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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Blacks – crimes against"
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Radelet, Michael L. "Executions of Whites for Crimes Against Blacks: Exceptions to the Rule?" Sociological Quarterly 30, nr 4 (1.12.1989): 529–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1533-8525.1989.tb01533.x.
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Bianchi, Emily C., Erika V. Hall i Sarah Lee. "Reexamining the Link Between Economic Downturns and Racial Antipathy: Evidence That Prejudice Against Blacks Rises During Recessions". Psychological Science 29, nr 10 (16.07.2018): 1584–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0956797618777214.
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Scholars have long argued that economic downturns intensify racial discord. However, empirical support for this relationship has been mixed, with most recent studies finding no evidence that downturns provoke greater racial animosity. Yet most past research has focused on hate crimes, a particularly violent and relatively infrequent manifestation of racial antipathy. In this article, we reexamine the relationship between economic downturns and racial acrimony using more subtle indicators of racial animosity. We found that during economic downturns, Whites felt less warmly about Blacks (Studies 1 and 2), held more negative explicit and implicit attitudes about Blacks, were more likely to condone the use of stereotypes, and were more willing to regard inequality between groups as natural and acceptable (Study 2). Moreover, during downturns, Black musicians (Study 3) and Black politicians (Study 4) were less likely to secure a musical hit or win a congressional election.
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Daramola, Ayodeji, i Gbolahan S. Osho. "The Relevance of the Social Control Theory in Explaining Crime among African American Families". Journal of Sociological Research 8, nr 1 (7.04.2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jsr.v8i1.10729.
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Today, criminologists, especially, Black criminologists, are thoroughly perplexed by the same problem of disproportionate minority confinement (DMC) most especially of Blacks in both the juvenile and criminal justice systems. Are African Americans more criminally minded than other races or ethnic groups? Do African Americans actually commit more crimes than others? These are the questions that the different deviant theories have tried to answer. The concept of social bonding arose from social control theory, which suggests that attachment to family and school, commitment to conventional pathways of achievements and beliefs in the legitimacy of social order are primary and important elements of establishing a social bond (Hirschi, 1969). In expounding his social control theory, Hirschi listed the elements of the bond as attachment, commitment, involvement, and belief. Does it mean that African Americans commit more crimes than other racial and ethnic groups? Or are African Americans genetically wired to be criminogenic? Is the society or the environment to blame for the perceived higher rate of crime among African Americans? Or are the criminal justice system, the judicial system, and the juvenile justice system, all together racially biased against Blacks, especially, Black males? Even though Hirschi (1969) did not mention attachment to religious beliefs as part of social control, but for the African American families, the church could play a significant role in helping to cement the bond of adolescents to their families. Any study of the African American family is not complete without the church. According to Work (1900), in all social study of the Negro, the church must be considered, for it is one of the greatest factors in his social life.
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Paul Marie, MANKOU, i N’ZAMBI-MIKOULOU Donald. "BLACK AMERICANS’ VIOLENT STRUGGLE AGAINST RACISM IN THE UNITED STATES: A SCRUTINY OF STEPHEN COONTS’S UNDER SIEGE". International Journal of Language, Linguistics, Literature, and Culture 03, nr 02 (2024): 68–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.59009/ijlllc.2024.0064.
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The examination of Stephen Coonts’s Under Siege has enabled us to discover that Aldana and his black fellows are the first characters who organize a violent struggle against racism in the United States in order to achieve their civil rights denied to them for years by their white counterparts because of their black skin color. They, for example, start bombing on Whites’ stores and killing even white American authorities who refuse to see them as full American citizens. Unfortunately, this violence which gives to the author’s text the form of a historical book does not provide them with their needs. For, many of them are caught, punished, and killed under the white American authorities’ order. Such is the case of Aldana who is persecuted several times and tortured mercilessly by Whites for his committed crimes as a way for the latter to give a lesson to all Blacks in case of disobedience. This black character’s violence which also results in the spread of drug in all the spheres of the United States urges white American authorities to fight against drug business in this powerful nation.
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Al-khazaali, Mahmood Hasan Zaghair. "The Revenge of Conscience in John Grisham's A Time to Kill". Al-Adab Journal 1, nr 141 (15.06.2022): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31973/aj.v1i141.3692.
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This research paper presents the main theme of the revenge of conscience in John Grisham’s A Time to Kill (1989) is connected with the law especially when the law is misused by statesmen according to many causes such as an identity problem, judicial, racism, and black people oppression in the American community. The aim of the study is too dependent upon the psychology field according to Freud's personality psychoanalytic theory (1923). The protagonist of the novel who is Carl Lee Hailey (Samuel L. Jackson), decides to take his own right after the law fails to convict the two murderers (Cobb and Willard ) who raped his ten-year-old daughter Tonya Hailey and left her on the brink of death. For this reason, Carl lee decides to take the way of revenge against the two white men for his daughter and racist bigotry spread against every black man at a time when the south of the USA considered blacks as second-class citizens which leads to the psychological struggle in Carl lee Hailey's mind and leads him to take his own right by the revenge of conscientious for the two crimes: raping his daughter and racial oppression.
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Sherman, Lawrence W., i Sumit Kumar. "Equal Protection by Race with Stop and Frisk: a Risk-Adjusted Disparity (RAD) Index for Balanced Policing". Cambridge Journal of Evidence-Based Policing 5, nr 1-2 (czerwiec 2021): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s41887-021-00065-4.
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Abstract Research Question Can racial equity in crime and policing be measured with the use of a Risk-Adjusted Disparity (RAD) Index of the degree to which policing across racial categories is “balanced” in its ratios of preventive police actions per 100 serious crimes committed against members of each racial category? Data Office of National Statistics (ONS) reports on crime and policing in England and Wales, and Dorset Police data on violent crime victimization and stop-search by race of suspect across the 452 Lower-Layer Super-Output Levels in Dorset. Methods We conceptualize the problem of equal protection under law as fundamentally protecting the lives and liberties of each citizen from criminal harms, as well as from disproportionately intrusive policing. We combine these dimensions into a single metric that defines proportionality of policing in relation to risk of violent crime victimization, such that whatever intrusion on liberty is applied for the aim of protection can be equalized across racial groups. Findings The use of a Risk-Adjusted Disparity (RAD) Index to measure reliably the equality of police intrusions across racial groups based on victimization rates can be illustrated by adjusting for homicide. In the past decade, the population-based disparity rate shows that Blacks are stopped by police nine times more often than whites. When that rate is adjusted for the differential risk of homicide in the two groups, the disparity estimate drops from 800% to 58%. Other changes of major magnitude result from using the RAD Index. Conclusions We conclude that an index of proactive policing using victimizations by race is more likely to lead to equal protection of law than a residential population-based metric of proactive police actions, as is commonly used in official reporting. A victim-based, Risk-Adjusted (RAD) Index for measuring racial disparity might focus police efforts on the 5% of local areas where serious violence is concentrated, and deflect stops away from the vast majority of areas that have little serious crime.
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McDougall, E. A. "Setting the Story Straight: Louis Hunkanrin and Un forfait colonial". History in Africa 16 (1989): 285–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171788.
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In Paris 1931, the Ligue des Droits de l'Homme published the pamphlet, Un forfait colonial: l'esclavage en Mauritanie. Its author was a man best known in the context of radical Dahomean politics, Louis Hunkanrin, who had cause to know Mauritania better than he would have liked during ten years spent there in political exile. This exposé of slavery in Mauritania is a curious concoction -- general information damning the morals, values and work ethic of Moorish society; selected cases of injustice drawn from his personal experience; a lengthy report by a medical official despairing of Mauritania's poor food production and its relation to the slave situation; an eloquent letter to the Governor of Mauritania presenting a defense of his own actions; brutal attacks on particular French administrators; all with a large dose of French patriotism liberally sprinkled throughout. As stated in his preface, Hunkanrin's aim in exposing the crimes committed against the blacks in Mauritania was none other than “to illuminate the true face of France in this territory where the French flag flies—emblem of peace, liberty, and justice: the France of the Rights of Man, maternal France, good, generous and just,… It is well understood that I am only concerned to serve the interests of France and humanity.”
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Stinson, Philip Matthew, Chloe Ann Wentzlof, John Liederbach i Steven L. Brewer. "Racial Disparities in Police Crime Victimization". Social Sciences 10, nr 8 (28.07.2021): 287. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10080287.
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Policing has become a topic of intense public scrutiny and protest in the aftermath of several recent highly questionable and violent police–citizen encounters including the acts of police violence against George Floyd in Minneapolis (MN), Breonna Taylor in Louisville (KY), and Jacob Blake in Kenosha (WI). These encounters have led to large-scale street protests, the legitimization of the Black Lives Matter movement, and what many commentators perceive as a “national reckoning” on the issue of racial justice. The focus of our research is on police crime—a particular form of police misconduct that involves the criminal arrest of police officers. Our work is designed to identify cases in which law enforcement officers have been arrested for any type of criminal offense(s). One area of police scholarship that has thus far been neglected is the relationship between citizen race and the perpetration of police crime. We are aware of no existing empirical studies on whether, and if so, to what degree, citizen race is associated with crimes committed by police officers. The public has been forced to re-examine and question the role and legitimacy of police against the backdrop of protests and concerns about how police may contribute to racial injustice and discrimination. The broadest research issue involved an examination of the association between police crime and the race of the victim. Our goal was to identify and examine any racial disparities of police crime overall and within specific types of police crime. The analyses compared police crimes committed against Black victims to all other police crimes identified within the dataset. More specifically, we examined the degree to which police crimes perpetrated against Black victims tend to be more violent than those perpetrated against non-Black victims. CHAID regression models were utilized to explore any multivariate relationships between race and police crime. Data were derived from published news articles using the Google News search engine and its Google Alerts email update service. Our database currently includes information on more than 18,700 cases of police crime from years 2005–2021. The study utilized data derived from this larger project. The study examined those cases of police crime in which we have identified a victim and recorded information on the race of the victim. The dataset for this study includes information on 865 criminal arrest cases of sworn nonfederal law enforcement officers within the United States from 2005 through 2014.
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Naidoo, Kamban. "The Shaping, Enactment and Interpretation of the First Hate-Crime Law in the United Kingdom - An Informative and Illustrative Lesson for South Africa". Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 20 (9.10.2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2017/v20i0a1356.
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Hate crimes are crimes that are motivated by personal prejudice or bias. Hate-crime laws criminalise such conduct and allow for the imposition of aggravated penalties on convicted perpetrators. This article examines the historical, social and political factors which influenced the shaping and enactment of the first British hate-crime law. The South African context is also considered since the Department of Justice has recently released the Prevention and Combatting of Hate Crimes and Hate Speech Bill for public commentary and input.While Britain has had a long historical record of criminal conduct that was motivated by the race and the ethnicity of victims, it was only in the twentieth century that civil society first drew attention to the problem of violent racist crimes. Nevertheless, successive British governments denied the problem of racist crimes and refused to consider the enactment of a hate-crime law. Following a high-profile racist murder and a governmental inquiry, a British Labour Party-led government eventually honoured its pre-election commitment and passed a hate-crime law in 1998.Some parallels are apparent between the British and the South African contexts. South Africa also has a long historical record of racially motivated hate crimes. Moreover, in the post-apartheid era there have been numerous reports of racist hate crimes and hate crimes against Black lesbian women and Black foreigners. Despite several appeals from the academic and non-governmental sectors for the enactment of a hate-crime law, and the circulation for public commentary of the Prevention and Combating of Hate Crimes and Hate Speech Bill, such a law has hitherto not been enacted in South Africa. This article posits that the enactment of a hate-crime law is a constitutional imperative in South Africa in terms of the right to equality and the right to freedom and security of the person. While the enactment of a hate-crime law in South Africa is recommended, it is conceded that enacting a hate-crime law will not eradicate criminal conduct motivated by prejudice and bias.
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Pezzella, Frank S., i Matthew D. Fetzer. "The Likelihood of Injury Among Bias Crimes". Journal of Interpersonal Violence 32, nr 5 (29.09.2016): 703–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260515586374.
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In 2009, President Barack Obama signed the Mathew Sheppard and James Byrd Jr. Hate Crimes Protection act and thereby extended the list of previously protected classes of victims from actual or perceived race, color, religion, national origin, disability and sex orientation to gender and gender identity. Over 45 states, the District of Columbia and the federal government now include hate crime statutes that increase penalties when offenders perpetrate hate crimes against protected classes of victims. Penalty enhancement statutes sanction unlawful bias conduct arguably because they result in more severe injuries relative to non-bias conduct. We contend that physical injuries vary by bias type and are not equally injurious. Data on bias crimes was analyzed from the National Incident Based Reporting System. Descriptive patterns of bias crimes were identified by offense type, bias motivation and major and minor injuries. Using Multivariate analyses, we found an escalating trend of violence against racial minorities. Moreover, relative to non-bias crimes, only anti-White and anti-lesbian bias crimes experienced our two prong “animus” criteria of disproportionate prevalence and severity of injury. However, when compared to anti-White bias, anti-Black bias crimes were more prevalent and likely to suffer serious injuries. Implications for hate crime jurisprudence are discussed.
Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Blacks – crimes against"
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Edwards, Aubrey. "Swamp Surburbia and Rebellion Against a Culture of Crime: The Birth Of Black Skateboarding in the Big Easy". ScholarWorks@UNO, 2015. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1968.
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This research addresses a significant gap in previous work on the formation of urban and suburban black skateboarding subcultures. By using data generated through oral histories, photographs, mapping, and literature review, this study explores why black youth initially began skateboarding in New Orleans in the mid-2000s. In contrast to the scholarly literature and local popular perception, this visual anthropological study aims to provide an alternative origin story of black skateboarding in Post-Katrina New Orleans, and to examine the continuing popularity of the sport within the young black community.
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Kumler, Donna J. ""They Have Gone From Sherman": The Courthouse Riot of 1930 and Its Impact on the Black Professional Class". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277801/.
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This study describes the development of the black business and professional community with emphasis on the period from 1920 to 1930, the riot itself, and the impact of the episode on the local black community. It utilizes traditional historical research methods, county records, contemporary newspapers, and oral history.
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Santos, Selma da Silva. "Mulheres negras nas comarcas sergipanas (1888-1940) : gênero, “raça” e classe". Pós-Graduação em História, 2018. http://ri.ufs.br/jspui/handle/riufs/10621.
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In Sergipe, when the birth of the republic and its process impacted social relations, the economic scenario previously centered on slave labor turned to wage labor, also due to the decadence of the Sergipe sugar cane culture, together with the end of the slave system. Sugar as the flagship of the Sergipe economy impacted on inner cities such as Laranjeiras and Maruim, which together with Aracaju stood out in the economic, political and cultural scenario. In the midst of these transformations the population also changed its daily life, the city was modernized, urbanization of streets, industries became more present in the state, especially the textile factories, which impacted the way of life of people who saw in these changes opportunities a better life in other cities. The migration of people between cities reflected in demographic censuses showing continued population growth. The women were absorbed by the factories, who in search of cheap labor saw in these subjects a very profitable productive force, and in domestic work, however, they were low-paid and unqualified jobs. Women entered public spaces and places previously occupied mostly by men. It is in this scenario of changes that the present research intends to reveal the life of the black and poor women of the sergipan comarcas. From the criminal processes of the cases of defloramento, we present the daily life of these women in the moment that they activated the justice to defend their honor or of a familiar entity. The crimes as a historical source provide us with information for this work, delimited within the time frame from 1888 to the 1940s, occurring in the cities of Laranjeiras, Maruim and Aracaju, municipalities and capital of Sergipe respectively. From a descriptive and analytical approach, the data were collected specially in the testimonies and in the body of crime, analyzed qualitatively and quantitatively and with the use of tables, in order to draw a profile of the social subjects of this study. The present research also seeks to corroborate with the field of social history raising evidence of the autonomy of black women and their ways of life, even the society imposing a subalternized and objective social role, making their protagonism invisible.Em Sergipe, o nascer da república e o seu processo impactaram as relações sociais, o cenário econômico enfraquecido, antes centrado na mão-de-obra escrava, se voltava para o trabalho assalariado, decorrência da decadência da cultura canavieira sergipana em conjunto com o fim do sistema escravista. O açúcar enquanto carro chefe da economia sergipana impactava cidades interioranas como Laranjeiras e Maruim, que juntamente com Aracaju se destacavam no cenário econômico, político e cultural. No meio dessas transformações a população também mudava o seu cotidiano, a cidade se modernizava, urbanização de ruas, as indústrias se faziam mais presentes no estado, principalmente as fábricas têxteis, o que impactou o modo de viver das pessoas que viram nessas mudanças oportunidades de uma vida melhor em outras cidades. A migração de pessoas entre as cidades refletiu nos censos demográficos apresentando crescimento contínuo da população. As mulheres foram absorvidas pelas fábricas, que em busca de mão-de-obra barata via nesses sujeitos uma força produtiva muito lucrativa, e no trabalho doméstico, mal remunerado e sem qualificação profissional. As mulheres adentraram em espaços públicos e em lugares antes ocupados em sua maioria por homens. É neste cenário de mudanças que a presente pesquisa pretende descortinar a vida das mulheres negras e pobres das comarcas sergipanas. A partir dos processos crimes dos casos de defloramento, vamos apresentando o cotidiano dessas mulheres no momento que acionavam a justiça para defenderem sua honra ou de um ente familiar. Os processos crimes ocorridos nas cidades de Laranjeiras, Maruim e Aracaju, municípios e capital de Sergipe respectivamente, enquanto fonte histórica nos forneceinformações para este trabalhodelimitado dentro do marco temporal de 1888 até a década de 1940. A partir de uma abordagem descritiva e analítica, os dados foram colhidos especialmente nos testemunhos e no corpo de delito, analisados de forma qualitativamente e quantitativamente e com uso de tabelas, para assim traçar um perfil dos sujeitos sociais deste estudo. A presente pesquisa também busca corroborar com o campo da História social levantando indícios de autonomia das mulheres negras e seus modos de vida, mesmo a sociedade impondo um papel social subalternizado e objetivado, invisibilizando seu protagonismo.
São Cristóvão, SE
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Mays, Nicholas S. "`WHAT WE GOT TO SAY:’ RAP AND HIP HOP’S SOCIAL MOVEMENT AGAINST THE CARCERAL STATE & CRIME POLITICS IN THE AGE OF RONALD REAGAN’S WAR ON DRUGS". Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1627656723125548.
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Berrey, Stephen Andrew. "Against the law: violence, crime, state repression, and black resistance in Jim Crow Mississippi". Thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/2462.
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Mabena, Lindiwe. "Exploration of factors contributing to abuse in black South African women". Diss., 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/657.
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Wilkinson, Katheryn Lynn. "Stories of survival in the wake of violence and abuse on the Cape Flats". Diss., 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/765.
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The Cape Flats is characterised by widespread poverty, unemployment and frequent incidents of domestic and gang related violence. The presence of gangs in and around many of the schools in this area poses a serious problem for the community and the Western Cape Education Department. Schools are disrupted, while principals, teachers and learners are in constant fear and danger of gangsters' bullets. Families in
these communities are exposed to chronic traumatisation from both gang and domestic violence. This qualitative study was concerned with exploring a narrative pastoral therapy approach to trauma counselling
in schools. It focused specifically on crisis counselling as well as counselling with regard to loss and abuse.
Informed by contextual and feminist theology, an action research model was used in this study. I documented my own developing practice by telling the stories of adults and children struggling against the trauma threatening to overwhelm their lives.Practical Theology
M. Th. (Practical Theology -Pastoral Therapy)
Książki na temat "Blacks – crimes against"
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McLagan, Graeme. Guns and gangs: Inside Black gun crime. London: Allison & Busby, 2005.
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Neate, Patrick. Culture is our weapon: Making music and changing lives in Rio de Janeiro. New York: Penguin Books, 2010.
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Neate, Patrick. Culture is our weapon: Making music and changing lives in Rio de Janeiro. New York: Penguin Books, 2010.
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The case of Stephen Lawrence. London, England ; New York, N.Y: Viking, 1999.
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Neate, Patrick. Culture is our weapon: Making music and changing lives in Rio de Janeiro. New York: Penguin Books, 2010.
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Neate, Patrick. Culture is our weapon: Making music and changing lives in Rio de Janeiro. New York: Penguin Books, 2010.
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Neate, Patrick. Culture is our weapon: AfroReggae in the favelas of Rio. London: Latin America Bureau, 2006.
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Ray, Kedia P., red. Black on Black crime: Facing facts, challenging fictions. Bristol, IN: Wyndham Hall Pr., 1994.
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Whitaker, Catherine J. Black victims. Washington, D.C.]: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1990.
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Whitaker, Catherine J. Black victims. [Washington, D.C.]: U.S. Dept. of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1990.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródłaCzęści książek na temat "Blacks – crimes against"
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Christofoletti, Rodrigo, i Vitória dos Santos Acerbi. "“Blitzkrieg Against Black Magic”". W Crime and Art, 153–72. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-84856-9_10.
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Abello-Hurtado, Maria Ximena. "Black Girls' Adultification in South America as a Contemporary Case of Crimes Against Humanity". W The Routledge Companion to Girls' Studies, 335–49. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780367821890-32.
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Porter, Amanda, i Conor Hannan. "‘Hero Cop’ Versus ‘Unwanted Son’: Criminal Prosecutions Against White Police Officers in Relation to Black Deaths in Custody and the Australian Mainstream Media". W Palgrave Studies in Crime, Media and Culture, 79–103. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37879-9_5.
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Patrick, Stephanie, i Mythili Rajiva. "Introduction". W The Forgotten Victims of Sexual Violence in Film, Television and New Media, 1–23. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-95935-7_1.
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Abstract#MeToo is a contemporary global feminist movement against sexual violence and rape culture, including media representations that normalize gendered violence. But #MeToo has also re-centered white, western, middle-class, heteronormative, and able-bodied women. This collection explores who is left out of mainstream media stories of sexual violence, critiquing feminist media studies work that ignores black feminist and intersectional scholarship. Topics include 1990s filmic representations of white working-class girls; the disposability of televisual sex workers; the fetishizing and/or disappearing of racialized characters in order to center white heroism and/or heteronormativity; the explicit construction of fat women as impossible victims; and rape-revenge films in Japanese cinema. Finally, outside traditional media, topics include Canadian true crime podcasts on Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women; problematic tropes on reality television; the coding of sexual violence in digital assistants; and the subversive potential of stand-up comedy shows that center the experiences of rape victims.
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Grenard, Fabrice. "‘The Black Market Is a Crime Against Community’: The Failure of the Vichy Government to Bring About an Egalitarian System of Distribution and the Growth of the Black Market in France During the German Occupation (1940–1944)". W Coping with Hunger and Shortage under German Occupation in World War II, 83–97. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-77467-1_5.
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Benedict, Helen. "Conclusion: How the Press Should Cover Sex Crimes". W Virgin Or Vamp, 251–66. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195066807.003.0008.
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Abstract During the 1980s and 1990s, the quality of sex crime coverage has been steadily declining. The press still prefers crimes against white victims while ignoring those against blacks, and although it focuses less exclusively on black-against-white rapes than it did in earlier decades, it still covers those cases with exaggerated frequency, class prejudice, and racist stereotypes, as the coverage of the Central Park jogger case demonstrated. Furthermore, the swing of sympathy away from victims in recent years has been noticeable enough to result in several organized protests and publications. Many of the 1970s rape crisis centers and training programs for police and doctors have shut down; the rape crisis centers that still exist are struggling to stay afloat, having lost their previous funding from state and city interests; and the influential National Center for the Prevention and Control of Rape, which funded many valuable studies on the subject, has been whittled down and absorbed into its parent, the National Institute of Mental Health. All in all, rape as a societal problem has lost interest for the public and the press, and the press is reverting to its pre 1970 focus on sex crimes as individual, bizarre, or sensational case histories witness the furor over the celebrity rape case against William Kennedy Smith. Along with that loss of interest has come a loss of understanding.
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Skolnick, Jerome H. "American Interrogation". W Torture A Collection, 105–28. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195172898.003.0006.
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Abstract Citizens of the United States do not usually consider torture to be a feature of the nation’s heritage. But it is there, hidden by other labels. Slaves were whipped as punishment for offenses, real or imaginary. After the Civil War and into the 1930s, the public torments of Southern “lynchings” were inflicted on black men in the interests of upholding a racist social order. And when “Negroes” were arrested they were “frequently beaten in the wagon on the way to jail or later when they are already safely locked up.” Whether the rhetorically powerful word “torture” should be applied to instances of painful abuse permitted on the basis of a caste status is open to question. The horror of the institution of slavery is that slaves no have lawful claim against the brutal punishments or sexual crimes of their owners. And, as I will discuss later, in the case of Brown v. Mississippi (and other famous southern cases of that era, such as Screws v. U.S.), neither did Southern blacks in the first half of the twentieth century have legal redress for the crimes committed against them by police.
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Lowery, Malinda Maynor. "They Can Kill Me, but They Can’t Eat Me". W The Lumbee Indians, 165–98. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469646374.003.0007.
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In the 1980s, some Indians in Robeson County began to fill the economic gap by participating in the black-market economy with illegal drugs. Death and injustice followed: Indians were arrested for violent and drug crimes at disproportionate levels compared to whites and blacks, in part because Lumbee kinship networks extended to information networks that facilitated the process of investigating and convicting criminals. Police corruption was rampant, and members of the police department, including Sheriff Hubert Stone, were suspected of involvement with the drug trade. Several murder and suspicious death investigations were mishandled or quickly open-and-shut, such as the fatal shooting of Jimmy Earl Cummings by Deputy Kevin Stone, Hubert’s son; the murder of activist-turned-district-judge-candidate Julian Pierce; and the murder of James Jordan, Michael Jordan’s father, whose death brought national attention to Robeson County. The fight against corruption in Robeson County made a sense of unity possible. Whites, blacks, and Indians began to organize and work together more consistently on issues of concern to everyone. More Indians and blacks ran for elected office and won. The national spotlight provided by the drug war also propelled the Lumbees to reignite their campaign for federal recognition and self-determination.
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Hughes, Richard T. "The Myth of the Christian Nation". W Myths America Lives By, 82–129. University of Illinois Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252042065.003.0004.
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While America’s founders sought to create a nation of religious freedom, not a Christian nation, Christians in the early nineteenth century effectively Christianized the American Republic through the Second Great Awakening. Over the course of American history, many whites have accepted the claim that America is a Christian nation. Blacks from an early date, however, have argued that Christian America is a hollow concept, informed by assumptions of white supremacy. In the nineteenth century, David Walker ridiculed the notion of Christian America, while Frederick Douglass and Ida B. Wells claimed that the idea of Christian America was a cover for horrendous crimes against blacks. In the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, blacks as disparate as Martin Luther King Jr., Malcolm X, James Baldwin, Ta-Nehisi Coates, and James Cone unmasked the myth of a Christian America. By the twenty-first century, the collapse of Christian dominance in the United States could be traced, at least in part, to the complicity of white American Christians in the myth of White Supremacy. Many white Christians responded by attempting to restore a lost golden age, ignoring their complicity in the myth of White Supremacy that had helped bring on America’s fourth time of trial.
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Estes, Steve. "Race against Crime". W Charleston In Black and White, 61–81. University of North Carolina Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469622323.003.0005.
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Kostyria, Olena Valyslavivna. "The crisis of safety of navigation in the Black and Azov seas during the Russian aggression against Ukraine". W MARITIME SECURITY OF THE BALTIC-BLACK SEA REGION: CHALLENGES AND THREATS. Baltija Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-26-392-7-11.
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Каргин, Ю. Ю. "The coins from the excavations of the settlement «Lenina» in the chora of Gorgippia in 2018". W Древности Боспора. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.25681/iaras.2022.978-5-94375-372-5.138-156.
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The article analyzes a collection of 24 bronze coins from the excavations of the settlement “Lenina” in the chora of ancient Gorgippia. 23 of them are ordinary Panticapean and dated from the third third of the IV – beginning of the II centuries BC. They were used for calculations from the moment of the birth of an active de-tender market in the chora of Gorgippia, during the monetary crisis and until the completion of the settlement. Of particular interest is the complex of 4 coins of the third third of the IV century BC in the pit 21, which can be considered among the rare hoards of the very beginning of the monetary crisis at the turn of the centuries. An imported Syracuse coin of 344–317 BC is a unique find, which, together with the remains of a Western Mediterranean fish amphora, indicates one of the little-known vectors of trade relations of the Syndica in the second third of the IV century BC.The comparison of coin materials with the results of the analysis of mass amphorite mate rial indicates the development and structuring of the Bosporus domestic market against the background of a reduction in the volume of imported products, which is generally characteristic of the Black Sea region and is associated with global political and economic changes after the Macedonian conquests. The decline of life in the settlement of “Lenin” began closer to the middle of the III century BC due to the general destabilization of the situation in the steppe. However, the economic territory to the west of the investigated site functioned for at least another 90 years, which established by several late amphorae stamps and a coin.
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Miletta, Bryan A., R. S. Amano, Ammar A. T. Alkhalidi i Jin Li. "Study of Air Bubble Formation for Wastewater Treatment". W ASME 2011 International Design Engineering Technical Conferences and Computers and Information in Engineering Conference. ASMEDC, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/detc2011-47065.
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Aeration, a unit process in which air and water are brought into intimate contact, is an extremely important step in the process of wastewater treatment. The two most common systems of aeration are subsurface and mechanical. A mechanical system agitates the wastewater by various means (e.g. paddles, blades, or propellers) to introduce air from the atmosphere. Subsurface aeration is the release of air, in the form of bubbles, within the tank of wastewater to supply the microorganisms with the required amount of oxygen they need to metabolize and break down the organic material suspended in the wastewater. The bubbles of Air are released from the bottom of the wastewater tank through diffusers. These diffusers have a surface membrane, usually made of punched rubber, to create the fine bubbles with high oxygen transfer efficiency from supplied air to the diffusers. Since the energy crisis in the early 1970’s, there has been increased interest in these systems due to its high oxygen transfer efficiency. This paper covers experimentation of different air diffuser membranes, varying in material, used in the aeration process of wastewater treatment. Rubber, EPDM rubber (ethylene-propylene-diene Monomer) and PTFE Polytetrafluoroethylene membranes coated membranes were tested. Experimental results showed that the rubber membrane produced the smallest bubble size against expectation. This could be a result of the coating being on the top surface only and the bubble starts from inside the punch.
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Bubić, Jasenka, i Luka Bašić. "IMPACT OF COVID-19 ON THE GLOBAL ECONOMY: IS FEAR OF AN INFLATION PANDEMIC JUSTIFIED?" W NORDSCI Conference Proceedings. Saima Consult Ltd, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2021/b2/v4/20.
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International economies are fragile and vulnerable to the various volatilities that occur, due to classic economic imbalances caused by financial meltdowns, inflated balloons, or other internal and external macroeconomic shocks, due to unforeseen phenomena in the form of the economic term "black swan". The first focus of the paper was placed on examining the real impact of the virus on key macroeconomic indicators of the global economy and what is the attitude of international politics when it comes to creating a crisis structure. The implementation of the policy seen since the beginning of the 2020 crisis has led to the strengthening of an economic doctrine that is mitigating and out of mind, which has again shown that the world of central banks is easy on the "monetary trigger". The second focus of the work is singled out as a subtheme, where the current situation with China's Evergrande is to be addressed and how much impact the ultimate negative outcome can leave on the current recovery of the world economy. For the past twenty or thirty years, China's economic picture has led it to the world's second strongest economy, thanks precisely to the strong implementation of China's development policy. But rightly the world wonders what the real growth of the Chinese economy is. Labour's third focus has been placed on the issue of inflation as a potentially long-term problem. The implementation of the agreed policy over the last year and a half is a realistic reflection of the current situation with inflation. It is crucial to process whether its sudden jump can be a long-term problem for the entire economic structure of the European and global economies. Whether inflation can be corrected in the long run through the law of supply and demand, as has always been shown so far, needs to be seen.
Raporty organizacyjne na temat "Blacks – crimes against"
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Franco Silva, Adriana. Working paper PUEAA No. 19. Dissidences, learning, and organizational experiences of Latin American women: Decolonial Dialogues. Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Programa Universitario de Estudios sobre Asia y África, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/pueaa.004r.2023.
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In recent years, violence against women has increased significantly in Latin America. Faced with this context, women have not been passive, but have organized themselves to confront the violence of the system. The community feminism of Bolivia and Guatemala, as well as the organization of black women in Brazil are just a few examples of the different women's movements throughout the region. The proposals that have come out of these groups have made visible the historical violence of capitalism and are also proposing new ways of socialization based on the recovery of their knowledge and experiences. In this way, in this text some of their approaches will be shared, emphasizing that the proposals confront the prevailing system and provide alternatives to face the crisis of civilization.
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Drury, J., S. Arias, T. Au-Yeung, D. Barr, L. Bell, T. Butler, H. Carter i in. Public behaviour in response to perceived hostile threats: an evidence base and guide for practitioners and policymakers. University of Sussex, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.20919/vjvt7448.
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Background: Public behaviour and the new hostile threats • Civil contingencies planning and preparedness for hostile threats requires accurate and up to date knowledge about how the public might behave in relation to such incidents. Inaccurate understandings of public behaviour can lead to dangerous and counterproductive practices and policies. • There is consistent evidence across both hostile threats and other kinds of emergencies and disasters that significant numbers of those affected give each other support, cooperate, and otherwise interact socially within the incident itself. • In emergency incidents, competition among those affected occurs in only limited situations, and loss of behavioural control is rare. • Spontaneous cooperation among the public in emergency incidents, based on either social capital or emergent social identity, is a crucial part of civil contingencies planning. • There has been relatively little research on public behaviour in response to the new hostile threats of the past ten years, however. • The programme of work summarized in this briefing document came about in response to a wave of false alarm flight incidents in the 2010s, linked to the new hostile threats (i.e., marauding terrorist attacks). • By using a combination of archive data for incidents in Great Britain 2010-2019, interviews, video data analysis, and controlled experiments using virtual reality technology, we were able to examine experiences, measure behaviour, and test hypotheses about underlying psychological mechanisms in both false alarms and public interventions against a hostile threat. Re-visiting the relationship between false alarms and crowd disasters • The Bethnal Green tube disaster of 1943, in which 173 people died, has historically been used to suggest that (mis)perceived hostile threats can lead to uncontrolled ‘stampedes’. • Re-analysis of witness statements suggests that public fears of Germany bombs were realistic rather than unreasonable, and that flight behaviour was socially structured rather than uncontrolled. • Evidence for a causal link between the flight of the crowd and the fatal crowd collapse is weak at best. • Altogether, the analysis suggests the importance of examining people’s beliefs about context to understand when they might interpret ambiguous signals as a hostile threat, and that. Tthe concepts of norms and relationships offer better ways to explain such incidents than ‘mass panic’. Why false alarms occur • The wider context of terrorist threat provides a framing for the public’s perception of signals as evidence of hostile threats. In particular, the magnitude of recent psychologically relevant terrorist attacks predicts likelihood of false alarm flight incidents. • False alarms in Great Britain are more likely to occur in those towns and cities that have seen genuine terrorist incidents. • False alarms in Great Britain are more likely to occur in the types of location where terrorist attacks happen, such as shopping areass, transport hubs, and other crowded places. • The urgent or flight behaviour of other people (including the emergency services) influences public perceptions that there is a hostile threat, particularly in situations of greater ambiguity, and particularly when these other people are ingroup. • High profile tweets suggesting a hostile threat, including from the police, have been associated with the size and scale of false alarm responses. • In most cases, it is a combination of factors – context, others’ behaviour, communications – that leads people to flee. A false alarm tends not to be sudden or impulsive, and often follows an initial phase of discounting threat – as with many genuine emergencies. 2.4 How the public behave in false alarm flight incidents • Even in those false alarm incidents where there is urgent flight, there are also other behaviours than running, including ignoring the ‘threat’, and walking away. • Injuries occur but recorded injuries are relatively uncommon. • Hiding is a common behaviour. In our evidence, this was facilitated by orders from police and offers from people staff in shops and other premises. • Supportive behaviours are common, including informational and emotional support. • Members of the public often cooperate with the emergency services and comply with their orders but also question instructions when the rationale is unclear. • Pushing, trampling and other competitive behaviour can occur,s but only in restricted situations and briefly. • At the Oxford Street Black Friday 2017 false alarm, rather than an overall sense of unity across the crowd, camaraderie existed only in pockets. This was likely due to the lack of a sense of common fate or reference point across the incident; the fragmented experience would have hindered the development of a shared social identity across the crowd. • Large and high profile false alarm incidents may be associated with significant levels of distress and even humiliation among those members of the public affected, both at the time and in the aftermath, as the rest of society reflects and comments on the incident. Public behaviour in response to visible marauding attackers • Spontaneous, coordinated public responses to marauding bladed attacks have been observed on a number of occasions. • Close examination of marauding bladed attacks suggests that members of the public engage in a wide variety of behaviours, not just flight. • Members of the public responding to marauding bladed attacks adopt a variety of complementary roles. These, that may include defending, communicating, first aid, recruiting others, marshalling, negotiating, risk assessment, and evidence gathering. Recommendations for practitioners and policymakers • Embed the psychology of public behaviour in emergencies in your training and guidance. • Continue to inform the public and promote public awareness where there is an increased threat. • Build long-term relations with the public to achieve trust and influence in emergency preparedness. • Use a unifying language and supportive forms of communication to enhance unity both within the crowd and between the crowd and the authorities. • Authorities and responders should take a reflexive approach to their responses to possible hostile threats, by reflecting upon how their actions might be perceived by the public and impact (positively and negatively) upon public behaviour. • To give emotional support, prioritize informative and actionable risk and crisis communication over emotional reassurances. • Provide first aid kits in transport infrastructures to enable some members of the public more effectively to act as zero responders.