Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Baptists – europe – history”

The article compares the lives of the Evangelical Pentecostals in Eastern Europe and Western Siberia in the XX century. The study relied on archival sources, as well as foreign and domestic publications on history and religious studies. The analysis covered such aspects as genesis, developmental stages, religious policy, population, and the role of charismatic leaders, e.g., Ivan E. Voronaev, who initiated the migration from Ukraine to Western Siberia. All Pentecostal communities shared the same expansion strategy, i.e., proselytism: they gained new members by converting Evangelical Christians and Baptists. The followers of the Voronaev movement lived in Western Siberia and were reluctant to unite with the local Evangelical Christians and Baptists. They avoided official registrations and made no compromises with the authorities. The Pentecostals contradicted the official policy of Soviet states and the Polish People’s Republic. Pentecostal communities sought independence from the state, glossolalia, active missionary work, and other denomination canons.

The growth of English Nonconformity during the era of the demographic revolution (circa 1750–1850) has long been regarded as an impediment to the reconstruction of reproductive behavior. Historical demographers have relied heavily on Church of England registers of baptisms, burials, and marriages, while treating Protestant dissenters from the Church of England secondarily, as a factor of underestimation in the Anglican record. Such treatment suggests that religious culture played no independent role in determining population growth. This assumption seems problematic, however, considering the central role that social historians have assigned evangelical dissent to the emergence of modern English society and the somewhat greater place that religion has occupied in demographic studies of populations in continental Europe, the United States, and the third world.

Anabaptist studies in Canada have been marked by an exceptional degree of productive, inter-confessional (or non-confessional) engagement, most notably between Mennonites, Baptists, and Lutherans. The institutions making the greatest contributions have been at the University of Waterloo (including, but not exclusively, Conrad Grebel University College), Queen’s University, and Acadia Divinity College. The geographic expansion of Anabaptist studies beyond the traditional Germanic centres into eastern Europe and Italy, and the re-orientation of analysis away from primarily theological or intellectual history toward a greater focus on socio-political factors and networking, have been particular areas in which Canadian scholars have impacted Anabaptist studies. The relationship of Spiritualism (and later Pietism) to Anabaptist traditions and the nature of Biblicism within Anabaptism, including the greater attention to biblical hermeneutics with the “Marpeck renaissance,” have also been studied extensively by Canadians. International debates concerning “normative” Anabaptism and its genetic origins have also been driven by the past generations of Canadian scholars (monogenesis, polygenesis, post-polygenesis). Les études anabaptistes ont été marquées au Canada par un degré exceptionnel de collaboration productive, interconfessionnelle et non-confessionnelle, en particulier entre les mennonites, les baptistes, et les luthériens. Les institutions qui ont le plus contribué à cette collaboration sont les établissements de Waterloo (y compris, entre autres, le Conrad Grebel University College), la Queen’s University et l’Acadia Divinity College. Les études anabaptistes ont déployé leurs intérêts au-delà des centres germaniques traditionnels vers l’Europe de l’Est et l’Italie. Les chercheurs canadiens en études anabaptistes ont contribué de façon importante aux transformations de leur discipline, qui ont amené cette dernière à s’éloigner de l’histoire théologique et intellectuelle fondamentale pour se concentrer davantage sur les facteurs et les réseaux socio-politiques du mouvement anabaptiste. Les chercheurs canadiens ont aussi approfondi les thèmes de la relation du spiritisme (et plus tard, du piétisme) avec les traditions anabaptistes, et du biblicisme propre à l’anabaptisme, incluant l’intérêt croissant pour l’herméneutique biblique dans le cadre de la Renaissance de Marpeck. Des générations de chercheurs canadiens ont également fait leur marque dans les débats internationaux au sujet de l’anabaptiste « normatif » et de sa généalogie (monogenèse, polygenèse, post-polygenèse).

The present paper stakes out the destiny of certain ideas on scientific methods and epistemic and ontological representations that spread in 17th century Europe like a cultural epidemiology of representations against a deist, theosophical, empiricist and occult maze-like background. Our intellectual history study evaluates the family resemblances of auctoritas of three polymaths: Francis Bacon, Jan Baptist Van Helmont and Demetrius Cantemir along the cultural corridors of knowledge. If Francis Bacon was a theoretical founder of doctrines and Jan Baptist Van Helmont was a complex experimenting spirit, Demetrius Cantemir was an able disseminator of philosophy in South Eastern Europe and a creative synthetic spirit bridging the Divan ideas of Western and Eastern minds caught up in the busy exchange of ideas of the Republic of Letters.

Our research is based on a rather large "library" of various works by M. Drahomanov, which contains his views on religion. Among them: Paradise and Progress, From the History of Relations Between Church and State in Western Europe, Faith and Public Affairs, Fight for Spiritual Power and Freedom of Conscience in the 16th - 17th Centuries, , "Church and State in the Roman Empire", "The Status and Tasks of the Science of Ancient History," "Evangelical Faith in Old England," "Populism and Popular Progress in Austrian Rus, Austrian-Russian Remembrance (1867- 1877)," "Pious The Legend of the Bulgarians "," The Issues of Religious Freedom in Russia, "" On the Brotherhood of the Baptist or the Baptist in Ukraine, "" The Foreword (to the Community of 1878), " Shevchenko, Ukrainianophiles and Socialism "," Wonderful thoughts about the Ukrainian national affair "," Zazdri gods "," Slavic variants of one Gospel legend "," Resurrection of Christ (folklore record) ", etc.

The article examines the emergence and spread of the iconography of the plot "The Head of Beheaded John the Baptist" in church sculpture. The author touches upon the history of the development of the artistic image in the context of images of the holy head-bearers on the example of the statues of St. Firmin, holding his head, which seems amazingly alive and thus, making a great emotional impression, the statues of Victoricus and Fustian of St. Denis and others. However, the author emphasises that contrary to the tradition established in European art of this period to depict the holy head-bearers as standing headless figures holding their own heads, the plot “The Head of Beheaded St. John”, immediately from the moment the sacred relic was brought to Amiens, has been depicted in a special interpretation - it is presented as a head without the body. It focuses attention on the relic as a prototype of the iconographic version. The plot has been widely used in monumental easel and miniature sculpture since the 13th century. The article analyses the works created by masters in Munster, Amiens, Nottingham, Maastricht, Brabant, Seville, Veliky Ustyug, Morshansk and other major cultural centres of Western and Eastern Europe. The author pays great attention to alabaster reliefs, often called Nottingham alabaster after their place of origin, with the image of John the Baptist carved on them. They were especially widespread in England. They were often part of the sacral images of home altars. The article examines the works of prominent sculptors - Jan van Steffeswert from Maastricht, the master of the Head of John from Brabant, Juan de Mesa from Seville, and others. Using examples of works created by masters in various art centres of Europe, the author analyses the evolution of the image of John’s head from the image-symbol in the 13th century to the image as an illustration of a real action, which became a reflection of a particular religious sensuality in the culture of Europe of the 16th-17th centuries. With every detail, such images called the worshiper not only to worship but also to empathy. The article also provides a comparative analysis of the characteristic features of Eastern and Western Christianity of the iconographic renderings of the plot of Beheaded John the Baptist.

The text, which is an excerpt from a book about the city of Amalfi in the Middle Ages, examines the spread of the cultural practice of giving the name of the Mother of God in the Middle Ages from Byzantium to Europe and the development of the socalled " Marian group" of names around the names Mary (Maria) and Anna. The naming after the name of John the Baptist, which became the most popular male name was also related to the Mother of God and had its origins in Byzantium. The spread of Saints’ names was connected also with the cultural processes following icon veneration over iconoclasm in the middle of the 9th century. An important role in this spread during the Middle Ages was played by the Italian towns in Campania region, and especially Amalfi and Naples and their communications with Byzantium.

On the 25th June 1789, Jean Louis Varey, of the village of St Ferreole near Faverges in Haute Savoie, met Jean Burdet in the local inn to discuss the future of a field the latter had rented from Varey's father. After the conclusion of this business they took a glass of wine specifically with four others: Jean Baptiste Prevost, the son of the notary, and three local peasant householders Jean Roderigue, Pierre Raucaz and Aime Guignon. Many others were also in attendance. Varey had recently returned to his home after a period of time trading in France, and he clearly fancied himself as something of an enterpreneur. The others thought him a bit above himself.

While the mapping activities of French Jesuits in China and New France have been extensively studied, those in India have received less attention. While benefiting from the French crown’s interest in using the Jesuits as a tool for empire, they did not help develop an overarching imperial structure like that of Spain and Portugal or that of the Manchu Qing Dynasty. The work of Jean-Venant Bouchet (1655–1732), Louis-Noël de Bourzes (1673–1735), Claude Moriset (1667–1742), Claude-Stanislas Boudier (1686–1757), Gaston-Laurent Cœurdoux (1691–1779), and many others was instead important in building linkages between institutions and individuals in Europe and India. It further allowed commercial cartographers in Paris and London like Guillaume Delisle (1675–1726), Jean-Baptiste d’Anville (1697–1782), and James Rennell (1742–1830) to develop a more sophisticated picture of the interior of India.

In 2017, Russia’s Ministry of Justice banned a nineteenth-century book written by the German rabbi Markus Lehmann, labeling it extremist literature. This article places current Russian efforts to stamp out religious extremism in a broader historical context of imperial productions of tolerance and intolerance and the impact on religious minorities. It examines the case of Jews in the Russian Empire and post-Soviet Russia through the lens of religious conversion, forced baptisms, and freedom of conscience in the realm of apostasy. Lehmann’s book, characteristic of nineteenth-century Orthodox Jewish historical fiction in German, used the historical memory of forced conversions of Jews in medieval and early modern Europe to forge a new path to integration in tolerant, Protestant environs. This article offers a historical and literary reading of Lehmann’s banned book against the longer arc of imperial Russian toleration and conservative appropriations of toleration for discrimination against minorities.

The Jesuits or ‘The Society of Jesus’ holds a significant place in the wide area of church history. Mark Noll cites John Olin notes that the founding of the Jesuits was ‘the most powerful instrument of Catholic revival and resurgence in this era of religious crisis’.[1] In histories of Europe to the Reformation of the sixteenth century, the Jesuits appear with notable frequency. The Jesuits were the finest expression of the Catholic Reformation shortly after the Protestant reform began. The Society is attributed to its founder, Ignatius of Loyola. As a layman, Ignatius viewed Christendom in his context as a society under siege. It was Christian duty to therefore defend it. The Society was formed at a time that nationalism was growing and papal prestige was falling. As Christopher Hollis observed: ‘Long before the outbreak of the great Reformation there were signs that the unity of the Catholic Christendom was breaking up.’[2] The Jesuits, as a missionary movement at a critical period in the Roman Catholic Church, used creative strategies that later symbolised the strength of what would become the traditional Roman Catholic Church for a long time in history. The strategies involved included, but were not limited to: reviving and nurturing faith among Catholics, winning back those who had become Protestants, converting those who had not been baptised, training of the members for social service and missionary work and also establishing educational institutions.[1] Mark A. Noll. Turning points: Decisive moments in the history of Christianity. (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Books, 1997), 201.[2] Christopher Hollis. The Jesuits: A history. (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1968), 6.

Italian Physician Johannes Baptista Montanus (1489–1551) – His Activity in Padua, Diagnostic and Therapeutic Methods, and Scientific Legacy Using the sources written by Johannes Baptista Montanus (1489–1551), by his students, and the existing historiography, the article aims to determine what role this Italian physician played in the development of diagnostic and therapeutic procedures, to what extent he is rightly considered the creator of clinical medicine, who were his mentors, and what were the methods of diagnosis and treatment he employed. Montanus was a professor at the University of Padua, and he has earned an ineffaceable place in the history of this university, where medicine was taught at a high level. At the same time, he worked as the head of St. Francis hospital. He was known for combining theoretical and practical knowledge in teaching at university. This method has become a permanent element of the teaching of medicine in Europe. He discussed the patient’s symptoms, then made a diagnosis, and recommended appropriate therapy directly at the patient’s bed, where the so-called consilia were held. This scheme of diagnostic and therapeutic procedure was named after him the ‘Collegium Montani’ and found many supporters among students who made notes while standing by the patient’s bed. The Consilia were later printed, and thus the treatments recommended and used by Montanus can be analyzed. Walenty Sierpiński of Lublin (also known as Valentinus Lublinus, b. 2nd half of the 16th century– d. before 1600) was among a large group of Montanus’s students. His merits include collecting, organizing and then publishing his master’s lectures. Considered to be Montanus’s most important work, Consultationum medicinalium Centuria prima, was published by Walenty of Lublin in Venice in 1554 (ex officina Erasmiana), and it contains one hundred pieces of medical advice given to one hundred patients. A few years later, a continuation of this work (Consultationum medicinalium Centuria secunda, ed. by Johannes Crato, Venice 1559) was published, containing further one hundred recommendations. Montanus was a promoter of physical examination as a method of obtaining knowledge about the patients’ health. He was regarded as a follower of Galen, Rhazes, and Avicenna and published critical studies on their treatment methods.

The career of Jean-Baptiste-Julien d'Omalius d'Halloy (1783-1875), commencing with brilliant scientific activities and proceeding to his attainment of the highest administrative and political positions, in itself demonstrates that he was an exceptional individual. His scientific career started with a long voyage through the French Empire and adjacent regions, during which he gained an understanding of the geological structure of most of Europe. The geological map he compiled based on his travel notes formed the basis of all future geological maps in the areas that he covered. After the independence of Belgium in 1830, André Dumont was made responsible for the mapping of the whole country, resulting in the publication of a 9-sheet map of Belgium in 1853 on a scale of 1:160.000. In 1878, Belgium decided to produce a more detailed map on the scale of 1:20.000, entrusting the work to Edouard Dupont., but as this appointment was controversial and the mapping at this scale was abandoned and than, the newly created Geological Survey of Belgium published a new 226-sheet map on a scale of 1:40.000. Starting from 1993, after the federalisation of the country, new geological maps of the regional states are mapped and produced.

When considering the relationship between the Eastern Orthodox Church and the Evangelical Church, can we both celebrate progress towards unity, while acknowledging where growth must still occur? Dr. George Hancock-Stefan, who fled the oppressive communist regime of Yugoslavia with the rest of his Baptist family, now frequently returns to Eastern Europe to explore topics of modern theology. During these travels, he has recognized a concerning trend: the religious unity and interfaith fellowship celebrated in Western academia does not reach the Eastern European local level. This is primarily due to the fact that Orthodoxy is a top to bottom institution, and nothing happens at the local level unless approved by the top. This lack of religious unity and cooperation at the local level is also due to the fact that the Eastern Orthodox Church claims a national Christian monopoly and the presence of Evangelicals is considered an invasion. In this article, Dr. Hancock-Stefan unpacks the history of the spiritual revivals that took place in various Eastern Orthodox Churches in the 19th–20th centuries, as well as the policies established by the national patriarchs after the fall of communism that are now jeopardizing the relationship between Orthodox and Evangelicals. By addressing this friction with candor and Christian love, this article pleads for the Orthodox Church to relinquish its monopoly and hopes that both Orthodox and Evangelicals will start considering each other to be brothers and sisters in Christ.

Out-of-wedlock births are one of the important aspects of the demographic history in late imperial Russia. The percentage of children born to unwed mothers in the Russian Empire during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was lower than the general average in European countries. However, in the specific context of the Russian demographic order, with earlier age at marriage and more universal nuptiality than in Europe generally, the study of out-of-wedlock births and especially their spatial distribution, acquires special significance. This work is aimed at studying the dynamics of out-of-wedlock births in Perm province in the decades around 1900. The authors pay particular attention to out-of-wedlock births in the city of Ekaterinburg, using official statistics and the “Ural Population Project” database, URAPP based on parish registers with vital events in five city parishes. The authors reconstruct the dynamics of out-of-wedlock births in each of the twelve Perm province counties, reflecting a general downward trend, especially in counties containing a significant proportion of Old Believers. It is established that the average level of illegitimate births among the rural population was 4%, and in cities — 9%. The out-of-wedlock birth rate increased during times of wars and social upheavals, especially in cities differing from parish to parish. In St Epiphany parish of Ekaterinburg, the illegitimate birth rate reached 41% during the famine of 1892. Concurrently, at least 11% of the women, including some from relatively wealthy families, baptised up to seven “illegitimate” children in the parish. This gives grounds to perceive the phenomenon of out-of-wedlock births not only because of the unfortunate circumstances for young women, but also as a sign of modernisation in the sphere of family and marriage relations, slowed down by archaic legislation.

The literary heritage of Alexander Pushkin is well known to a wide range of readers. A line in a letter to Count A. Benckendorff, written in January 1830 and in which Pushkin asks permission to let him go to China, attracts attention. The purpose of the article is to try to find out what reasons prompted Pushkin to make such a request. It is essential to understand the age during which the poet lived. The fascination with Chinese culture came to Russia from France, which significantly impacted Russia’s life in the 18th–19th centuries. Chinese goods, the so-called Chinese rarities, began to appear in Russia even during Peter I’s reign, who often gave orders to buy them for the St. Petersburg Kunstkamera. Exotic things from China were delivered to St. Petersburg by caravans from Beijing through Siberia and the Urals or by sea on ships of the East India Company through Western Europe. Empress Catherine II set the fashion for interiors in the Chinese style: the Chinese Palace (1762–1768) appeared in Oranienbaum; Chinese buildings, the largest complex of buildings in the Chinese style, appeared in Tsarskoe Selo. There, in Tsarskoe Selo, in 1811, Emperor Alexander I established the Imperial Lyceum, in which Alexander Pushkin studied, and where, undoubtedly, the poet’s first encounter with the Middle Kingdom occurred. At this time, Russian periodicals also paid much attention to China. In them, articles about the trade of Europeans in China, about porcelain and silk factories, as well as about the wisdom of Chinese rulers and moral instructions for posterity began to be published. Pushkin read a lot and could not have been unaware of these publications. The acquaintance of Pushkin with monk Father Iakinf (N. Bichurin), an outstanding Russian sinologist, had a significant influence on the poet. Father Iakinf was appointed the Head of the ecclesiastic mission in Beijing in 1807 and lived there until 1821. As the examination of Pushkin’s library shows, the poet had Bichurin’s books about China. Also, he read Jean-Baptiste Du Halde’s book The General History of China in the Russian translation known at that time. As the study shows, Pushkin was interested in China and was going to visit it; however, fate had its own plans.

<p>This paper provides an overview of the above research programme, whichwas implemented as part of the PYTHAGORAS II programme administeredby the EU in collaboration with the Hellenic Ministry of Education andReligious Matters and the University of Athens. Professors Olga Katsiardi-Hering and Anastasia Papadia-Lala and Assistant Professor Maria Efthymiou,members of the Department of History and Archaeology, undertook academicresponsibility for the project. The research team consisted of Ph.D. holders andcandidates and post-graduate students (Vassiliki Seirinidou and KaterinaKonstantinidou, as well as Dimitrios Kontogeorgis, Marina Koumanoudi,Sotiris Koutmanis, Ikaros Mantouvalos, Katerina Mousadakou, ChristinaPapacosta, Lambros Travlos), with the contribution of Professor ChryssaMaltezou, Director of the Hellenic Institute of Byzantine and Post-ByzantineStudies of Venice, and Professor Olga Cicanci (Archival Studies at Bucharest).</p><p>The historical category of the community as a factor in the history of NewHellenism lies at the heart of the research, which explored various aspects ofthe phenomenon through an examination of numerous urban communities inGreek lands under Venetian rule (13th-18th centuries) on the one hand, and ofthe communities of the Diaspora on the other: the Greek Brotherhood ofVenice, Greek communities and commercial companies in the HabsburgMonarchy, Greek communities in the Trans-Danubian Principalities/ Romania.The two types of community are linked by their connection with Europe, theirsecularity and by their contribution to the emergence of the identity of theGreek populations in a complex politico-cultural environment. The moststudiedcommunity in the Ottoman Empire is used for purely comparativepurposes.</p><p>The main research axes were: a) the institutional framework of communityorganization, b) intra-community features, c) community activities.</p><p>The research was undertaken in Athens and various sites abroad and wasbacked up by archive material both published and unpublished (embassies,statutes, registers of marriages and baptisms, property registers, wills,commercial correspondence).</p><p>The results of the research include:</p><p>l.The compiling of academic reports detailing the research results;</p><p>2. Electronic processing (a. digital catalogues of archive material, b)electronic publications of transcribed archive material, c) electronic databases,now held at the University of Athens);</p><p>3. Academic papers presented at the One-day Conference held at theUniversity of Athens Historical Archive on February 27,2006;</p><p>4. The production of academic papers published in reputable academicseries and academic journals.</p><p>The historical material assembled and the conclusions drawn from thesubsequent research will contribute to the furtherance of academic researchand teaching at the university level.</p>

Ethics, Politics & Society is a new open access academic journal with double blind peer review dedicated to the publication of high level contributions in the fields of Political Philosophy and Theory, as well as Normative and Applied Ethics. Although it is open to all themes and approaches in these areas of knowledge, the journal focuses on issues related to theories of justice, democracy and recognition, as well as on ethical issues connected to scientific and technological development and their social and environmental impacts. Ethics, Politics & Society accepts the submission of originals both with a direct contemporary approach, or using the History of Moral and Political Philosophy to shed light on relevant problems in our time. This first issue of Ethics, Politics & Society includes an open section and two closed sections that have been nevertheless subject to the same standards of peer-review. The first open section is composed with original articles submitted by Douglas Giles, Lars Lindblom and Matthew McLennan. The section devoted to the 8th Braga Meetings on Ethics and Political Philosophy opens with the keynote lecture on “The Democratic Boundary Problem Reconsidered” delivered in Braga by Gustaf Arrhenius. This outstanding contribution is followed by a dossier of selected papers presented at the Meetings by Ashley Lane, Josh T. U. Cohen, Deven Burks, Daniel Guillery, Stephen McLeod, and Damiano Simoncelli. This section has been guest edited by Alexandra Abranches and Eze Paez. The third section consists of a Symposium on Friedrich Hayek and Karl Polanyi. This timely and provocative book discussion that combines readings of The Road to Serfdom and The Great Transformation has been guest edited by António Baptista and Pedro Teixeira, with contributions by António Baião, José Colen and Pedro Moreira, Filipe Nobre Faria, Patrícia Fernandes, Bru Lain, and João Rodrigues. Ethics, Politics & Society encourages prospective authors to submit their manuscripts in English, Portuguese or Spanish through the journal website, together with the statement that the submitted piece has not been published before and elsewhere. All the papers submitted to Ethics, Politics & Society are subject to the evaluation of at least two reviewers in the corresponding scientific domain. Papers are sent anonymously to blind referees, who are asked to write a review according to the evaluation form adopted by the journal, which includes the following aspects: adequacy to the journal publication standards; adequacy of the paper subject to the scope of the journal; substantive relevance; originality; relevance of the critical methodology; clarity of presentation; arguments and relationship between initial hypotheses and final results. With the appearance of Ethics, Politics & Society, its editors believe that a clear and urgent lacuna is filled in for an international journal that works as a high-level global forum imprinted with the perspective of Southern Europe.

The outburst of the Polish insurrection and its evolution attracted the attention of the European Powers, due to the international political context in which it started, that of the liberal-bourgeois revolutions in France, Belgium, Germany, Italy, Spain, Portugal, and of the implications that were expected to occur due to power balance on the continent and in the Eastern Question. Russia’s position in the political systems mentioned above depended on how the Polish Question would be solved. By subordinating all the Kingdom of Poland, whose political individuality, in the Russian political and institutional system, in which the decisions of the „Final Act” of the Peace Congress in Vienna (June 9th 1815) placed it, was about to be abolished by the Tsar, opened to the Russian Empire the path towards the consolidation of its positions in the Baltic region, strategically, political an economical, thus upsetting the other Powers in the European political system, on one hand. And secondly, because it would have relieved it of the necessity to divide its forces to oversee the evolution of the embarrassing Polish Question and would have been capable to focus its attention on a solution to the other problem, the Eastern one. This perspective was likely to happen, especially in the conditions of the peace Treaty that Russia had imposed to Turkey, at Adrianople, on September 14th 1829, which ensured the latter’s „passivity” towards the Oriental policy of its victor. These perspectives affected, in particular, Great Britain and France, the secular rivals of Russia in that area, so they tried, using only diplomatic means because of the very complicated international situation at the beginning of the fourth decade of the nineteenth century, to determine Russia to adopt a more conciliatory attitude towards the Polish insurgents. The rivalries that aggravated the Franco-British relations, especially in Western Europe, prevented the two Powers to adopt a unitary position towards Russia, a fact that allowed the latter to dictate the law in the Kingdom of Poland. A position, in some way singular, towards the Polish Question was adopted by another state, with direct interests in the Baltic sea area and with more specific ones in the Eastern Question. It is the United Kingdom of Sweden and Norway, created in the letter and the spirit of the Swedish-Norwegian Convention from Moss, on August 14th 1814. Sweden’s internal and external political circumstances in which, in 1810, the famous marshal of Napoleon I, Jean Baptiste Sebastien Bernadotte, prince of Pontecorvo, was proclaimed crown prince under the name Karl Johan, King Karl XIV Johan, from 1818, as the creation of the Swedish-Norwegian personal Union, determined the Swedish-Norwegian diplomacy favor the Russian interests in the Polish Question as well as in the Eastern Question. In the Polish Question, the one under our analysis, this was also because the insurrection of November 1830 started in the international conditions mentioned above and due to the fact that the liberal internal opposition to the conservative and absolutist monarchical policy of King Karl XIV Johan was becoming more active and could have constituted a reason for the Norwegians to evade the personal Union, which they did not favor and against which they fought, first through arms then by institutional means. The forms in which Great Britain, France and Sweden took position in regard to the reprisal of the Polish insurrection of November 1830, very well documented by the diplomatic reports of the British diplomats in St. Petersburg and of the Swedish ones, accredited in Petersburg and in London, which we had the opportunity to consult in the funds of manuscripts of British Library, in London, and those of the National Archives of Sweden, in Stockholm, constitute, in our opinion, a contribution to the knowledge of the history of European diplomacy, on one hand, and to the research of the international relations in the first half of the nineteenth century, on another. This is the reason why we intend to approach them in this study. All the documents selected from Sveriges Riksarkivet, in Stockholm and cited in these pages are included in the volume X, part I, of the Collection “Europe and the Porte”, which is still in manuscript, for this reason we indicated the archive quotations.

SCIENCE, RELIGION, AND THE PROTESTANT TRADITION: Retracing the Origins of Conflict by James C. Ungureanu. Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2019. x + 358 pages. Hardcover; $50.00. ISBN: 9780822945819. *Mythical understandings about historical intersections of Christianity and science have a long history, and persist in our own day. Two American writers are usually cited as the architects of the mythology of inevitable warfare between science and religion: John William Draper (1811-1882) and Andrew Dickson White (1832-1919). Draper was a medical doctor, chemist, and historian. White was an academic (like Draper), a professional historian, and first president of the nonsectarian Cornell University. Ungureanu's objective is to show how Draper and White have been (mis)interpreted and (mis)used by secular critics of Christianity, liberal theists, and historians alike. *Ungureanu opens by critiquing conflict historians as misreading White and Draper. The conflict narrative emerged from arguments within Protestantism from the sixteenth through nineteenth centuries, and, as taken up by Draper and White, was intended not to annihilate religion but to reconcile religion with science. Consequently, the two were not the anti-religious originators of science-versus-religion historiography. Rather, the "warfare thesis" began among sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Protestant historians and theologians attacking both Roman Catholics and each other. By the early nineteenth century, the purpose of conflict polemics was not to crush religion in the name of science but to clear intellectual space for preserving a "purified" and "rational" religion reconciled to science. Widespread beliefs held by liberal Protestant men of science included "progressive" development or evolution in history and nature as found, for example, in books by Lamarck in France and Robert Chambers in Britain. For Draper, English chemist and Unitarian minister Joseph Priestley (1733-1804) was a model of faith without the burden of orthodoxy. *So conflict rhetoric arose not, as we've been taught before, in post-Darwinian controversies, but in contending narratives within generations of earlier Protestant reformers who substituted personal judgment for ecclesial authority. Victorian scientific naturalists and popularizers often rejected Christian theological beliefs in the name of a "natural" undogmatic "religion" (which could slip into varieties of Unitarianism, deism, agnosticism, or pantheism). In effect, the conflict was not between science and religion, but between orthodox Christian faith and progressive or heterodox Christian faith--a conflict between how each saw the relationship between Christian faith and science. Draper, White, and their allies still saw themselves as theists, even Protestant Christians, though as liberal theists calling for a "New Reformation." Given past and present anti-Christian interpretations of these conflict historians with actual religious aims, this is ironic to say the least. *Ungureanu's thesis shouldn't be surprising. In the Introduction to his History of the Warfare, White had written: "My conviction is that Science, though it has evidently conquered Dogmatic Theology based on biblical texts and ancient modes of thought, will go hand in hand with Religion … [i.e.] 'a Power in the universe, not ourselves, which makes for righteousness' [quoting without attribution Matthew Arnold, who had actually written of an 'eternal power']." *As science advanced, so would religion: "the love of God and of our neighbor will steadily grow stronger and stronger" throughout the world. After praising Micah and the Epistle of James, White looked forward "above all" to the growing practice of "the precepts and ideals of the blessed Founder of Christianity himself" (vol. 1, p. xii). Ungureanu quotes White that the "most mistaken of all mistaken ideas" is the "conviction that religion and science are enemies" (p. 71). *This echoed both Draper's belief that "true" religion was consistent with science, and T. H. Huxley's 1859 lecture in which he affirmed that the so-called "antagonism of science and religion" was the "most mischievous" of "miserable superstitions." Indeed, Huxley affirmed that, "true science and true religion are twin-sisters" (p. 191). *Chapter 1 locates Draper in his biographical, religious, and intellectual contexts: for example, the common belief in immutable natural laws; the "new" Protestant historiography expressed in the work of such scientists as Charles Lyell and William Whewell; and various species of evolutionism. Comte de Buffon, Jean Baptiste Lamarck, John Herschel, Thomas Dick, Robert Chambers, and Darwin are some of the many writers whose work Draper used. *Chapter 2 examines White's intellectual development including his quest for "pure and undefiled" religion. He studied Merle d'Aubigné's history of the Reformation (White's personal library on the subject ran to thirty thousand items) and German scholars such as Lessing and Schleiermacher who cast doubt on biblical revelation and theological doctrines, in favor of a "true religion" based on "feeling" and an only-human Jesus. As he worked out his history of religion and science, White also absorbed the liberal theologies of William Ellery Channing, Horace Bushnell, Henry Ward Beecher, and Lyman Abbott, among others. *The resulting histories by Draper and White were providential, progressive, and presentist: providential in that God still "governed" (without interfering in) nature and human history; progressive, even teleological, in that faith was being purified while science grew ever closer to Truth; and presentist in that the superior knowledge of the present could judge the inferiority of the past, without considering historical context. *Chapters 3 and 4 situate Draper and White in wider historiographic/polemical Anglo-American contexts, from the sixteenth-century Reformation to the late nineteenth century. Protestant attacks on Roman Catholic moral and theological corruption were adapted to nineteenth-century histories of religion and science, with science as the solvent that cleansed "true religion" of its irrational accretions. Ungureanu reviews other well-known Christian writers, including Edward Hitchcock, Asa Gray, Joseph Le Conte, and Minot Judson Savage, who sought to accommodate their religious beliefs to evolutionary theories and historical-critical approaches to the Bible. *Chapter 5 offers a fascinating portrait of Edward Livingston Youmans--the American editor with prominent publisher D. Appleton and Popular Science Monthly--and his role in promoting the conflict-reconciliation historiography of Draper and White and the scientific naturalism of Huxley, Herbert Spencer, and John Tyndall. *In chapter 6 and "Conclusions," Ungureanu surveys critics of Draper's and White's work, although he neglects some important Roman Catholic responses. He also carefully analyzes the "liberal Protestant" and "progressive" writers who praised and popularized the Draper-White perspectives. Ungureanu is excellent at showing how later writers--atheists, secularists, and freethinkers--not only blurred distinctions between "religion" and "theology" but also appropriated historical conflict narratives as ideological weapons against any form of Christian belief, indeed any form of religion whatsoever. Ultimately, Ungureanu concludes, the conflict-thesis-leading-to-reconciliation narrative failed. The histories of Draper and White were widely, but wrongly, seen as emphatically demonstrating the triumph of science over theology and religious faith, rather than showing the compatibility of science with a refined and redefined Christianity, as was their actual intention. *Draper's History of the Conflict, from the ancients to the moderns, suggested an impressive historical reading program, as did his publication of A History of the Intellectual Development of Europe (rev. ed., 2 vols., 1875 [1863]). But one looks in vain for footnotes and bibliographies to support his controversial claims. White's two-volume study, however, landed with full scholarly apparatus, including copious footnotes documenting his vivid accounts of science conquering theological belief across the centuries. What Ungureanu doesn't discuss is how shoddy White's scholarship could be: he cherrypicked and misread his primary and secondary sources. His citations were not always accurate, and his accounts were sometimes pure fiction. Despite Ungureanu's recovery of German sources behind White's understanding of history and religion, he does not cite Otto Zöckler's Geschichte der Beziehungen zwischen Theologie und Naturwissenschaft (2 vols., 1877-1879), which, as Bernard Ramm noted in The Christian View of Science and Scripture (1954), served as "a corrective" to White's history. *Ungureanu certainly knows, and refers to some of, the primary sources in the large literature of natural theology. I think he underplays the roles of Victorian natural theologies and theologies of nature in reflecting, mediating, criticizing, and rejecting conflict narratives. Ungureanu seems to assume readers' familiarity with the classic warfare historians. He could have provided more flavor and content by reproducing some of Draper's and White's melodramatic and misleading examples of good scientists supposedly conquering bad theologians. (One of my favorite overwrought quotations is from White, vol. 1, p. 70: "Darwin's Origin of Species had come into the theological world like a plough into an ant-hill. Everywhere those thus rudely awakened … swarmed forth angry and confused.") *Ungureanu's is relevant history. Nineteenth-century myth-laden histories of the "warfare between Christianity and science" provide the intellectual framework for influential twenty-first century "scientific" atheists who have built houses on sand, on misunderstandings of the long, complex and continuing relations between faith/practice/theology and the sciences. *This is fine scholarship, dense, detailed, and documented--with thirty-seven pages of endnotes and a select bibliography of fifty pages. It is also well written, with frequent pauses to review arguments and conclusions, and persuasive. Required reading for historians, this work should also interest nonspecialists curious about the complex origins of the infamous conflict thesis, its ideological uses, and the value of the history of religion for historians of science. *Reviewed by Paul Fayter, who taught the history of Victorian science and theology at the University of Toronto and York University, Toronto. He lives in Hamilton, ON.

-Jay B. Haviser, Jerald T. Milanich ,First encounters: Spanish explorations in the Caribbean and the United States, 1492-1570. Gainesville FL: Florida Museum of Natural History & University Presses of Florida, 1989. 221 pp., Susan Milbrath (eds)-Marvin Lunenfeld, The Libro de las profecías of Christopher Columbus: an en face edition. Delano C. West & August Kling, translation and commentary. Gainesville FL: University of Florida Press, 1991. x + 274 pp.-Suzannah England, Charles R. Ewen, From Spaniard to Creole: the archaeology of cultural formation at Puerto Real, Haiti. Tuscaloosa AL; University of Alabama Press, 1991. xvi + 155 pp.-Piero Gleijeses, Bruce Palmer Jr., Intervention in the Caribbean: the Dominican crisis of 1965. Lexington KY: University Press of Kentucky, 1989.-Piero Gleijeses, Herbert G. Schoonmaker, Military crisis management: U.S. intervention in the Dominican Republic, 1965. Westport CT: Greenwood Press, 1990. 152 pp.-Jacqueline A. Braveboy-Wagner, Fitzroy André Baptiste, War, cooperation, and conflict: the European possessions in the Caribbean, 1939-1945. Westport CT: Greenwood Press, 1988. xiv + 351 pp.-Peter Meel, Paul Sutton, Europe and the Caribbean. London: Macmillan Caribbean, 1991. xii + 260 pp.-Peter Meel, Betty Secoc-Dahlberg, The Dutch Caribbean: prospects for democracy. New York: Gordon and Breach, 1990. xix + 333 pp.-Michiel Baud, Rosario Espinal, Autoritarismo y democracía en la política dominicana. San José, Costa Rica: Ediciones CAPEL, 1987. 208 pp.-A.J.G. Reinders, J.M.R. Schrils, Een democratie in gevaar: een verslag van de situatie op Curacao tot 1987. Assen, Maastricht: Van Gorcum, 1990. xii + 292 pp.-Andrés Serbin, David W. Dent, Handbook of political science research on Latin America: trends from the 1960s to the 1990s. Westport CT: Greenwood, 1990.-D. Gail Saunders, Dean W. Collinwood, The Bahamas between worlds. Decatur IL: White Sound Press, 1989. vii + 119 pp.-D. Gail Saunders, Dean W. Collinwood ,Modern Bahamian society. Parkersburg IA: Caribbean Books, 1989. 278 pp., Steve Dodge (eds)-Peter Hulme, Pierrette Frickey, Critical perspectives on Jean Rhys. Washington DC: Three Continents Press, 1990. 235 pp.-Alvina Ruprecht, Lloyd W. Brown, El Dorado and Paradise: Canada and the Caribbean in Austin Clarke's fiction. Parkersburg IA: Caribbean Books, 1989. xv + 207 pp.-Ineke Phaf, Michiel van Kempen, De Surinaamse literatuur 1970-1985: een documentatie. Paramaribo: Uitgeverij de Volksboekwinkel, 1987. 406 pp.-Genevieve Escure, Barbara Lalla ,Language in exile: three hundred years of Jamaican Creole. Tuscaloosa AL: University of Alabama Press, 1990. xvii + 253 pp., Jean D'Costa (eds)-Charles V. Carnegie, G. Llewellyn Watson, Jamaican sayings: with notes on folklore, aesthetics, and social control.Tallahassee FL: Florida A & M University Press, 1991. xvi + 292 pp.-Donald R. Hill, Kaiso, calypso music. David Rudder in conversation with John La Rose. 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Kingston: Institute of social and economic research, 1989. xxii + 167 pp.-Sidney W. Mintz, Dorian Powell ,Street foods of Kingston. Mona, Jamaica: Institute of social and economic research, 1990. xii + 125 pp., Erna Brodber, Eleanor Wint (eds)-Yona Jérome, Michel S. Laguerre, Urban poverty in the Caribbean: French Martinique as a social laboratory. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1990. xiv + 181 pp.

El objeto de este trabajo es el estudio del simbolismo de las aves en el ámbito tartésico y fenicio-púnico en la península ibérica durante el Bronce Final y el Hierro I. Se han recogido y analizado aquellas piezas con representaciones de aves, así como los restos orgánicos de éstas, si bien esto último no ha dado muchos frutos debido a las dificultades que existen tanto para su conservación como para la posterior identificación de especies. En total se han podido determinar ánades, gallos, palomas, flamencos, cisnes, lechuzas y halcones, todas ellas representadas en el Mediterráneo oriental y cuya iconografía se vincula al mundo funerario, al tránsito al Más Allá y a las divinidades. Gran parte de esa iconografía llegó a la península de mano de los fenicios, si bien su acogida y aceptación entre la población local fue variable. Palabras clave: aves, simbolismo, tartesios, fenicios, púnicosTopónimos: península ibéricaPeriodo: Hierro I. ABSTRACTThe aim of this paper is to study the symbolism of birds in Tartessian and Phoenician-Punic cultures within the Iberian Peninsula during the late Bronze and early Iron Age. To this end, items with any sort of symbolism connected with birds have been analysed. Organic remains have also been examined, although the latter did not make a relevant contribution to the study due to problems of conservation of the organic remains and subsequent identification of species. I have identified ducks, roosters, pigeons, flamingos, swans, owls and hawks, all located around the East Mediterranean basin and related to funerary contexts, the journey to the hereafter and deities. Most of this iconography reached the Iberian Peninsula via Phoenician culture, albeit its acceptance among the local population varied. Keywords: birds, symbolism, Tartesian, Phoenicians, PunicPlace names: Iberian PeninsulaPeriod: Iron Age REFERENCIASAlmagro Gorbea, M. J. 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This article offers the first extensive analysis of female agency in the marine insurance industry of early modern Europe. Drawing from a data set of more than four thousand insurance policies signed in the Royal Insurance Chamber in Paris between 1668 and 1672, the article studies the activities of Parisian women within the institution. These policies illustrate that women played a crucial role in the Chamber as underwriters, creditors, commission agents, and policyholders. Moreover, institutional papers and the records of the Parisian admiralty court reveal that women acted ably in defense of their interests when conflicts emerged, although there were limitations to their agency in the Chamber itself. In this way, the article challenges the long-standing perception that underwriting was an exclusively masculine activity in pre-modern Europe. Moreover, it sheds light on the role of women in supporting the maritime and colonial policies of Jean-Baptiste Colbert, Louis XIV’s eminent minister, thereby becoming underwriters of France’s early Atlantic Empire.

RESUMO O artigo explora a contribuição de viajantes estrangeiros, como Johan Baptiste Von Spix, Karl Friedrich Philipp von Martius, Johann Rugendas, Maria Graham, John Luccock, Ernest Ebel, Carlos Taunay e literatos como Machado de Assis e João do Rio, na formação de um imaginário sobre os chineses no Rio de Janeiro ao longo dos Oitocentos e no alvorecer do século XX. Além de abordar os relatos de viagem desses observadores e cronistas, o estudo também investiga o papel desempenhado pela Revista Illustrada. Frequentemente estigmatizados no Ocidente, os chineses eram retratados de forma estereotipada, variando de exóticos a dependentes de ópio, bárbaros e até preguiçosos. No Brasil, essa representação entrava em conflito com o ideal de civilização e progresso, cujo paradigma era europeu, branco, católico e civilizado. No contexto dos estudos pós-coloniais de Edward Said em Orientalismo, é evidenciada a relação de poder que hierarquiza as culturas, destacando o Oriente como irracional e o Ocidente como racional e virtuoso.

The way the Baltic region was viewed in Christian Europe during the High and Late Middle Ages was strongly characterised by the fact that it was the land of the last pagans. Beginning with the crusade against the Wends (Polabian Slavs) in 1147, attempts to convert them in the region took the form of the Northern Crusades, authorised by the Pope. The Teutonic Order became the driving force behind these crusades from the 13th to the 15th centuries, and secured support in Christian Europe, including France. The representation of the east Baltic region, on which this article focuses, was mainly related to these crusades. The author’s aim is to provide an overview of the attitude of the French-related nobility and intellectual elite towards the Christianisation of the Baltic from the tenth to the 15th centuries, with a special focus on Lithuania. In the first half of the 14th century, many crusaders from France and neighbouring countries backed the Teutonic Order’s struggle against Lithuania. These expeditions, mostly a derivative of the crusades in the Holy Land, were seen as the epitome of the chivalric lifestyle. This view changed slowly after Grand Duke Jogaila acceded to the Polish throne in 1386 and a year later baptised the grand duchy. With the evangelisation of Žemaitija (Samogitia) in 1417, Lithuania was definitely considered a part of Christendom.

Syriac and Syriac-Armenian Sources are much more than ‘just another source’ about the ancient and medieval history of Bulgarians. In their nature, they sometimes constitute the only extant source and in other cases they provide an alternative point of view, far beyond clichés, not subject to the ideology or the censorship of the Byzantine written records. Syriac and Syriac-Armenian sources in this study shall mean the Chronicle of Michael the Syrian by the Patriarch of the Syriac Orthodox Church, Michael the Syrian (1126–1159), Chronography of Gregory Bar Hebraeus (1226–1286) and the translation to Middle Armenian of the Chronicle of Michael the Syrian made in 1248 by the Armenian Vardan Areveltsi and the Syriac monk Iskhok (Isaac). The Middle Armenian translation was preserved in 8 manuscripts, only 2 of which had been published. The first one dating back to the 1273 was published in Jerusalem in 1871, and the second one, dating back to the 1480, was published in 1870 in Jerusalem again. The extracts from the Chronicle of Michael the Syrian were translated to Bulgarian from French from Chronique de Michel le Syrien Patriarche Jacobite d’Antioche. Éditée pour la première fois et traduite en français par Jean-Baptiste Chabot. Tome II, Paris 1901 & Tome II², Paris 1905. The extracts from Gregory Bar Hebraeus were translated to Bulgarian from English from Bar Hebraeus’ Chronography. Translated from Syriac by Ernest A. Wallis Budge. Oxford University Press. London, 1932. The extracts from the Middle Armenian translation of the Chronicle of Michael the Syrian were translated from Middle Armenian by me from Reports about Bulgarians in Syriac sources were first found in the story from Michael the Syrian and from Gregory Bar Hebraeus about the migration of 30,000 ‘Scythians’ in the winter of 586/587 from ‘this side of the gorge of the Imæon mountain’. Michael and Bar Hebraeus narrate that reaching the lands of present-day South Russia, 10,000 of these ‘Scythians’ separated from and were accepted as military colonists or foederati by the Byzantine emperor Maurice, who settled them in present-day North Bulgaria. These colonists were called by the Byzantines with the name ‘Bulgarians’. Michael the Syrian and Bar Hebraeus reported that in 590–591 part of the Bulgarian foederati were included in the Byzantine armies sent to Mesopotamia in support of the dethroned Persian šahanšah Khosrow II; and in 602 (according to data by Michael the Syrian and his Middle Armenian translation) those Bulgarian military colonists rebelled in Moesia and attacked the Byzantine province of Thrace. However, what is even more valuable in the story of Michael and Bar Herbaeus was the localisation of the point wherefrom Bulgarian migration started in the winter of 586/587, namely the triangle between the city of Khujand in the Tajik Sughd Region, the city of Tashkent and the city of Jizzakh in the Jizzakh Region of Uzbekistan. The same departure point was also confirmed by two reports in the ‘Ashkharatsuyts’ Geography (1267) of Vardan Areveltsi, the Տեառն Միխայէլի Պատրիարք Ասորւոց Ժամանակագրութիւն . Յերուսաղէմ, 1870 and from Ժամանակագրութիւն Տեառն Միխայէլի Ասորւոց Պատրիարքի. Յերուսաղէմ, 1871. ութիւն. Պատրիարքի., 1871.Յերուսաղէմ, man of letters who made the Middle Armenian translation of the chronicle of Michael the Syrian. Those reports about the region wherefrom migration or migrations of Bulgarians towards East Europe and Caucasus had started, are so far the only particular sources about the lands inhabited by Bulgarians in Asia. The Khujand–Tashkent–Jizzakh triangle is located 2500 km southwestward from the Altai Mountains and Minusinsk, which has been persistently told to be the ancestral homeland of Bulgarians, as they were presumed (based on 20–30 uncertain lexical parallelisms) to be a Turkic people, and the Altai Mountains and Minusinsk were assumed to be the ancestral homeland of Turkic tribes. It was Michael the Syrian again, and his Middle Armenian translation and Bar Hebraeus, to whom historical science owes the most detailed and full description of the participation of Bulgarians as allies of the Byzantines in the repulse of the Arab attack during the siege of Constantinople in 717–718. Systematically and as a rule, Byzantine authors almost completely belittle Bulgarian contribution for saving Eastern Europe from the Islamic invasion, as important as Charles Martel’s victory in 732. Syriac sources, however, name Bulgarians as the third force defending Europe from the Islam, alongside Byzantines and Franks. Furthermore, Michael the Syrian (and his Middle Armenian translation) and Bar Hebraeus offer us an alternative story about the death of the Byzantine Emperor Nicephorus I in 811 in his war against Bulgaria. According to Michael, the emperor had been killed by a person of his suite, and this inference was referred to in the 12th century by Joannes Zonaras only, as one of the several accounts about Nicephorus’s death.The notice of the participation of Macedonian Bulgarians as part of the Byzantine armies, who seized the Arab frontier fortress Zapetra or Zibatra in 837 was amongst the most interesting reports by Michael the Syrian and Bar Hebraeus. This information was independently confirmed two centuries earlier by the Muslim author Al-Masudi (896 – 956) as well. Another piece of information having no parallel in other sources was both Michael the Syrian’s and Bar Hebraeus’s merit again. It had also been repeated in the Middle Armenian translation of Michael’s work, stating that ‘during the war against Bulgarians’ the Byzantine Emperor Manuel I Komnenos (1143 – 1180) would have been nearly killed by a Bulgarian warrior who, becoming aware of the fact that the Emperor himself had been asking for mercy, took pity on the Emperor. Manuel, in return, took the warrior with himself to Constantinople. The analysis of Michael the Syrian’s notice indicates that this incident took place not in the Balkans, but in Asia Minor in a region between South Cappadocia and Cilicia, where the Bulgar Dagh Mountain (Bulgar Dagh – ‘Bulgarian Mountain’) and a number of other toponyms related to Bulgarians were found. In May–June 1159, on his way back from Antioch, the Emperor would have been nearly killed. These and some other reports of Michael the Syrian and Bar Hebraeus are exemplary that speaking of foreign sources about the Bulgarian history, it is high time Syriac and Syriac-Armenian sources took their rightful and significant place in the array of mediaevalists.

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The return of Jesus Christ, the end of the world, war, devastating earthquakes, invading space ships, asteroid strikes, the Y2K bug, what do they all have in common? Little if anything really, except that they have all been associated with the coming of the year 2000. To many in Australia the year 2000 may well be an end, if not the End. To some of those, however, it may also be the beginning of something else most significant. That expectation will now be examined. You will have a conducted tour through war and peace, demonic activity, and aeroplanes crashing and people flying. The subject is how a significant number of Australian Christians understand the end of the world ("The End Times"), most particularly the return of Jesus Christ. Those who hold this view we will call "EndTimers". That Jesus Christ will return has been the expectation of the church from its conception. The day of Pentecost is usually regarded as the birthday of the church, and a few days before that Jesus ascended into heaven and the astonished disciples who witnessed it were told by two angels that Jesus would return (Acts 1:9-11). An expectation of the literal return of Jesus Christ has been with the church ever since. It being commonly featured in its creeds both ancient and modern. However, some individual Christians do not hold to a literal, physical return, though they would be in the minority. But amongst those who do expect a literal return, there has not always been agreement about its nature. EndTimers are one group among many, but scattered throughout the Protestant churches. They predict that Jesus Christ will return very soon, indeed, he will return in "this generation". This phrase and many of the ideas commonly associated with it are to be found in the Gospel of Matthew chapter 24. In this chapter Jesus predicts some cataclysmic events, and towards the end of his address, in verse 34, says that they will happen in "this generation". The most natural understanding of this phrase in context is that those events would happen in the life time of his hearers. Indeed, events very much like those described by Jesus did happen in the Fall of Jerusalem about forty years later. Such are the similarities between the two, many Christians with a more liberal view of the Bible see Christ's words as a later construct of the church placed on his lips, and thus as prophecy after the event. For reasons that are more complex than logical EndTimers regard the phrase "this generation" as referring to the generation beginning at the founding of the modern state of Israel in 1948. From that, the events predicted by Jesus are regarded not specifically about a fall of Jerusalem, but about his return and the end of the world. Therefore those who hold this view believe that the End Times will begin within a generation of 1948. If these EndTimers, then, believe that Jesus Christ will return within a generation of 1948, the first question one has to ask is, "How long is a generation?" In the 1960s and 1970s, even into the 1980s, the common answer to that was "Forty years!". Consequently, a glut of books and videos appeared predicting that the End would begin in the 1980s, and they included such titles as: Will Christ Return by 1988: 101 Reasons Why; 88 Reasons Why Christ Will Return in 1988; and Decade of the 80's: A World in Spasm. But the most prominent and influential of them was Hal Lindsey's Late Great Planet Earth, published in 1970. That book is said to be the third largest selling Christian book of all time, with over 20 million copies in print (weep your heart out Bryce Courtney). Most books of this type have been published in America, but were frequently available in Australia. Though this system of belief seems to have had its origins in nineteenth century Britain, American fundamentalists have been its main advocates and developers. As so often happens with American ideas and practices, many Australians have enthusiastically adopted it. In Australia one of the leading teachers in the EndTimers' camp is Brisbane's Ray Yerbury, though New Zealander Barry Smith through lecture tours and books has probably had more influence here. The books of Hal Lindsey, Ray Yerbury, Barry Smith and a few other sources will now be used to detail the beliefs of these Australian EndTimers. Lindsey is included because though he is American, Late Great Planet Earth has been a major, perhaps the major, factor in many Australian Christians adopting these beliefs. The starting point must be the establishment of the modern state of Israel in 1948. To EndTimers this is fulfilment of biblical prophecy. Lindsey says that the "paramount prophetic sign" concerning the return of Jesus Christ is that "Israel had to be a nation again in the land of its forefathers". As has already been noted, within this scheme the return of Christ must happen within a generation of that occurrence. Lindsey writing in 1970 was bold enough to say a generation was "something like forty years" (Late, 43, 54), and is said to believe that Christ will definitely return before the year 2000. Yerbury, writing twenty years later, had to have other options, and he stated that a generation could be either 40, 70-80, 100 or 120 years (Vital, 11). Now 1988 is well in the past, many EndTimers seem to expect Christ's return in or around the year 2000. However, this belief is not usually held with great dogmatism or precision. Indeed, End Times expectations in Australia have been quieter in 1999 than many would have expected. There has been little banner-waving or overt demonstration. In addition the sale of books about the End Times through Australian Christian bookshops has also been slower this year than expected. EndTimers commonly believe that further "signs" of Jesus Christ's return include widespread wars, earthquakes and famines. This is based on a particular understanding of Matthew chapter 24. In addition, a decline in Christian moral values (2 Timothy 3:1-4) and a worldwide control of the money markets (Revelation 13:11-18) are also seen as signs that Christ's return is not far away. To what level wars, earthquakes and famines have to rise or moral values decline before they can be considered authentic signs is not usually discussed, but is clearly a difficulty. Another "sign" of the approaching End is the emergence of a demonic political leader, the Antichrist, also known as "the Beast" (Revelation 13:1-18). With the time scale involved it is necessary to believe that this man, and it always seems to be a man, is alive today, so Antichrist candidates have included the present Pope, the President of a rapidly emerging United States of Europe, Bill Gates, and Prince Charles. Australian leaders do not seem to be considered sufficiently important or frightening to feature as Anichrist candidates. The Bible gives the identification of this "Beast": the number 666. Barry Smith, with neat numerics (a = 6, b = 12, etc.), favoured Henry Kissinger for this role, his surname totalling 666 on Smith's method. Yerbury, with characteristic caution, says that we cannot know his identity at this stage. Another figure that must appear is the Antichrist's henchman, "the False Prophet", a religious leader (Smith, Warning, 22-56; Second Warning, 57-66; better, 170-173; Yerbury, Ultimate, 99-112; Vital, 53-4). Central to EndTimers' beliefs is the Great Tribulation, a time of terrible war and suffering. The duration of this cataclysm is variously described as being seven years (Lindsey, Late, 42, 137-8; Yerbury, Vital, 42-4) or three and a half years (Smith, Warning, 102-112). Where does the return of Jesus Christ fit into this? Commonly EndTimers believe that he will return twice, the first time will be immediately prior to the Great Tribulation, the second time will be seven years later. This first return is for a particular purpose: to remove all the "true" Christians from Earth and take them to heaven, in what is usually known as "the Rapture". This is sometimes referred to as "His coming for the saints". On this occasion he does not actually visit Earth; he only appears above it, and "the saints" will literally rise up to meet him in the sky (Matthew 24:37-41; 1 Thessalonians 4:13-18). But for those remaining on Earth this will all be hidden, that is they will know that their Christian friends and neighbours have disappeared, but will have no idea where they have gone or what has happened (Lindsey, Late, 135-142; Smith, Warning, 150-157; Yerbury, Ultimate, 119-122; Vital, 33-6). This belief conjures up some extraordinary expectations. A Christian doctor operating on a patient will be whisked away, mid operation. Car drivers will disappear, causing their vehicles to crash. Airline pilots will suddenly vanish with terrible consequences. Indeed, it is rumoured that some American airlines do not allow Christians to be both pilot and co-pilot of the one aircraft. Christians must be teamed with non-Christians, in case the Christian is suddenly "raptured". Though this specific belief may not have as much significance in Australia as it does in America, there is no doubt that it is still held tenaciously by its Australian advocates. After the Great Tribulation Jesus Christ will return once more, this time actually to Earth. This return is sometimes referred to as Christ's coming "with the saints", for he will bring back the previously taken Christians with him. This will be followed by the fearsome battle of Armageddon, which Christ will win. He will then establish his reign over the whole world, ruling from Jerusalem, in peace, with equity. This reign will last for 1000 years, the millennium of chapter 20 of the book of Revelation. It is normal for EndTimers to perceive this as literally 1000 years, whereas many other Christians, often with very different understandings of End Times events, would see it as symbolic for a long period (Lindsey, Late, 169-178; Smith, Warning, 158-160; Yerbury, Ultimate, 137-149; Vital, 78-101). Following the Millennium there will be a Satan-led rebellion, but this will be short lived, possibly once more of a seven year duration (Lindsey, 178; Yerbury, Vital, 105-7). God, however, will then triumph over Satan, and wrap up the events of this world and this age, judge its inhabitants, and create a new Heaven and a new Earth, upon which the saved will live with Christ forever (Lindsey, 178; Yerbury, Ultimate, 150-154; Vital, 108-117). Who in Australia holds the views outlined above? They are held by most Australian Christian fundamentalists and some Christian evangelicals. Who are these fundamentalists and evangelicals and what else do they believe? Both groups hold to the core traditional Protestant beliefs (the deity of Jesus Christ, the Trinity, etc), and are to be found in most, if not all, Protestant denominations in Australia, from the Anglican Church to the more recently formed charismatic churches. Fundamentalists and evangelicals are not always clearly distinguishable from each other, for there is much overlapping in beliefs between them. But there are, however, some basic differences between the two. Fundamentalists have a very strong emphasis on a literal interpretation of the Bible, frequently interpreting in an unnatural way, often taking metaphors, symbols, and other figures literally. They are also frequently anti-intellectual. Evangelicals, on the other hand, would take a more rational approach to the Bible, giving due regard to the form of the specific writing, and are usually prepared to engage in intellectual debate. Both groups believe that Jesus Christ will literally return, though there is disagreement about the details between and within the two groups. How many evangelical and fundamentalist Christians are there in Australia? A survey published in 1994 was conducted amongst the attenders of numerous Protestant congregations, and discovered that 48% of those people believed that "the Bible is the Word of God which needs to be read in the context of the times". These, most of them at any rate, would be what have here been termed "evangelicals". Another 21% believed that "the Bible is the Word of God, to be taken literally word for word", and thus would be "fundamentalists" (Kaldor, 45-7). If the survey was anything like accurate, approaching 70% of those attending Australian Protestant churches are either evangelicals or fundamentalists. As it would also seem that there are over 1 million attenders at Protestant churches in Australia (Kaldor, 344), it is probable that there are more than seven hundred thousand evangelical and fundamentalist Christians in Australia. The specific beliefs outlined in this article are widespread amongst fundamentalist Christians, but also seem to be held by some evangelicals. These Christians can be found in probably all Protestant denominations, though are much more common in charismatic and Baptist churches than in, say, Anglican and Uniting churches. These beliefs are also found in some of the sects outside the mainstream Christian church. The number of EndTimers in Australia is almost certainly well in excess of one hundred thousand, and may be above two hundred thousand. How do these beliefs manifest themselves in current Australian life? First, one would expect EndTimers to be less concerned about certain issues of social concern than other Christians, and this often seems to be the case. For example, one does not often find them championing the protection of the environment. If Christ's Kingdom on Earth is not many years away, then why worry about such things now? They can be attended to when Christ returns. The important issue is to prepare people for that return. Another manifestation is the setting of dates for that return, which is probably more common than many realise. Those writers consulted for this study do not predict exact dates for these events. They rely on the more elastic concept of the "this generation" idea. But other people do predict precise dates and times. It is not uncommon to hear individuals, and it is usually individuals rather than movements, predicting that Christ will return on this date or another. They each have their own schemes of interpreting the numerics of such biblical books as Daniel and Revelation. One of the most famous of these predictions was in 1992 when posters began appearing in various Australian towns declaring: THE FINAL WARNING OF GOD JESUS is COMING IN 1am 29th OCT 1992 IN THE AIR (It's the Rapture) Remember the days of Noah and Lot Reject the 666 of computer bar code Repent your sins to God Ready the 7 years Great Tribulation This particular prediction originated in a movement in Korea, and, indeed, its leader in Australia was a Korean on temporary residence here. Several of the teachings discussed in this article are indicated in the poster, with the addition of a very precise prediction of Jesus Christ's return. When the day approached, the leader of the Australian wing of the movement was interviewed in newspapers and on TV, and he politely but boldly confirmed his conviction to the Australian public. The Current Affair interview with him the day after the prediction was proved false was especially touching. He apologised with great sincerity to those he had misled, and soon after returned to his homeland. Ironically, the organisation of which this man was part seems to have left open the possibility of future predictions. It is one of the astonishing facts of this type of endeavour throughout history, that those who predict the end of the world are not discouraged by failure. They just try again. Why? The answers may vary, but central is a strong belief in the certainty of biblical prophecy and the confidence that some have that they know best how to interpret it. It would seem that it would take more than failure to dent that confidence. References Kaldor, Peter (ed.) Winds of Change: The Experience of Church in a Changing Australia. Sydney: Anzea, 1994. Lindsey, Hal. The Late Great Planet Earth. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1970. Smith, Barry R. "... better than Nostradamus." Marlborough: Smith Family, 1996. ---. Second Warning. New Zealand: Smith Family, 1985. ---. Warning. New Zealand: Smith Family, 1980. Yerbury, Ray W. The Ultimate Event. Brisbane: Cross, 1988. ---. Vital Signs of Christ's Coming. Brisbane: Cross, 1990. Citation reference for this article MLA style: David Bennett. "That Year 2000: The End or a Beginning?." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2.8 (1999). [your date of access] <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9912/end.php>. Chicago style: David Bennett, "That Year 2000: The End or a Beginning?," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2, no. 8 (1999), <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9912/end.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: David Bennett. (1999) That year 2000: the end or a beginning?. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2(8). <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9912/end.php> ([your date of access]).