantic Slave trade began during the 15th century when Portugal and subsequently other European kingdoms were able to expand overseas and reach Africa. The Portuguese first began to kidnap people from the West Coast of Africa and took those that they enslaved to Europe. This saw a lot of African men and women transported to Europe and America to work on the huge plantations that the Whites owned. The transportation of these Africans exposed them to inhumane treatments which they faced even upon the arrival at their various destinations. The emancipation Proclamation signed on 1st January 1863 by the United States President Abraham Lincoln saw a legal stop to slave trade. However, the African Americans that had been taken to the United States and settled especially in the Southern region faced discrimination, segregation, violence and were denied civil rights through segregation laws such as the Jim Crow laws and lynching, based on the color of their skin. This forced them especially those that had acquired an education to rise up and speak against this treatment. They formed Civil Rights Movements to advocate for Black rights and equal treatment. These protracted movements, despite continued violence on Blacks, Culminated in Barack Obama being elected the first African American President of the United States of America. To cement the victory, he won a second term, which Donald Trump failed to obtain. This paper sought to critic the philosophies of Booker T. Washington in his civil rights movement, particularly his ideologies of integration, self-help, racial solidarity and accommodation as expressed in his speech, “the Atlanta Compromise,” and the impact this had on the political and civil rights arena for African Americans.
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Bwalya Lungu, Nancy, i Alice Dhliwayo. "African American Civil Rights Movements to End Slavery, Racism and Oppression in the Post Slavery Era: A Critique of Booker T. Washington’s Integration Ideology". EAST AFRICAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATION AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 2, Issue 3 (30.09.2021): 62–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.46606/eajess2021v02i03.0104.
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The Transatlantic Slave trade began during the 15th century when Portugal and subsequently other European kingdoms were able to expand overseas and reach Africa. The Portuguese first began to kidnap people from the West Coast of Africa and took those that they enslaved to Europe. This saw a lot of African men and women transported to Europe and America to work on the huge plantations that the Whites owned. The transportation of these Africans exposed them to inhumane treatments which they faced even upon the arrival at their various destinations. The emancipation Proclamation signed on 1st January 1863 by the United States President Abraham Lincoln saw a legal stop to slave trade. However, the African Americans that had been taken to the United States and settled especially in the Southern region faced discrimination, segregation, violence and were denied civil rights through segregation laws such as the Jim Crow laws and lynching, based on the color of their skin. This forced them especially those that had acquired an education to rise up and speak against this treatment. They formed Civil Rights Movements to advocate for Black rights and equal treatment. These protracted movements, despite continued violence on Blacks, Culminated in Barack Obama being elected the first African American President of the United States of America. To cement the victory, he won a second term, which Donald Trump failed to obtain. This paper sought to critic the philosophies of Booker T. Washington in his civil rights movement, particularly his ideologies of integration, self-help, racial solidarity and accommodation as expressed in his speech, “the Atlanta Compromise,” and the impact this had on the political and civil rights arena for African Americans.
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Melo, Cristiane Magalhães de, Marcela Quaresma Soares i Paula Dias Bevilacqua. "Sexual violence: evaluation of cases and care for women in specialized and non-specialized health services". Ciência & Saúde Coletiva 27, nr 9 (wrzesień 2022): 3715–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1413-81232022279.07242022en.
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Abstract The objective was to characterize the cases of sexual violence (SV) against women in Minas Gerais state, associating the care provided in cases of rape with the type of health service that provided the care (specialized or not). The Notifiable Diseases Information System was used for data referring to the notification of SV among women (age ≥10 years old), which occurred in 2017, and the National Registry of Health Facilities for information on the type of health service. The SV occurred mainly among women under 29 years old (77.1%), blacks (61.1%), singles (69.7%), and with low education (42.4%). Rape was the most frequent SV (73.5%), with the majority being notified within 72 hours of the occurrence. For all the procedures recommended for acute situations of SV, there was an association between attendance at a specialized service and a greater chance of carrying out the planned procedures. The only exception was abortion permitted by law. The results demonstrated the importance of continuing investment in the qualification and expansion of the SV care network and the importance of a better territorial distribution of reference services in Minas Gerais.
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Whooley, Owen. "The political work of narratives". Narrative Inquiry 16, nr 2 (15.12.2006): 295–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ni.16.2.05who.
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Tied to meaning-making, narratives are saturated with political relevance. Narratives do political work on both the individual and collective levels. To achieve a comprehensive understanding of the political work performed by a given narrative, both the historical context and local context must be analyzed. This paper uses a comparative dialogic analysis derived from M. M. Bakhtin to illuminate the different types of political work that narratives can accomplish. I compare two slave narratives, each recalling an incident of violence against a slave. Although the narratives describe similar events, their portrayals of slavery differ greatly because of the different political work they perform in their respective contexts. One narrative, produced in conjunction with the abolitionist movement, serves as a piece of political propaganda that frames slavery in an uncompromisingly harsh light. The other narrative, taken from a WPA interview in the 1930s, reveals narrative as a site of political conflict between blacks and whites during the Jim Crow era.
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Silva Freitas, Matheus, i Natalino Neves da Silva. "Artes visuais negras sobre a violência policial contra infâncias e juventudes negras". Revista Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales, Niñez y Juventud 22, nr 2 (1.05.2024): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.11600/rlcsnj.22.2.6396.
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A violência policial é um dos principais motes de sustentação da ra-cialidade na sociedade brasileira, vitimando as infâncias e as juven-tudes negras, desse modo urge compreender as representações e elaborações sociais de tais experiências. Assim, busca-se analisar produções artísticas visuais, elaboradas por artistas negros, que ex-pressam experiências racializadas de crianças e jovens negros com o policiamento no Brasil. Foram analisadas seis obras, de autoria de No Martins, Sidney Amaral e Jota, produzidas entre 2014-2021. Os resultados indicam que tais obras problematizam questões acerca das dimensões raciais do policiamento e seus regimes de vigilância, controle e violência. Trata-se de elaborações artísticas visuais que, ao congregarem aspectos estéticos, éticos e sociais, indicam as tensões das infâncias e das juventudes negras com a segurança pública, arti-culadas por sujeição, resistência, morte e vida.
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Onwuachi-Willig, Angela. "FROM EMMETT TILL TO TRAYVON MARTIN". Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 15, nr 02 (2018): 257–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x18000292.
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AbstractOn February 26, 2012, George Zimmerman, a man of White American and Peruvian descent, shot and killed Trayvon Martin, a Black teenager who was walking back to the home where he was a guest in Sanford, Florida. For many, Trayvon Martin is this generation’s Emmett Till, the fourteen-year-old Black boy who was lynched in Mississippi in 1955 for whistling in a White woman’s presence. In fact, several scholars have highlighted similarities between the Till and Martin tragedies. One unexplored commonality is the manner in which defense counsel in both the Till and Martin trials used the trope of protecting White womanhood to get the jurors to psychologically identify and empathize with the defendants. Employing Multidimensional Masculinities Theory, this essay seeks to expose the role that the protection of White womanhood (and thus the preservation of White manhood) played in the killings of Till and Martin and in each of their killers’ defense strategies at trial. It does so by offering a history of lynching; explaining how White men demonstrated their ownership of White women and their dominance over Blacks by using violence against Black men who threatened the social order; and revealing how the defense attorneys in both the Till and Martin cases manipulated and employed the narrative of the White male protector of White women to facilitate acquittals for their clients. In so doing, it analyzes the transcript from the Till trial, a transcript previously believed to be lost forever until the FBI discovered the transcript upon its re-opening and investigation of the Till murder and released the transcript in 2006. Finally, utilizing excerpts from the trial transcript in the Martin case, this essay reveals how the trope of protecting White womanhood shaped the outcome in the Martin case, even though the stock narrative of needing White female protection from purportedly dangerous Black men was not at all related to the claims about Martin or charges against Zimmerman. In so doing, this essay reveals (1) how White womanhood has been abstracted to encompass not only a specific woman in an incident and to include not only a “man’s” home, but also to include broader spaces like gated communities, and (2) how that reality, coupled with the way that civil rights laws have made it harder for White men to bully Black men and the way that feminism has made it harder to subordinate women, has produced a new masculine anxiety for White men.
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Campney, Brent M. S. "“This Negro Elephant is Getting to be a Pretty Large Sized Animal”: White Hostility against Blacks in Indiana and the Historiography of Racist Violence in the Midwest". Middle West Review 1, nr 2 (2015): 63–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mwr.2015.0017.
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BOURG, JULIAN. "IN NOSTRIS EXTREMIS (TERROR AND FANATICISM IN THE WESTERN MIND)". Modern Intellectual History 11, nr 3 (10.10.2014): 719–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244314000262.
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The abolitionist John Brown. Freedom fighter? Terrorist? The choice is unsatisfying for any number of reasons, least of all for the anachronistic nomenclature and the moral obviousness of his cause. Of course Brown was right, we can easily say, to take up the fight against that “peculiar institution” of barbarous slavery. Insofar as the federal government stood in the way of historical progress, perhaps he also was justified in striking the arsenal at Harper's Ferry in 1859 as the first salvo of the American Civil War, demonstrating by his pitiful action that the Union would have to choose sides and fight. Yet no less clear today is the sheer difficulty of justifying such antistate violence. Since the 1970s and especially since September 11, 2001, with comparable moral obviousness, insurgent and terroristic violence have generally been condemned as threats to social stability and political coherence. The very liberal-democratic traditions that might otherwise superficially heroize someone like John Brown recoil at the disorder he personified. The truth of Brown's adventurism is clearly more complicated than the postcard version, and his crazed biblical prophetism, nasty 1856 murder spree in Kansas, and patronizing wish to play Moses to southern blacks must be read alongside successful efforts by the government and pro-slavery camp to brand him an incorrigible fanatic—a label that Brown himself and other abolitionists embraced as their own. What Brown represents, however, is an access point to the deep history of ideas about fanaticism and terrorism in the modern West, a history filled with paradoxes and ambiguities that nonetheless revolve around the basic fact—avoided with ease by contemporary pundits and prognosticators—that for the past several centuries we have met the enemy, and he is us.
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Saraiva, Vanessa Cristina dos Santos, i Daniel de Souza Campos. "A carne mais barata do mercado é a carne negra: notas sobre o racismo e a violência obstétrica contra mulheres negras". Ciência & Saúde Coletiva 28, nr 9 (wrzesień 2023): 2511–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1413-81232023289.05182023.
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Resumo O presente ensaio tem o intuito de problematizar as iniquidades em saúde, a partir da análise da violência obstétrica direcionada às mulheres negras. Pressupomos que o racismo institucional é chave interpretativa importante para compreender a dinâmica de violências raciais. Adotamos como metodologia, para evidenciar o racismo enfrentado cotidianamente por mulheres negras nos serviços de saúde, a análise descritiva de duas reportagens publicadas no site do G1. Constatamos que o racismo é (re)produtor de negação de direitos, do não acesso aos serviços de saúde, da produção da morte e da não efetivação do Bem Viver para as famílias negras, e isso vem sendo colocado através da produção e reprodução do sofrimento, da violência e do racismo em suas mais diversas expressões. Nessa dinâmica, a efetivação da Política Nacional de Saúde Integral da população negra é mecanismo importante de enfrentamento ao racismo em saúde.
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Lester, Neal A. "Black Children’s Lives Matter: Representational Violence against Black Children". Humanities 11, nr 2 (14.03.2022): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h11020041.
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Black children have never been exempt from the violence and abuse that have beset Black adults. Any comprehensive attention to and understanding of systemic racism, anti-Blackness, and intergenerational Black trauma must consider the historical violence literally, representationally, and fictionally against Black children and youth. For each news story headline about violence against Black children, there is a comparable Black adult story, underscoring the interchangeability of Black adult and Black children subjected to racial violence. This essay is not a history of violence against Black children in literature but, rather, an effort to understand and demonstrate that Black children’s lives have not always mattered and that to address true racial justice in this country, systemic assaults on Black children and, by extension, on Black children’s families and communities, must be included in any justice conversation and work. This essay looks at representative children’s literature that normalizes violence against Black children.
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Viana, Aline Lopes, Margaret Olinda de Souza Carvalho e. Lira, Michelle Christini Araújo Vieira, Sued Sheila Sarmento i Anna Paula Lima de Souza. "Violência contra a mulher". Revista de Enfermagem UFPE on line 12, nr 4 (4.04.2018): 923. http://dx.doi.org/10.5205/1981-8963-v12i4a110273p923-929-2018.
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RESUMOObjetivo: analisar notificações de violência contra a mulher. Método: estudo quantitativo, descritivo, desenvolvido a partir de dados secundários provenientes do Sistema de Informação de Agravos de Notificação. Resultados: das 401 notificações de violência à mulher, 61% foram contra mulheres entre 25 e 59 anos, pardas ou pretas (63%), solteiras (29%), com menos de nove anos de escolaridade (39%) e que dependiam financeiramente de outra pessoa; 46% das agressões ocorreram na residência, sendo 99% por violência física e 69% por força corporal/espancamento, e os autores foram homens. Conclusão: constatou-se a ampliação do número de notificações, contudo, ainda insuficiente para superar as subnotificações de ocorrências de violência contra a mulher, motivo principal da invisibilidade desse fenômeno. Descritores: Violência Contra a Mulher; Violência por Parceiro Íntimo; Violência Sexual; Violência Doméstica; Notificação; Violência.ABSTRACT Objective: to analyze reports of violence against women. Method: quantitative, descriptive study, developed from secondary data from the Information System of Notifiable Diseases. Results: of the 401 reports of violence against women, 61% were against women between 25 and 59 years old, black or white (63%), single (29%), with less than nine years of schooling (39%) and who were financially dependent on another person; 46% of the aggressions occurred in the residence, being 99% for physical violence and 69% for body strength / beating, and the authors were men. Conclusion: there was an increase in the number of notifications, however, still insufficient to overcome the underreporting of occurrences of violence against women, the main reason for the invisibility of this phenomenon. Descritores: Violence Against Women; Intimate Partner Violence; Sexual Violence; Domestic Violence; Notice; Violence. RESUMEN Objetivo: analizar las notificaciones de violencia contra la mujer. Método: estudio cuantitativo, descriptivo, desarrollado a partir de datos secundarios provenientes del Sistema de Información de Agravios de Notificación. Resultados: de las 401 notificaciones de violencia a la mujer, 61% fueron contra mujeres entre 25 y 59 años, pardas o negras (63%), solteras (29%), con menos de nueve años de escolaridad (39%) y que dependían financieramente de otra persona, el 46% de las agresiones ocurrieron en la residencia, y el 99% por violencia física y el 69% por fuerza corporal / paliza, y los autores fueron hombres. Conclusión: se constató la ampliación del número de notificaciones, sin embargo, todavía insuficiente para superar las sub notificaciones de ocurrencias de violencia contra la mujer, motivo principal de la invisibilidad de este fenómeno. Descritores: Violencia Contra la Mujer; Violencia de Pareja; Violencia Sexual; Violencia Doméstica; Notificación, Violencia.
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Lozano Lerma, Betty Ruth. "Violencias contra las mujeres negras: Neo conquista y neo colonización de territorios y cuerpos en la región del Pacífico colombiano". La Manzana de la Discordia 11, nr 1 (22.04.2016): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.25100/lamanzanadeladiscordia.v11i1.1630.
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Resumen: En este ensayo cuestiono la apreciación generalizada por parte de funcionarios y funcionarias del Estado colombiano de que los asesinatos de mujeres que se suceden en número alarmante en los últimos 10 años en Buenaventura, no son más que violencia intrafamiliar y que la crueldad con la que son cometidos son solo expresión de prácticas culturales tradicionalmente violentas de las comunidades negras que allí habitan. Me pr0pongo probar que la violencia contra las mujeres es parte de la estrategia de desterritorialización de la población negra por parte del capitalismo global que necesita de esos territorios para la ejecución de sus megaproyectos de gran inversión. Planteo que lo que se vive hoy en la ciudad colombiana de Buenaventura es un proceso de neo conquista y neo colonización de los territorios, los cuerpos y los imaginarios de sus habitantes, las comunidades negras e indígenas.
Palabras claves: violencia, mujeres negras, desterritorialización, población negra, neo colonización.
Violence against Black Women: Neo Conquest and Neo Colonization of Territory and Bodies in the Colombian Pacific Region
Abstract: In this essay I question the widespread acceptance by Colombian government officials of the murders of women, occurring in alarming numbers over the last 10 years in Buenaventura, Colombia’s main port on the Pacific, as being merely domestic violence and that the ruthlessness with which these murders are being committed are simply an expression of a tradition of violent cultural practices within the black communities living there. I aim to show that this violence against women is part of the strategy of deterritorialization of the black population on the part of global capitalism in order to obtain territory needed to implement their large investment megaprojects. I argue what is happening today in the Colombian city of Buenaventura is a process of neo conquest and neo colonization of territories, bodies and imaginaries of its inhabitants, the black and indigenous communities.
Key words: Violence, black women, deterritorialization, black people, neo colonization
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Sherman, Lawrence W., i Sumit Kumar. "Equal Protection by Race with Stop and Frisk: a Risk-Adjusted Disparity (RAD) Index for Balanced Policing". Cambridge Journal of Evidence-Based Policing 5, nr 1-2 (czerwiec 2021): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s41887-021-00065-4.
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Abstract Research Question Can racial equity in crime and policing be measured with the use of a Risk-Adjusted Disparity (RAD) Index of the degree to which policing across racial categories is “balanced” in its ratios of preventive police actions per 100 serious crimes committed against members of each racial category? Data Office of National Statistics (ONS) reports on crime and policing in England and Wales, and Dorset Police data on violent crime victimization and stop-search by race of suspect across the 452 Lower-Layer Super-Output Levels in Dorset. Methods We conceptualize the problem of equal protection under law as fundamentally protecting the lives and liberties of each citizen from criminal harms, as well as from disproportionately intrusive policing. We combine these dimensions into a single metric that defines proportionality of policing in relation to risk of violent crime victimization, such that whatever intrusion on liberty is applied for the aim of protection can be equalized across racial groups. Findings The use of a Risk-Adjusted Disparity (RAD) Index to measure reliably the equality of police intrusions across racial groups based on victimization rates can be illustrated by adjusting for homicide. In the past decade, the population-based disparity rate shows that Blacks are stopped by police nine times more often than whites. When that rate is adjusted for the differential risk of homicide in the two groups, the disparity estimate drops from 800% to 58%. Other changes of major magnitude result from using the RAD Index. Conclusions We conclude that an index of proactive policing using victimizations by race is more likely to lead to equal protection of law than a residential population-based metric of proactive police actions, as is commonly used in official reporting. A victim-based, Risk-Adjusted (RAD) Index for measuring racial disparity might focus police efforts on the 5% of local areas where serious violence is concentrated, and deflect stops away from the vast majority of areas that have little serious crime.
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de Souza Lima, Lívia, Ligia Fabris i Mayra Goulart da Silva. "Violence Against Black Women in Politics: Experiences and Testimonials from Brazil". FEMINA POLITICA – Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft 31, nr 2 (7.12.2022): 57–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/feminapolitica.v31i2.05.
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In this article the authors aim to understand the specificity of violence against Black women in Brazilian politics through the analysis of testimonies of Black politicians in different administrative positions and various regions of Brazil. Adopting the “Violence Against Women in Politics” (VAWIP) analytical model developed by Mona Lena Krook, the goal of this approach is to highlight the forms that this violence takes in the Brazilian context when gender and race intersect. In doing so, the article pursues two objectives. First, it offers an overview of violence against Black women in Brazilian politics, demonstrating how this phenomenon manifests itself in the analysis of these cases. Second, it observes how the testimonies of Black women politicians go beyond the analytical model proposed by Mona Lena Krook (2020), thus accounting for the intersectional specificities of political violence.
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Alves, Maria Alice, i Diego Ramon Alves. "A VIOLÊNCIA OBSTÉTRICA CONTRA A MULHER SOB A PERSPECTIVA TEÓRICA INTERSECCIONAL: Uma revisão narrativa". Psicologia e Saúde em Debate 10, nr 1 (6.03.2024): 209–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.22289/2446-922x.v10n1a13.
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This study aims to reflect obstetric violence against women from the theoretical perspective of intersectionality. This is a narrative review that was proposed to analyze from the national literature, available in the databases: SciELO, ARCA and VHL, research that addressed the central theme of the present study and in each database the health descriptors were used: "intersectional theory", "obstetric violence" and "gender and ethnic racism" organized by the Boolean operator “AND”. From the extensive literature we can infer that obstetric violence against women occurs mainly against black, brown, indigenous and poor women, that is, women who most accumulate intersections/social determinants of health. Finally, obstetric violence does not choose a profile, all people who are pregnant are subject to being violated just because of their ability to conceive and undergo obstetric procedures. However, it can worsen depending on your environment, class, race, gender, sexual orientation, religion, ethnicity and other intersections.
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Smith-Purviance, Ashley L. "Masked Violence against Black Women and Girls". Feminist Studies 47, nr 1 (2021): 175–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/fem.2021.0000.
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