Artykuły w czasopismach: „Blacks – crimes against”

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Radelet, Michael L. "Executions of Whites for Crimes Against Blacks: Exceptions to the Rule?" Sociological Quarterly 30, nr 4 (1.12.1989): 529–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1533-8525.1989.tb01533.x.

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Bianchi, Emily C., Erika V. Hall i Sarah Lee. "Reexamining the Link Between Economic Downturns and Racial Antipathy: Evidence That Prejudice Against Blacks Rises During Recessions". Psychological Science 29, nr 10 (16.07.2018): 1584–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0956797618777214.

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Scholars have long argued that economic downturns intensify racial discord. However, empirical support for this relationship has been mixed, with most recent studies finding no evidence that downturns provoke greater racial animosity. Yet most past research has focused on hate crimes, a particularly violent and relatively infrequent manifestation of racial antipathy. In this article, we reexamine the relationship between economic downturns and racial acrimony using more subtle indicators of racial animosity. We found that during economic downturns, Whites felt less warmly about Blacks (Studies 1 and 2), held more negative explicit and implicit attitudes about Blacks, were more likely to condone the use of stereotypes, and were more willing to regard inequality between groups as natural and acceptable (Study 2). Moreover, during downturns, Black musicians (Study 3) and Black politicians (Study 4) were less likely to secure a musical hit or win a congressional election.

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Daramola, Ayodeji, i Gbolahan S. Osho. "The Relevance of the Social Control Theory in Explaining Crime among African American Families". Journal of Sociological Research 8, nr 1 (7.04.2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jsr.v8i1.10729.

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Today, criminologists, especially, Black criminologists, are thoroughly perplexed by the same problem of disproportionate minority confinement (DMC) most especially of Blacks in both the juvenile and criminal justice systems. Are African Americans more criminally minded than other races or ethnic groups? Do African Americans actually commit more crimes than others? These are the questions that the different deviant theories have tried to answer. The concept of social bonding arose from social control theory, which suggests that attachment to family and school, commitment to conventional pathways of achievements and beliefs in the legitimacy of social order are primary and important elements of establishing a social bond (Hirschi, 1969). In expounding his social control theory, Hirschi listed the elements of the bond as attachment, commitment, involvement, and belief. Does it mean that African Americans commit more crimes than other racial and ethnic groups? Or are African Americans genetically wired to be criminogenic? Is the society or the environment to blame for the perceived higher rate of crime among African Americans? Or are the criminal justice system, the judicial system, and the juvenile justice system, all together racially biased against Blacks, especially, Black males? Even though Hirschi (1969) did not mention attachment to religious beliefs as part of social control, but for the African American families, the church could play a significant role in helping to cement the bond of adolescents to their families. Any study of the African American family is not complete without the church. According to Work (1900), in all social study of the Negro, the church must be considered, for it is one of the greatest factors in his social life.

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Paul Marie, MANKOU, i N’ZAMBI-MIKOULOU Donald. "BLACK AMERICANS’ VIOLENT STRUGGLE AGAINST RACISM IN THE UNITED STATES: A SCRUTINY OF STEPHEN COONTS’S UNDER SIEGE". International Journal of Language, Linguistics, Literature, and Culture 03, nr 02 (2024): 68–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.59009/ijlllc.2024.0064.

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The examination of Stephen Coonts’s Under Siege has enabled us to discover that Aldana and his black fellows are the first characters who organize a violent struggle against racism in the United States in order to achieve their civil rights denied to them for years by their white counterparts because of their black skin color. They, for example, start bombing on Whites’ stores and killing even white American authorities who refuse to see them as full American citizens. Unfortunately, this violence which gives to the author’s text the form of a historical book does not provide them with their needs. For, many of them are caught, punished, and killed under the white American authorities’ order. Such is the case of Aldana who is persecuted several times and tortured mercilessly by Whites for his committed crimes as a way for the latter to give a lesson to all Blacks in case of disobedience. This black character’s violence which also results in the spread of drug in all the spheres of the United States urges white American authorities to fight against drug business in this powerful nation.

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Al-khazaali, Mahmood Hasan Zaghair. "The Revenge of Conscience in John Grisham's A Time to Kill". Al-Adab Journal 1, nr 141 (15.06.2022): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31973/aj.v1i141.3692.

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This research paper presents the main theme of the revenge of conscience in John Grisham’s A Time to Kill (1989) is connected with the law especially when the law is misused by statesmen according to many causes such as an identity problem, judicial, racism, and black people oppression in the American community. The aim of the study is too dependent upon the psychology field according to Freud's personality psychoanalytic theory (1923). The protagonist of the novel who is Carl Lee Hailey (Samuel L. Jackson), decides to take his own right after the law fails to convict the two murderers (Cobb and Willard ) who raped his ten-year-old daughter Tonya Hailey and left her on the brink of death. For this reason, Carl lee decides to take the way of revenge against the two white men for his daughter and racist bigotry spread against every black man at a time when the south of the USA considered blacks as second-class citizens which leads to the psychological struggle in Carl lee Hailey's mind and leads him to take his own right by the revenge of conscientious for the two crimes: raping his daughter and racial oppression.

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Sherman, Lawrence W., i Sumit Kumar. "Equal Protection by Race with Stop and Frisk: a Risk-Adjusted Disparity (RAD) Index for Balanced Policing". Cambridge Journal of Evidence-Based Policing 5, nr 1-2 (czerwiec 2021): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s41887-021-00065-4.

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Abstract Research Question Can racial equity in crime and policing be measured with the use of a Risk-Adjusted Disparity (RAD) Index of the degree to which policing across racial categories is “balanced” in its ratios of preventive police actions per 100 serious crimes committed against members of each racial category? Data Office of National Statistics (ONS) reports on crime and policing in England and Wales, and Dorset Police data on violent crime victimization and stop-search by race of suspect across the 452 Lower-Layer Super-Output Levels in Dorset. Methods We conceptualize the problem of equal protection under law as fundamentally protecting the lives and liberties of each citizen from criminal harms, as well as from disproportionately intrusive policing. We combine these dimensions into a single metric that defines proportionality of policing in relation to risk of violent crime victimization, such that whatever intrusion on liberty is applied for the aim of protection can be equalized across racial groups. Findings The use of a Risk-Adjusted Disparity (RAD) Index to measure reliably the equality of police intrusions across racial groups based on victimization rates can be illustrated by adjusting for homicide. In the past decade, the population-based disparity rate shows that Blacks are stopped by police nine times more often than whites. When that rate is adjusted for the differential risk of homicide in the two groups, the disparity estimate drops from 800% to 58%. Other changes of major magnitude result from using the RAD Index. Conclusions We conclude that an index of proactive policing using victimizations by race is more likely to lead to equal protection of law than a residential population-based metric of proactive police actions, as is commonly used in official reporting. A victim-based, Risk-Adjusted (RAD) Index for measuring racial disparity might focus police efforts on the 5% of local areas where serious violence is concentrated, and deflect stops away from the vast majority of areas that have little serious crime.

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McDougall, E. A. "Setting the Story Straight: Louis Hunkanrin and Un forfait colonial". History in Africa 16 (1989): 285–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171788.

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In Paris 1931, the Ligue des Droits de l'Homme published the pamphlet, Un forfait colonial: l'esclavage en Mauritanie. Its author was a man best known in the context of radical Dahomean politics, Louis Hunkanrin, who had cause to know Mauritania better than he would have liked during ten years spent there in political exile. This exposé of slavery in Mauritania is a curious concoction -- general information damning the morals, values and work ethic of Moorish society; selected cases of injustice drawn from his personal experience; a lengthy report by a medical official despairing of Mauritania's poor food production and its relation to the slave situation; an eloquent letter to the Governor of Mauritania presenting a defense of his own actions; brutal attacks on particular French administrators; all with a large dose of French patriotism liberally sprinkled throughout. As stated in his preface, Hunkanrin's aim in exposing the crimes committed against the blacks in Mauritania was none other than “to illuminate the true face of France in this territory where the French flag flies—emblem of peace, liberty, and justice: the France of the Rights of Man, maternal France, good, generous and just,… It is well understood that I am only concerned to serve the interests of France and humanity.”

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Stinson, Philip Matthew, Chloe Ann Wentzlof, John Liederbach i Steven L. Brewer. "Racial Disparities in Police Crime Victimization". Social Sciences 10, nr 8 (28.07.2021): 287. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10080287.

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Policing has become a topic of intense public scrutiny and protest in the aftermath of several recent highly questionable and violent police–citizen encounters including the acts of police violence against George Floyd in Minneapolis (MN), Breonna Taylor in Louisville (KY), and Jacob Blake in Kenosha (WI). These encounters have led to large-scale street protests, the legitimization of the Black Lives Matter movement, and what many commentators perceive as a “national reckoning” on the issue of racial justice. The focus of our research is on police crime—a particular form of police misconduct that involves the criminal arrest of police officers. Our work is designed to identify cases in which law enforcement officers have been arrested for any type of criminal offense(s). One area of police scholarship that has thus far been neglected is the relationship between citizen race and the perpetration of police crime. We are aware of no existing empirical studies on whether, and if so, to what degree, citizen race is associated with crimes committed by police officers. The public has been forced to re-examine and question the role and legitimacy of police against the backdrop of protests and concerns about how police may contribute to racial injustice and discrimination. The broadest research issue involved an examination of the association between police crime and the race of the victim. Our goal was to identify and examine any racial disparities of police crime overall and within specific types of police crime. The analyses compared police crimes committed against Black victims to all other police crimes identified within the dataset. More specifically, we examined the degree to which police crimes perpetrated against Black victims tend to be more violent than those perpetrated against non-Black victims. CHAID regression models were utilized to explore any multivariate relationships between race and police crime. Data were derived from published news articles using the Google News search engine and its Google Alerts email update service. Our database currently includes information on more than 18,700 cases of police crime from years 2005–2021. The study utilized data derived from this larger project. The study examined those cases of police crime in which we have identified a victim and recorded information on the race of the victim. The dataset for this study includes information on 865 criminal arrest cases of sworn nonfederal law enforcement officers within the United States from 2005 through 2014.

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Naidoo, Kamban. "The Shaping, Enactment and Interpretation of the First Hate-Crime Law in the United Kingdom - An Informative and Illustrative Lesson for South Africa". Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 20 (9.10.2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2017/v20i0a1356.

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Hate crimes are crimes that are motivated by personal prejudice or bias. Hate-crime laws criminalise such conduct and allow for the imposition of aggravated penalties on convicted perpetrators. This article examines the historical, social and political factors which influenced the shaping and enactment of the first British hate-crime law. The South African context is also considered since the Department of Justice has recently released the Prevention and Combatting of Hate Crimes and Hate Speech Bill for public commentary and input.While Britain has had a long historical record of criminal conduct that was motivated by the race and the ethnicity of victims, it was only in the twentieth century that civil society first drew attention to the problem of violent racist crimes. Nevertheless, successive British governments denied the problem of racist crimes and refused to consider the enactment of a hate-crime law. Following a high-profile racist murder and a governmental inquiry, a British Labour Party-led government eventually honoured its pre-election commitment and passed a hate-crime law in 1998.Some parallels are apparent between the British and the South African contexts. South Africa also has a long historical record of racially motivated hate crimes. Moreover, in the post-apartheid era there have been numerous reports of racist hate crimes and hate crimes against Black lesbian women and Black foreigners. Despite several appeals from the academic and non-governmental sectors for the enactment of a hate-crime law, and the circulation for public commentary of the Prevention and Combating of Hate Crimes and Hate Speech Bill, such a law has hitherto not been enacted in South Africa. This article posits that the enactment of a hate-crime law is a constitutional imperative in South Africa in terms of the right to equality and the right to freedom and security of the person. While the enactment of a hate-crime law in South Africa is recommended, it is conceded that enacting a hate-crime law will not eradicate criminal conduct motivated by prejudice and bias.

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Pezzella, Frank S., i Matthew D. Fetzer. "The Likelihood of Injury Among Bias Crimes". Journal of Interpersonal Violence 32, nr 5 (29.09.2016): 703–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260515586374.

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In 2009, President Barack Obama signed the Mathew Sheppard and James Byrd Jr. Hate Crimes Protection act and thereby extended the list of previously protected classes of victims from actual or perceived race, color, religion, national origin, disability and sex orientation to gender and gender identity. Over 45 states, the District of Columbia and the federal government now include hate crime statutes that increase penalties when offenders perpetrate hate crimes against protected classes of victims. Penalty enhancement statutes sanction unlawful bias conduct arguably because they result in more severe injuries relative to non-bias conduct. We contend that physical injuries vary by bias type and are not equally injurious. Data on bias crimes was analyzed from the National Incident Based Reporting System. Descriptive patterns of bias crimes were identified by offense type, bias motivation and major and minor injuries. Using Multivariate analyses, we found an escalating trend of violence against racial minorities. Moreover, relative to non-bias crimes, only anti-White and anti-lesbian bias crimes experienced our two prong “animus” criteria of disproportionate prevalence and severity of injury. However, when compared to anti-White bias, anti-Black bias crimes were more prevalent and likely to suffer serious injuries. Implications for hate crime jurisprudence are discussed.

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Havrylenko, O. "Formation of the foundations of criminal law in medieval Kafa and Budva: a comparative legal study". Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law 1, nr 73 (10.12.2022): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2022.73.1.

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The article is devoted to highlighting the processes of formation, as well as clarifying and comparing the characteristic features of the complex of legal norms that determined crimes and punishments in the communities of the cities of Budva, located on the eastern coast of the Adriatic Sea, and Kafa (modern Feodosia) on the northern coast of the Black Sea. In the period under consideration, both cities were under the control of the Italian trading republics (Venice and Genoa), which was reflected in the content of local legal monuments and prompts researchers to compare and compare their legal systems. It is shown that already in the 12th–13th centuries in the coastal cities located on the territory of the Northern Black Sea and the eastern coast of the Adriatic, separate elements of medieval criminal law were gradually formed, which were partly formed on a local basis, and partly brought here from the legal systems of Genoese and Republic of Venice. The Statute of Budva and the Statute of the Genoese colonies on the Black Sea are valuable sources that allow us to get an idea of the main features of the local criminal law of that time. The first of them was developed earlier, but was influenced by Venetian law after 1443, the second (in the last version) was approved by the government of Genoa on February 28, 1449. From the texts of the statutes, it is clear that both in Kafa and Budva, a clear definition of the crime was never developed (and, ultimately, it could not be), but its general understanding covered actions that harmed the state, the urban community, or a specific private person The damage could be physical, moral or material. At the same time, it is worth noting that the legal opinion of the time did not yet draw a clear line between the concepts of "crime" and "offence". In practice, they often coincided. Memoranda of law in a number of cases determined the circumstances aggravating the guilt of the criminal. There was a concept of a multiple crime, that is, the concept of a person committing two or more criminal acts, each of which had the characteristics of an independent crime. Already in those days, the perpetration of not one, but two or more criminal acts by a person was considered evidence of the greater danger of criminal activity and resulted in a more severe punishment. It is noted that the statutes contain references to several categories of criminal acts. Among them are state (against the urban community) and official crimes, crimes against justice, in the economic sphere, criminal acts directed against the person, against property (property crimes), against religion, against the family and morality. The fact that a whole series of crimes, which were undoubtedly committed at that time, were not provided for by the norms included in the statutes, draws attention. It was concluded that over time, criminal law, both in Kafa and Budva, acquires more and more distinct specific features inherent in the local legal system, and becomes noticeably more complex.

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McNamarah, Chan. "White Caller Crime: Racialized Police Communication and Existing While Black". Michigan Journal of Race & Law, nr 24.2 (2019): 335. http://dx.doi.org/10.36643/mjrl.24.2.white.

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Over the past year, reports to the police about Black persons engaged in innocuous behaviors have bombarded the American consciousness. What do we make of them? And, equally important, what are the consequences of such reports? This Article is the first to argue that the recent spike in calls to the police against Black persons who are simply existing must be understood as a systematic phenomenon which it dubs racialized police communication. The label captures two related practices. First, racially motivated police reporting—calls, complaints, or reports made when Black persons are engaged in behavior that would not have been read as suspicious, or otherwise worthy of police involvement had they been White. Second, racially weaponized police reporting—calls, complaints, or reports made against Blacks in an effort to capitalize on law enforcement mistreatment of Black persons, or harm the victim because of their race.

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Haag, Julius. "“It Just Makes You Have More Problems”: An Examination of Anti-snitching Codes among Black Youths in Toronto". Canadian Journal of Criminology and Criminal Justice 64, nr 3 (1.07.2022): 71–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjccj.2021-0061.

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Subcultural codes against compliance with the police, or “snitching,” have factored prominently in public and law enforcement discourses related to urban violence and crime prevention. However, scholarship on these issues focuses almost entirely on the United States. This study investigates attitudes toward compliance with the police and perceptions of snitching among a sample of a Black youths who reside in socially and economically marginalized neighbourhoods in Toronto. Drawing on 32 in-depth interviews, I examine how perceptions of community safety and experiences with policing have impacted young people’s willingness to report crimes and comply with police investigations. Contrary to popular discourses, being seen speaking with police or providing information did not necessarily constitute snitching. Rather, consistent with prior research, a complex set of variables, including age, gender, and the perceived seriousness of the crime, all factored in determining what constituted snitching and when someone was considered a snitch. My findings challenge the essentializing nature of popular discourses on snitching while also highlighting how diminished perceptions of police legitimacy and efficacy have impacted young people’s willingness to report crimes and comply with police investigations. Finally, I discuss the implications of my findings for efforts to reform the police and improve police–community relations.

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Loyd, Jenna M., i Anne Bonds. "Where do Black lives matter? Race, stigma, and place in Milwaukee, Wisconsin". Sociological Review 66, nr 4 (12.06.2018): 898–918. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038026118778175.

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This article analyzes how the spatial metaphor of 53206, a zip code within the city of Milwaukee, Wisconsin, connects with crises in the legitimacy of policing and politicians’ claims to care about Black lives. It examines how, in the context of deepening racialized poverty, ongoing mobilizations against police violence, and increasing rates of violent crime, liberal and conservative rhetoric about 53206 largely obscures the roles that decades of deindustrialization and labor assaults, metropolitan racial and wealth segregation, and public school and welfare restructuring play in producing racial and class inequality to instead emphasize racializing tropes about ‘Black-on-Black crime,’ broken homes, and uncaring Black communities. Situating the examination within critical analysis of urban poverty, geographic scholarship on the racialization of space, and critical criminology, the authors consider the salience of the term territorial stigmatization as a means to understand how historical and contemporary processes of racialized capitalism shape Milwaukee’s urban and social divides. They argue that discursive constructions of 53206 and the rhetorical posture of saving Black lives deployed by elected officials have had the effect of entrenching policing power while further rendering neighborhoods like Milwaukee’s Northside as already dead and dying.

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Lyons, C. J. "Defending Turf: Racial Demographics and Hate Crime Against Blacks and Whites". Social Forces 87, nr 1 (1.09.2008): 357–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sof.0.0071.

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Kamaruddin, Hanim, i Muhamad Azham Marwan. "Towards extra-jurisdictional environmental management in combating transnational environmental crimes in Malaysia from a legal aspect". International Journal of Engineering & Technology 7, nr 2.10 (2.04.2018): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.14419/ijet.v7i2.10.10948.

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Environmental deterioration in Southeast Asia region can be attributed to illegal logging and timber smuggling which contributes to deforestation, wildlife smuggling, black-market transactions in ozone-depleting substances and dumping of other forms of hazardous wastes and chemical, illegal open burning incidents that can lead to air pollution contributing to transnational impacts. Controlling activities that are taking place within one State resulting to environmental impacts in another State is not uncommon in environmental issues and thus, such activities are construed as environmental crimes at times. Hence, any illegal activities within another jurisdiction must be addressed efficiently as the conduct of such activities are becoming increasingly sophisticated and complex partly due to the nature of transnational activities that operate beyond national boundaries. This article will discuss transnational environmental crime in Malaysia and Southeast Asia region and assess the application of adopting extra-jurisdictional approach to combat transnational environmental crime by drawing the example from Singapore’s experience of passing the Transboundary Haze Pollution Act 2014 to tackle challenges of haze pollution that are caused by activities in another State. The finding of this article suggests that extra-jurisdictional legislation is a common management tool in international law based on the international principle of territorial sovereign applies to conduct of a State within its territory. There seemed to be an exception that stems from a principle known as ‘objective territoriality principle’ under international law that allows another State to make claims against another State that commits environmental crime resulting to transnational impacts. The efficiency of extra-jurisdictional approach will be analysed based on Malaysia’s experiences in tackling transnational environmental crimes by reviewing domestic policies, local legislations and relevant international agreements to ensure that environmental protection is sustained.

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Wu, Qunfang, Louisa Kayah Williams, Ellen Simpson i Bryan Semaan. "Conversations About Crime: Re-Enforcing and Fighting Against Platformed Racism on Reddit". Proceedings of the ACM on Human-Computer Interaction 6, CSCW1 (30.03.2022): 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3512901.

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With the emergence of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs), people are being exposed to an increased volume of crime-related information, which induces fear. While the fear of crime has been explored around people's experiences with crime, little is known about how people frame their conversations about crime online. In this study, we explore how citizens talk about crime on Reddit. By collecting crime conversations from the subreddit r/baltimore, we find that, on the surface, redditors discuss topics such as comparing crime rates in Baltimore with other cities in an effort to destigmatize the depictions of Baltimore as a city rife with crime. On a deeper level, we find that through their conversations about crime, redditors are engaging in discourse frames that both re-enforce and fight against platformed racism. On the one hand, some redditors perpetuate racially coded language that is rife with anti-Black stereotypes, framing their conversations using old and new racism to cover their racism and discrimination against Black people. On the other hand, others push back against platformed racism by drawing attention to individual racism and systemic racism, and situating crime in root, societal causes. We then discuss how platformed racism operates in online conversations, and develop the concepts of weaponized identity and digital gentrification, which we argue are ways in which people, through their engagements in digital platforms, continue to perpetuate white hegemonic power structures in society. Finally, we discuss implications for how to design to support the fight against platformed racism in sociotechnical systems like Reddit. As a content note and warning, this paper discusses racist content which may be upsetting or harmful to some readers.

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Williams, Thomas J. T. "A Blaze in the Northern Sky: Black Metal and Crimes Against Culture". Public Archaeology 11, nr 2 (maj 2012): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1465518712z.0000000006.

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Ishigeev, Vladimir S., Anastasiya V. Puzikova i Vadim L. Lapsha. "Some Issues of Qualifying Actions Disorganizing the Activities of Institutions Providing Isolation From Society (Article 321 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation)". Ugolovnaya yustitsiya, nr 18 (2022): 18–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/23088451/18/3.

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Crimes committed in correctional institutions pose a serious problem, undermining the penitentiary system, preventing the attainment of the punishment objective, destabilizing the situation in the institutions of confinement, adversely impacting the behavior of convicts. Currently, 58% of convicts in the institutions of confinement have been convicted more than once; 47% are serving their sentences for committing grave and especially grave crimes; numerous negative groupings are formed in correctional colonies, adhering to the criminal traditions. Two forms of criminal activity - organized and common - have merged in the places of confinement with their “ideology of the underworld”. Together with that, the ideology of the underworld results in a kind of “seizure of power”, when correctional colonies and their contingent begin to serve sentences by correctional law, i.e. nowadays, there is a confrontation of “us and them”. The correctional colonies operating according to the norms of “criminal subcultures” are defined as “black”, while those operating by the norms of the correctional law and the Internal Regulations are defined as “red”. The task of the “criminalist” is to spread their influence over the majority of convicts in order to seize power in correctional institutions. One of such actions of convicts in the institutions of confinement aimed at reorienting correctional colonies is disorganizing the activities of the institutions that ensure isolation from society. Though the actions to disorganize the activities make only 2-3% of the total number of crimes in the institutions of confinement, they are of a high social danger and cause significant harm to the correction of convicts and crime prevention. It should not be forgotten that an important role in the prevention of crimes in the institutions of confinement belongs to criminal law measures, since Part 1 of Art. 2 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation provides for the preventive function of criminal legislation, yet the guaranteed fight against crime depends on the content of the criminal law norm and the level of law enforcement. Based on the name of Art. 321 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation, it is clear that this criminal law norm regulates and protects such social relations that are designed to ensure the activities of institutions executing criminal sentences in the form of imprisonment by court verdict.

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Peffley, Mark, Jon Hurwitz i Jeffery Mondak. "Racial Attributions in the Justice System and Support for Punitive Crime Policies". American Politics Research 45, nr 6 (1.02.2017): 1032–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x17692326.

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How do members of racial groups explain the large disparity in the way Blacks and Whites are treated by the criminal justice system in the United States? And how do such explanations (attributions) influence support for punitive crime control policies in America, as well as arguments against such policies? Our study of the structure, sources, and consequences of racial attributions in the justice system, using original survey data in Washington state, contributes to the literature in several ways. First, unlike traditional measures of racial prejudice—that is, racial resentment and stereotypes—our measure of racial attributions distinguishes cleanly between dispositional explanations (e.g., Blacks’ aggressive nature) and discrimination. Second, we examine the attributions of three pivotal groups with different experiences with legal authorities: Latinos, Blacks, and Whites. Third, an issue framing experiment demonstrates the power of both attributions for shaping support for the death penalty and arguments against the policy based on racial justice.

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Miłosz, Jan. "Black Market – Financial Crimes Committed for Personal Purposes". Studia Historiae Oeconomicae 34, nr 1 (1.12.2016): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sho-2016-0004.

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Abstract In socialist Poland, in the reality of centrally planned economy, average citizens experienced chronic deficits of basic commodities. Although the intensity of the problem varied, at no time could one say that the official market fully satisfied the demand for basic or luxurious goods sought by citizens. On the one hand, the market was steered manually, prices were set and kept on the same level for many years, and the volume of production and its cost was centrally planned, but on the other hand, salaries in national companies were raised, which resulted in unsatisfied demand for the goods that the official market lacked. How, then, did average citizens deal with these problems? How, by committing more or less serious financial crimes, did they become players in the black market game, the stake of which was satisfying their own needs? This article attempts at describing the situation in this specific market in various periods of socialist Poland. It also tries to demonstrate which products were the most desirable and most often sold in the black market. Most citizens of socialist Poland, knowing that their behavior is against the law, limited their participation in the black market to purchasing or selling the most urgently needed products.

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Kirilova, Neli. "Control of the Black Sea Straits: The Kerch Incident". Pro Publico Bono – Magyar Közigazgatás 11, nr 3 (22.12.2023): 137–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.32575/ppb.2023.3.7.

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This article addresses regional security in the EU’s South-Eastern neighbourhood. The current Russia–Ukraine relations represent a critical point within the historical power competition over the Black Sea straits between Russia–Türkiye and Russia–NATO. The Black Sea has three geopolitically significant straits. Two are controlled by Türkiye – the Dardanelles and the Bosphorus, connecting the Black Sea and the Mediterranean Sea. One is currently controlled by Russia – the Kerch Strait, connecting the Black Sea and the Azov Sea. The unresolved regional security crises include the Kerch Strait incident from 2018, in which Russian vessels implemented military action against Ukrainian vessels.This study is inductive. It addresses the Kerch Strait incident as a security crisis of two contrasting perspectives – first, that of maritime security and international law, and second, the psychological drama triangle – a model of interpersonal dependency, which I apply to international relations. These two approaches lead to a better understanding of ongoing processes. First, the maritime law perspective shows the inapplicability of international maritime law due to opposing vital security interests of the participants. Second, the psychological perspective suggests an alternative explanation of recurring crises in international relations. The findings suggest two solutions. First, based on international maritime law, the Kerch incident could be resolved only if Russia and Ukraine agree on the ownership of Crimea and its territorial waters. However, their differing perception of security threats is an obstacle to such resolution. Second, the drama triangle of human interaction examines interpersonal conflict in which the victim has to interrupt the cycle of victimisation. Applying this psychological model to IR suggests that Ukraine, if in the victim role, should aim self-empowerment to minimise dependencies on dominant international actors.

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Whitman, Kenyon, i Stephen Exarhos. "The New Jim Crow in Higher Education: A Critical Race Analysis of Postsecondary Policy Related to Drug Felonies". JCSCORE 6, nr 2 (14.11.2020): 32–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2642-2387.2020.6.2.32-59.

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In this paper, critical race theory and critical race praxis for educational research are used to frame an analysis of the 1998 Amendments to the Higher Education Act of 1965 (HEA98) that limits access to financial aid for students who have been convicted of a drug felony. The authors explain how the HEA98 disenfranchises Black and Latinx college student populations. This policy is a form of institutional racism against the disproportionately large number of Black and Latinx individuals that have been convicted of drug-related crimes, which creates a caste system of college access and support. This policy analysis highlights data on incarcerated populations that link the policing of drug offenses to racial profiling and discrimination (e.g., “the War on Drugs” and the 1994 Crime Bill), questions the motivations for reducing access to education in drug offenders, reviews causes and inhibitors of recidivism in drug offenders to make the case for the promotion of education in recently-released offenders, and highlights empirical data that supports expanding access to these people. The authors conclude the paper with recommendations to progress toward racial educational equity. This paper is directed toward higher education scholars, practitioners, and policy makers who possess a strategic critical orientation towards racial equity in education.

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Gye, Joengmeen. "Topography of Black Detective Fiction: Focusing on Himes’ Harlem Cycle". British and American Language and Literature Association of Korea 150 (30.09.2023): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.21297/ballak.2023.150.1.

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Chester Himes’ Harlem Cycle, the series of black detective fiction comprising nine novels, made him one of the most prominent black detective fiction writers in the U. S. His representation of Harlem in the series, however, has been criticized as a sensational and unreal geography distorted for a popular market. This paper intends to verify the validity of the criticism regarding Himes’s representation of Harlem. Examining the history of residential segregation by race in the U. S. cities and the resulting condition of Black residential areas, this paper proves that his representation of Harlem does not create a landscape of imaginary Harlem but provides a realistic record of Harlem. It further argues that Harlem Cycle is not written for commercial purpose but for exposing the racism in the housing policies of the U. S. government and accusing the greed of white capitalists in the urban renewal projects. In the later novels of Harlem Cycle, Himes’ representation of Harlem transforms from an internal colony of whites to the site of Black riots. Sick and tired of racial segregation and exploitative redevelopment, Black people in Harlem begin a fierce struggle. Moving from an area of poverty and crime to a war zone in representing Harlem, Himes warns against the possible future of the violent clash between Blacks and the ruling whites.

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Denney, Matthew G. T. "“To Wage a War”: Crime, Race, and State Making in the Age of FDR". Studies in American Political Development 35, nr 1 (9.03.2021): 16–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x2000019x.

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AbstractThe FDR administration waged a war on crime starting in 1933. I argue that this war on crime had three primary effects. First, it created a ratchet effect whereby expanded institutions did not return to previous levels after the campaign ended. Second, it instilled enduring institutional and racial logics into law enforcement in America. By building a state through a war on crime, these leaders constructed a criminal justice system designed to make war. Moreover, they perpetuated the surveillance of Black leaders and eschewed calls from Black organizations demanding protection from widespread racial violence. Third, these political entrepreneurs induced an issue realignment that defined crime policy around a politics of consensus—a consensus that included every major political bloc but Black Americans, who unsuccesfully called on the federal government to hold local police accountable and address racial inequality. This coalition diffused their methods to states and deployed future wars on crime, and the racial logics cemented in the FDR era set the stage for these future wars to be deployed disproportionately against the Black community.

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L., J. F. "PARENTS SPUR LAWS AGAINST TATTOOS FOR KIDS". Pediatrics 98, nr 5 (1.11.1996): 910. http://dx.doi.org/10.1542/peds.98.5.910.

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When 15-year-old Ria Hendrickson came home with a "black swirly design" tattooed on her stomach, her mother didn't just lecture her and ground her for life. She called the police. She also called her state senator. "It was an invasion of my parental rights," says Sharon Hendrickson, a mother from suburban Phoenix who pushed the Arizona legislature to make it a crime to tattoo anyone under 18 unless a parent is present. The bill became law in April.

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Lo, Bao. "Anti-Asian Violence and Abolition Feminism as Asian American Feminist Praxis". Feminist Formations 35, nr 1 (marzec 2023): 221–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ff.2023.a902075.

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Abstract: Anti-Asian violence during the pandemic has been largely framed by mainstream media as an individual response to the pandemic and reduces anti-Asian violence to "hate" toward Asians, therefore justifying increased use of law enforcement and carceral punishment of individuals committing hate incidents. Additionally, some members of the Asian American community advocate for policy changes and collection of hate crimes statistics that rely more on carceral punishment. Other members of the Asian American community argue that hate crime statistics and legislation do not provide systemic changes necessary to address anti-Asian violence. Specifically, Asian American abolition feminists are challenging mainstream narratives that isolate violence to conversations of racism alone and calling for the abolition of the carceral system that is historically and inherently responsible for violence against Black, Indigenous, people of color (BIPOC) communities and women. This paper addresses carceral solutions to anti-Asian violence and the opportunities of abolition feminism as an Asian American feminist praxis to challenge violence against Asian Americans. Focusing on survivor-led movements and responses to violence in its multiple forms, I discuss how abolition feminism may be necessary for redressing anti-Asian violence. I also consider how Asian American abolition feminism can achieve truly liberating, transformative solutions and healing to violence through an abolitionist and decolonial feminist praxis that centers and engages with Indigenous Pacific Islander communities.

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LIU, ENZE. "A historical review of the control of corruption on economic crime in China". Journal of Financial Crime 23, nr 1 (31.12.2015): 4–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jfc-08-2015-0042.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to provide a historical review of China’s anti-corruption efforts, from the ancient period of Chinese slavery societies to the late 1970s before China launched its profound economic reform, under the current status of the harsh crusade against corruption that the Chinese new leadership initiated. Design/methodology/approach – This paper is mainly based on a great deal of historical literature and empirical findings, with relevant comparative analysis on policies and regulations between various periods of China. Findings – The phenomenon of corruption has existed in Chinese history for thousands of years, throughout Chinese slavery societies, feudal societies, republic period and the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Anti-corruption laws formed an important part of ancient Chinese legal system, and each dynasty has made continuous and commendable progress on fighting such misconduct. Innumerable initiatives have also been taken by the ruling party Chinese Communist Party (CCP) since the founding of the PRC. The PRC government created various specially designed government organizations and a series of updated regulations for preventing economic crimes. They have realized that periodic movements against corruption would no longer be helpful, and the paramount issue nowadays is indeed how bold the leaders are in striking out those unhealthy tendencies. Originality/value – This paper fills in the blanks in the Western world with a comprehensive description of, and comments on, the historical efforts on China’s corruption and economic crime prevention. It also, in various ways, provides meaningful information that links to China’s current furious war against corruption.

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Veresha, R., O. Kuchinska i O. Kovtun. "Ecocide in National and International Criminal Law: current challenges and prospects for legal regulation". Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law 2, nr 78 (31.08.2023): 152–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2023.78.2.24.

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The article examines the current challenges and prospects of legal regulation of ecocide in national and international criminal law. The author analyzes the problems of prosecution for ecocide in national criminal law and the prospects for such liability in international criminal law. The authors emphasize that the armed aggression of the terrorist state of the Russian Federation against Ukraine has had a devastating impact on the environment, which will take decades to restore. Russian attacks on Ukrainian oil depots, strikes on the territory of the Kharkiv Institute of Physics and Technology with its nuclear facility, the death of several million chickens at the Chornobaiv poultry farm, and the mass death of dolphins in the Black Sea are qualified as ecocide. The destruction of the Kakhovka hydroelectric power plant dam is qualified as ecocide and a violation of the laws and customs of war. The evolution, concept, and composition of ecocide are analyzed. Having found its legislative consolidation in the national criminal law (Article 441 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine), ecocide has not been enshrined in international criminal law. It is not recognized as a crime either in the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court or in any other international legal act. As of today, Russian crimes against the environment can be investigated by the International Criminal Court as war crimes. The authors of the article emphasize the need to include the crime of ecocide in the Rome Statute, since serious damage to the environment during armed conflicts is still to some extent covered by the provisions of the Rome Statute, but such damage caused in peacetime falls outside the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court. The authors of the article note that it is important not only to punish the racists for all crimes of ecocide committed in Ukraine since 2014, but also to force the aggressor state to compensate for all environmental damage caused. When creating a compensation mechanism, we must take into account the international practice of compensation for environmental damage caused by military actions, in particular the practice of the International Court of Justice and the historical experience of creating special compensation bodies (in particular, the experience of the United Nations Compensation Commission (UNCC), 1991-2022). The future compensation mechanism should be based on the «ecosystem services approach», which will significantly increase the amount of reparations to be paid by the Russian Federation to Ukraine. To ensure legal regulation of the concept of ecosystem services, it is necessary to develop and adopt the Law of Ukraine «On Ecosystem Services» and regulations aimed at its implementation (primarily, methods of inventory and assessment of ecosystem services).

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Smith, Robert. "Of bad-seed, black-sheep and prodigal-sons". International Journal of Entrepreneurial Behavior & Research 22, nr 1 (7.03.2016): 39–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijebr-04-2014-0059.

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Purpose – In small-business-communities trust is important inter/intra family particularly in relation to familial dynamics. Seldom is mistrust or distrust examined in an academic context. In business families “Black-Sheep” often rebel against familial expectations by engaging in criminal activity. This is important because entrepreneurs are eulogised by society and as an institution, family business is venerated. The very idea that small business owners would knowingly engage in crime is anathema. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach – Using retrospective ethnography and immersion techniques this quasi-longitudinal study of (dis)organized crime in a small-business-community (SBC) starts the bridging process. Findings – There is an assumption that business crime is best accommodated under the rubric of white-collar-criminality typically regarded as an excusable middle-class crime compared to organized working-class crime. By focusing on the black-sheep of business families collectively this work illustrates how there may be a stronger link between organized-crime-groups and the local-business-community than previously assumed because a small minority of businessmen engage in the commission of ordinary crime by choice. Research/limitations/implications – The methodology used is a limitation as is replicating it in other small-business-communities. Practical/implications – This study provides an alternative heuristic through which to understand the application black-sheep-thesis in business settings. The knowledge developed has practical implications for the investigation of crime in such communities and for researchers in the field. Social/implications – This study extends knowledge of white-collar-criminality within the business domain. Originality/value – This is an original and novel study which extends our knowledge and understanding of trust based issues in business settings and the SBC.

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Pfanner, Toni. "EDITORIAL". International Review of the Red Cross 88, nr 861 (marzec 2006): 5–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383106000014.

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March 2006 has been a black month for the UN tribunal authorities in The Hague. Not only has the nationalist Serb war criminal Milan Babić committed suicide in his prison cell, but the man against whom Babić testified in 2002, Slobodan Milošević – the first head of state to be indicted for war crimes – has also died. Milošević's trial was being seen as a crucial test of international law.

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Zavadivker, Polly. "Preserving ‘Events that are Vanishing Like Smoke’: The Black Book as Community of Survivors and Writers 1943–1946". Zutot 11, nr 1 (19.11.2014): 27–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750214-12341259.

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The Black Book (in Russian, Chernaia kniga) was an encyclopedic anthology compiled between 1943 and 1946 about Nazi crimes against Jews in occupied Soviet territory. This paper argues that the people who worked together to produce the book—editors and writers mainly based in Moscow, and survivors throughout Soviet territories—inadvertently created a community through the attempt to document the catastrophe. The creation of The Black Book allowed its compilers to express a sense of communal and familial responsibility, grieve for their losses, and demonstrate as Jews their loyalty to the Soviet state that had defeated the Nazis.

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Wooten, Terrance. "“Don't Look at Me!”: Deviance and the Uncontrollable Image of Black Motherhood in Moonlight". QED: A Journal in GLBTQ Worldmaking 9, nr 1 (1.02.2022): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/qed.9.issue-1.0023.

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Abstract Contemporary movements against state-sanctioned violence have used rhetorical refrains to mark and practice dissent, as evidenced by the proliferation of “hands up, don't shoot”; “#sayhername”; and “#blacklivesmatter.” These refrains provide a specific discourse through which critiques of violence, surveillance, and economic injustice are galvanized, connecting activists and demonstrators across geospatial and temporal landscapes. Political refrains are more than just rallying cries; they also function as edicts, as commands that often disrupt the very practices they name. In this article, I argue that Barry Jenkins's use of the “Don't look at me!” refrain in Moonlight, expressed by Little/Black's mother, Paula, functions to name and obfuscate the racialized and gendered surveillance of Black deviance throughout the film. Set in the midst of the War on Drugs, culture of poverty thesis, and a post-Moynihan Report political culture that blamed the failure of the Black community on the Black matriarch, Moonlight offers an alternative reading strategy that instead of re-pathologizing Black motherhood and queer sociality actually renders visible and mutable the controlling images used to surveil and flatten Black subjectivity. Paula's “Don't look at me!” attempts to render her own body out of sight in order to ask viewers to look beyond her, to shift the pathologizing lens away from her to instead think of the various systems of power operating that inform her choices and epidermalize her body as a problem.

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Torlasco, Domietta. "The Anthropocene as Cinematic View: Time, Matter, and Race in Blade Runner 2049". Camera Obscura: Feminism, Culture, and Media Studies 37, nr 3 (1.12.2022): 87–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/02705346-10013632.

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Abstract Taking Denis Villeneuve's Blade Runner 2049 as a point of departure, this essay argues that cinema's stories of species survival at once hide and duplicate the racialization of matter that has marked the history of geology and, more recently, the discourse of the Anthropocene. In the process, what is erased is also the memory of other stories that could have been told, stories that emerge out of a history of violence against Black being—what Hortense Spillers calls “high crimes against the flesh”—and that demand a temporality and a point of view that the cinema of the Anthropocene denies them.

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Welch, Cheryl B. "Les injustices révoltantes: Gustave de Beaumont and the Pre-history of Crimes Against Humanity". Tocqueville Review 31, nr 1 (styczeń 2010): 201–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.31.1.201.

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Forty years ago, Seymour Drescher argued persuasively that Alexis de Tocqueville and Gustave de Beaumont drew throughout their public and intellectual careers on a mutual fund of research, notes, and conversations. Beyond Tocqueville’s undisputed superiority as thinker and writer, however, there remained important differences between them. If Tocqueville was the anthropologist of modem equality, Beaumont was the horrified observer of unjust inequality. His romantic and evocative style, noted Drescher, was often morally polarized: “black and white, lord and peasant, free man and slave, famine and opulence.” Moreover, Beaumont was sometimes a more faithful purveyor of facts and contemporary opinion.

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Ostrohliadov, O. I. "Determination of mercenary crimes against property in large cities of the Black Sea region (victimological aspect)". Issues of crime prevention 39 (2019): 114–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31359/2079-6242-2020-39-114.

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McTighe, Laura, i Deon Haywood. "“There Is NO Justice in Louisiana”: Crimes against Nature and the Spirit of Black Feminist Resistance". Souls 19, nr 3 (3.07.2017): 261–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10999949.2017.1389584.

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Blackmond Larnell, Twyla, Christina Campbell i Jordan Papp. "Wine, Beer, and Lotto: Black Community Mobilization Against Liquor Stores in Chicago". Journal of Black Studies 51, nr 7 (2.07.2020): 705–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934720932283.

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Many studies find a higher density of liquor stores in urban communities with predominantly Black and/or low-income residents. Although these business establishments tend to fill commercial voids in these neighborhoods, residents complain that liquor stores often provoke serious problems. Scholars support these claims with findings showing evidence of strong correlations between liquor stores and crime, domestic abuse, and substance abuse. The present study focuses on determining whether liquor store density continues to be higher in Chicago’s low-income and Black communities. The results of spatial cluster analysis and geographically-weighted regression analysis run counter to expectations with liquor stores concentrated in wealthier areas and predominantly white communities. Further analysis show that low-income and Black communities mobilized to vote for local moratoriums on the establishments. These results (a) provide evidence of civic engagement and citizen-based political mobilization in low-income and Black communities as well as (b) reinforce the idea that “place matters” with the same institutions playing drastically different roles in different communities. The inequality of spaces perpetuates a system in which the same establishments trigger varying outcomes, thus reactions, according to neighborhood attributes.

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Koronis, Epaminondas, i Stavros T. Ponis. "Introducing Corporate Reputation Continuity To Support Organizational Resilience Against Crises". Journal of Applied Business Research (JABR) 28, nr 2 (14.02.2012): 283. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/jabr.v28i2.6850.

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As Corporate Reputation (CR) evolves into an important asset for organizations, crises, disasters and other supply chain disruptive events, stand as threats to the preservation of the reputation capital since they usually result to negative projections to their audiences and to problematic evaluations by their stakeholders. Viewing CR as the accumulated trust and positive evaluations of the stakeholders, this paper proposes a conceptual and normative framework for Reputation Continuity, which enhances the ability of organizations to preserve their reputation, instead of working for its recovery in the post-crisis period. In our approach, we propose a process of maintaining trusted links, instead of restoring them and establishing a reputation resilient organization, instead of one struggling to recover from reputation losses, after the crisis has emerged. Working closely with stakeholders during the crisis, injecting a sense of normality continuity through effective leadership and mitigating image problems are seen as critical concerns, alongside a set of managerial practices to be followed. Ultimately, it is argued that, the value-based and strategically integrated view of Business Continuity must be enhanced and supported by Reputation Continuity activities.

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Vasylevich, V. V., i Yu O. Levchenko. "Prevention of smuggling of narcotic drugs, psychotropic substances, their analogues and precursors". Analytical and Comparative Jurisprudence, nr 4 (14.09.2023): 335–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2788-6018.2023.04.56.

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The article notes that the smuggling of narcotic drugs, psychotropic substances, their analogues and precursors is one of the main sources of filling the black market with drugs. Europe has become a priority market for drug manufacturers and suppliers. Ukraine occupies a certain place in their plans. It is located at the crossroads of several international drug transit routes. Therefore, the illegal circulation of narcotics at the regional, national and international levels has reached large scales, and the international criminal activity associated with it poses a threat to the security of the sovereignty of states. Part of transit drugs remains in Ukraine. This, to a certain extent, determines the fact that in recent years in Ukraine there has been a spread of drug addiction and an increase in crime related to it.Therefore, it is no coincidence that the Government has put the problem of effective countermeasures against the spread of drugs and drug-related crime in Ukraine among the most important. A particular threat to the country is illegal activities related to the sale of opium, heroin, cocaine, and synthetic narcotic drugs that illegally cross the territory of Ukraine. The state is actively working to identify and arrest smugglers who try to illegally transport drugs through its territory.The article notes that the considered problem is complex and requires joint efforts of the government, law enforcement agencies, public organizations and the whole society. Implementation of effective strategies and programs aimed at preventing smuggling and reducing the spread of drugs will be an important step towards ensuring the security and well-being of the country.In general, the article highlights the seriousness of the problem of drug smuggling and shows the presence of real threats to Ukraine, calling for active measures to combat the illegal circulation of narcotic substances on the territory of the country.Undoubtedly, the success of the fight against crimes related to drug trafficking, including smuggling, depends on the compliance of the current legislation with modern realities and its effectiveness in judicial practice.

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Horiunova, Yе. "Configuration of forces in the Black Sea after Russian annexation of Crimea". National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, nr 1(49) (8.06.2021): 55–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2021.1(49).232979.

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The article analyzes the new configuration in the Black Sea after Russian annexation of Crimea. The Black Sea has an important role for Russia to promote its interests in the southern direction. Crimea in this strategy has the role of an important bridgehead. The peninsula has modern coastal and air defense systems that cover the skies over the Crimea and control the airspace of Eastern European countries. The deployment of nuclear weapons in Crimea threatens almost all of Europe. Russia uses factories of the occupied peninsula to build new ships for the Black Sea Fleet. Russia is using the energy factor in the region to attract NATO members to Bulgaria and Turkey. Bulgaria is taking a cautious ambivalent stance, while Turkey is playing its own game with Russia, raising its status in the region. Western analysts’ skepticism about the strategic importance of the Black Sea and the fragmentation of the region make it difficult to formulate a joint NATO strategy to counter Russia. Therefore, the main actions of the Alliance in the region remain the visits of warships, joint exercises and reconnaissance flights, the number of which in 2020 increased by 40%. But this is not enough to curb Russia’s aggressive policy. Therefore, NATO needs to increase its presence in the Black Sea by expanding the format of joint action and intensifying cooperation with partners Ukraine and Georgia. The normalization of US-Turkish relations should play a significant role in the security of the region. Tightening sanctions against the Kremlin and restricting energy cooperation should be an important tool to deter Russia from the collective West.

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Williams, Joseph M. "Moving from Words to Action: Reflections of a First Year Counselor Educator for Social Justice". Journal for Social Action in Counseling & Psychology 5, nr 1 (1.04.2013): 79–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/jsacp.5.1.79-87.

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This article provides a personal narrative of my experience as a first year counselor educator organizing and facilitating a public panel discussion held at George Mason University in response to the murder of Trayvon Martin. The panel discussion provided an opportunity for open, honest, and constructive dialogue among students, faculty, staff, and community members on such topics as individual and institutional racism, stereotypes of Black masculinity, gun control laws, hate crimes against young Black men, the myth of a post-racial United States, and what we can do as citizens to prevent such tragedies in the future. I will also discuss the lessons learned, not only about organizing a public forum, but about taking the initiative.

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Kurbak, Maria. "Madness of the Society and Madness of the Writer: Wopko Jensma and the Politics of Apartheid". ISTORIYA 13, nr 3 (113) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840020554-8.

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This article focuses on the biography and works of South-African poet, writer and artist Wopko Jensma. He was often referred to as “the first South-African”, implying that he, like no other, was able to merge his own culture — that of Afrikaaners — with mythology, music and languages of black and coloured population of the SAR. His works had been exhibited in the USA and Europe and had been forbidden in his homeland as the consequence of his criticism of Apartheid. Jensma, like no other South-African poet, exploited the theme of loneliness, alienation and restlessness. He was not able to close his eyes on the crimes committed by his nation and unable to demonstrate ignorance towards the suppressed groups of people. This feeling of frustration had been growing and, combined with anxiety and helplessness, at the end brought him to schizophrenia. This article concentrates on the analysis of the challenging creative track pursued by Jensma against the background of historical events of Apartheid period. It demonstrates the way how aggressive politics of the State leads to the development of “sick” society, increasing aggression, disintegration, emergence of “double-thinking”, a maddening feeling of being involved in crime. It clearly gives birth to the trauma, which is extremely difficult to overcome, even for the entire generation — and sometimes even impossible to overcome.

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Mashevskyi, Oleh, i Maksym Pryhoniuk. "THE PROBLEM OF THE DE-OCCUPATION OF CRIMEA IN TURKISH-UKRAINIAN RELATIONS DURING THE ARMED AGGRESSION OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AGAINST UKRAINE (2014–2023)". European Historical Studies, nr 26 (2023): 64–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2023.26.5.

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The relevance of the research topic is determined by the crucial role of the Republic of Turkey concerning the de-occupation of Crimea and the support of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine in general. At the scientific level, a coherent and comprehensive study of this important problem has not yet been published. Before the annexation of Ukrainian Crimea by Russia in 2014, one of the significant areas of cooperation between Turkey and Ukraine was their joint efforts to support the Crimean Tatar people, who were returning to Crimea after harrowing deportation by the Soviet regime to Central Asia in 1944. During that time, several joint Ukrainian-Turkish projects were implemented in Crimea, particularly in the economic and cultural spheres, aimed at the rehabilitated Crimean Tatar population. These projects included the construction of schools with Crimean Tatar language instruction, the launch of periodicals in the Crimean Tatar language, economic development, local infrastructure improvement, property acquisitions for representatives of the Crimean Tatar ethnic group, and more. After the criminal annexation of Ukrainian Crimea by Russia in February-March 2014, the Republic of Turkey unequivocally expressed its support for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. This support was particularly evident during discussions and voting at the United Nations, as well as in meetings between the two countries’ presidents and at forums like the “Crimean Platform,” which has been held since 2021, etc. Turkey is making significant efforts to protect the rights and freedoms of the fraternal Crimean Tatar people, who were among the first victims of Russia’s criminal repressive machinery. For instance, Ankara has facilitated the release of some political prisoners of Crimean Tatar ethnicity and has assisted in the resettlement and support of Crimean Tatars who were forced to temporarily move to the mainland of Ukraine. Crimea holds a foremost place in Turkey’s security concept in the Black Sea region. Despite Turkey not fully aligning with anti-Russian sanctions, even after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, and even offering shelter to Russian businesses seeking to evade Western sanctions, its position on Crimea has consistently been unequivocal. Considering Russia as its main geopolitical rival in the Black Sea, Ankara is unquestionably interested in seeing the return of this strategically important peninsula to Ukraine. There is no doubt about this, the Turkish side will actively participate in the post-war reconstruction of Ukraine, primarily Crimea, as an integral part of Ukraine. Turkish officials have been emphasizing this repeatedly.

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Faber, Jacob William, i Jessica Rose Kalbfeld. "Complaining While Black: Racial Disparities in the Adjudication of Complaints against the Police". City & Community 18, nr 3 (wrzesień 2019): 1028–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/cico.12388.

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Reports of citizen complaints of police misconduct often note that officers are rarely disciplined for alleged misconduct. The perception of little officer accountability contributes to widespread distrust of law enforcement in communities of color. This project investigates how race and segregation shape the outcomes of allegations made against the Chicago Police Department (CPD) between 2011 and 2014. We find that complaints by black and Latino citizens and against white officers are less likely to be sustained. We show neighborhood context interacts with complainant characteristics: Incidents alleged by white citizens in high–crime and predominantly black neighborhoods are more likely to be sustained. These findings provide context for understanding tensions between communities of color and the CPD. These results are consistent with theories that individual and institutional actors prioritize white victimhood and reflect the neighborhood effects literature stressing the interaction between individual and contextual factors in shaping outcomes.

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Tkachuk, Andriy. "The security dimension of Ukrainian-Russian relations around Crimea in the political activity of the People’s Movement of Ukraine in 1991–2008th." Науково-теоретичний альманах "Грані" 22, nr 2 (22.04.2019): 59–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/171923.

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In this general article withsecurity dimension of Ukrainian-Russian relations around Crimea in the political activity of the People’s Movement of Ukraineis discussed. The key political statements of the PMU concerning the Crimea and Sevastopol military base of the Black Sea Fleet of the Russian Federation were investigated. An assessment of the position of political force on Russian policy in the Crimea is given. It was found out that in their activity, the members of the PMU paid constant attention to the lack of a clear state policy of the Ukrainian authorities regarding the Crimea and the military contingent located on the peninsula of the Russian Federation. In most cases, the PMU pointed out that the lack of well thought-out Ukrainian policy in the Crimea along with the activity of Russia itself is a catalyst for destabilizing events on the peninsula. Particular attention of the «Rukhvtsy» paid attention to the activity of various cultural and educational groups in the Crimea, which were completely loyal to Russia. In addition, the special emphasis in the article is made in the position of the PMU on the base of the Black Sea Fleet of the Russian Federation. It was found out that in the vision of political power, the presence of the Black Sea Fleet of Russia in the Crimea was destabilizing not only on the socio-political situation in the Crimea, but also throughout the territory of Ukraine. At the same time, «Rukhvtsy» indicated that the lack of well-thought Ukrainian policy in bilateral relations around Crimea could further develop into a full-scale conflict. The main proposals of the PMU concerning the possible regulation of tension in bilateral relations are outlined. It is concluded that in 1991–2008 the People’s Movement of Ukraine as a political force was clearly aware of the hidden threats to national security contained in the Ukrainian-Russian relations around Crimea. At the same time, in spite of numerous political statements and appeals to the top government of the state, the proposals voiced by the PMU did not take into account in any way that in the future they became a catalyst for the beginning of Russian open aggression against Ukraine.

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Gross, Neil, i Marcus Mann. "Is There a “Ferguson Effect?” Google Searches, Concern about Police Violence, and Crime in U.S. Cities, 2014–2016". Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World 3 (1.01.2017): 237802311770312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2378023117703122.

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Between 2014 and 2016, the rate of homicide and other violent crime in the United States rose. One hypothesis discussed in the press and by some social scientists is that this increase was tied to political mobilization against police violence: As the Black Lives Matter movement gained support following protests in Ferguson, Missouri, perhaps police officers, worried about the new public mood, scaled back their law enforcement efforts, with crime as a consequence. In this article, we examine the association between public concern over police violence and crime rates using Google search measures to estimate the former. Analyzing data on 43 large U.S. cities, we find that violent crime was higher and rose more in cities where concern about police violence was greatest. We also find that measures of social inequality predict crime rates. We conclude by discussing the implications for future research on the “Ferguson effect” and beyond.

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Hastings, Rachel N. "“Black Human” and “Remember”". Departures in Critical Qualitative Research 7, nr 4 (2018): 163–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/dcqr.2018.7.4.163.

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The MenStroll Cycles is a dramatic poemplay examining the sociopolitical state of Black men in America. Written, produced, and curated by Rachel N. Hastings, The MenStroll Cycles uses literary, performance, and digital art to interrogate antiBlack social conditions and to educate audiences about the historical and cultural cycles leading to criminalization. As a fast-paced, rhythmic journey through Black intelligencia, Hastings's performance is inspired by the deaths of Trayvon Martin and Michael Brown, and movements like Black Lives Matter, which highlight a pattern of racial crises emerging around issues of police and community relations, institutional and systemic exclusion, and the disproportionate number of Black men in prison. Rarely are Black men and women represented as allies against a common foe. Hastings counters the notion that Black people cannot advocate and critique one another, while offering a critical Blackademik narrative about the use of performance as an artistic act of political resistance.

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Ciric, Jovan. "Hate crimes: American and Balkan experience". Temida 14, nr 4 (2011): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/tem1104021c.

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In the nineties of the last century it was noticed in the U.S.A. that suddenly the number of crimes with violence in the inter-racial and inter-ethnical conflicts rose. Also the phenomenon of ignition of churches, religious and sacral objects, especially in the south of the U.S.A., objects which were used by black people, was recorded. Directly in relation to that - the term ?hate crimes? then arose in science and became outspread very quickly, primarily in criminology. Several events, and above all the murder of a young homosexual in Wyoming influenced for both the violence and the crimes commited towards the homosexuals and all due to the prejudices towards this sexual minority to be included in this term. Today, this term is used not only in the U.S.A. and not only in a criminological sense, but also in a purely legal sense to denote the crimes which were carried out under the influence of hate towards a correspondent racial, ethnical or sexual minority. This term is linked also to the terminology and thus the problems which are related to the ?hate speech?. The author of this paper writes about how this term arose in the first place and which problems emerge related to hate crimes and primarily in relation to the issues of expansion of democracy and tolerance, and also education, primarily among the police force and the young population. The author also ascertains that only with the law, no great effects in the battle against this phenomenon can be achieved and that before the criminal-legal intervention some other measures have to be approached, like the creation of an atmosphere of tolerance and the education of the citizens about the phenomenon of hate crimes.

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Winters, Joseph. "Recovering the Irrecoverable: Blackness, Melancholy, and Duplicities That Bind". Religions 12, nr 4 (16.04.2021): 276. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12040276.

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In this article, I critically engage Stephen Best’s provocative text, None Like Us. The article agrees with Best’s general concerns regarding longings for a unified black community or a We before the collective crime of slavery. Yet I contend that melancholy, which Best associates with black studies’ desire to recover a lost object, can be read in a different direction, one that includes both attachment and wound, investment and dissolution. To think with and against Best, I examine Spike Lee’s School Daze in conversation with Freud, Benjamin, and Morrison.

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