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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Balkan conflicts"
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Gorodnia, Nataliia. "Coverage of International Situation in June-July 1914 by the «Kiyevlianin» Newspaper". European Historical Studies, nr 16 (2020): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.16.5.
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The paper studies the ways in which international situation in June-July 1914 was covered by «Kiyevlianin», a daily influential newspaper published in Kyiv, then Russian Empire. This research focuses on the main international themes covered by the «Kiyevlianin» newspaper after assassination of Habsburg hair Archduke Franz Ferdinand, and until the Austro-Hungarian Note to Serbia was reported. The major focus of the study is international situation in the Balkans, especially the conflict between Austria-Hungary and Serbia, and Russian Empire’s Balkan policy. The author considers those days’ newspapers a valuable source for a historical research as they provided information while the events were ongoing, and their direction and outcomes were not known yet. The understanding of those days’ events by contemporaries may differ from later academic interpretations. For this reason, the study of these newspapers deepens our understanding of international situation before the Great War. The research has revealed that the Austro-Serbian conflict was only one of the numerous conflicts in the Balkans. The international situation on the peninsula dramatically changed after the Balkan wars of 1912-1913 in favor of Serbia, and the potential of further conflicts essentially increased. The reporters understood that any minor changes in the situation could trigger a new Balkan war. The major driving forces behind the Austro-Serbian conflict were “Great Serbian” idea, Serbia’s positioning as the “Piedmont” of Southern Slavs (at the expense of Austro-Hungary), and Russia’s Balkan policy. The latter was represented by the Russian envoy to Belgrade Nikolay Gartvig. According to him, backing of Serbia was caused by Russia’s geopolitical interests of anti-Austrian character. Russia’s backing in July 1914 prompted the Serbian regent Alexander not to comply with the Austro-Hungarian Note and to escalate the conflict. Thus, Russia’s pro-Serbian and anti-Austrian policy was the major factor which caused the war.
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Pavlovic, Vojislav. "A third Balkan war: France and the allied attempts at creating a new Balkan alliance 1914-1915". Balcanica, nr 38 (2007): 191–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0738191p.
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The initial phase of the First World War in the Balkans 1914-1915 was a natural continuation of the conflicts opened during the Balkan Wars, but national fervor now encompassed all of the Balkans, from Rijeka and Ljubljana to Athens, Sofia and Bucharest, because the role of the Dual Monarchy had changed from that of an arbiter to that of a participant in the conflict. With the demise of the Ottoman Empire, the further survival of the Habsburg Monarchy was challenged by the Serbian government's Yugoslav project, creating conditions for implementing the nationality principle in all of the Balkans. It seemed that, in support of the alliances that were being created in the Balkans and in Europe as a whole, the time had come for the final fulfillment of the national aspirations of the Balkan peoples. The outcome of this third Balkan war no longer depended solely on the balance of power inside the Balkans, but also on the overall course of the war. After the initial victories in 1914, Serbia suffered a defeat in 1915 and her armies were forced to retreat southward to Albania and Greece, but her Yugoslav project was the foundation of her future policies and the basis for materializing the concept of a common South-Slavic state.
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Kantareva, Silva. "Balkans". Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 7 (30.04.2004): 81–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.7.4.
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For more than a decade the Balkans were a bloody arena of monstrosities, the memory of which has still not subsided. Many heated discussions have been devoted to understanding the underlying logic and causes of the Balkan conflicts. Those futile “attempts,” however, have given rise to “balkanization”— a discourse that capitalized on the “Balkan essence” and diagnosed that the region is caught up in a vortex of ancient hatreds. Presenting a frozen image of the Balkans, such a discourse gradually gained autonomy that allows no dynamism and has the potential to turn into a self-fulfilling prophecy. With this paper I will examine four theories explaining the emergence of the Balkan discourse. By utilizing a post-modernist approach to look into the specifics of Balkanism, I will investigate the signifier “Balkan” which has come to designate the geographical region as a cultural entity and inspect if such usage is justified. Providing a historical study, I will compare nationalisms in the Balkans with nationalisms elsewhere in Europe and investigate what, if anything makes Balkan nationalism qualitatively different.
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Kaloeva, E. B. "Power and civil society in the Western Balkans, their role in foreign policy through the eyes of balkan and foreign researchers". Urgent Problems of Europe, nr 2 (2022): 68–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.02.04.
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The article attempts to show the role of official authorities and civil society on the thorny path that the countries of the Western Balkans have to overcome towards mutual undestanding. Unfortunately, some tensions still persist in relations between the countries of the region, and from time to time some hotheads propose new projects for revising borders, which can lead to the resumption of armed conflicts. Such a development can be ruled out not only by the actions of sober-minded politicians, but also by civil society, which played an important role in restoring peaceful order of life after the end of the bloody Balkan conflict of the 1990 s. After all, the main cause of conflicts in the Balkans lies not in the desire to protect ethnic, cultural and religious differences between the Balkan peoples, but in the way their political and cultural elites understand national identity and use it to achieve their political goals. The article also analyzes the activities of some non-governmental organizations that emerged in the Western Balkans in the early 2000 s and still enjoying international prestige and continue their work, despite the not entirely favorable situation in the position of civil society in those countries where trends of authoritarianism and national populism are strong. Particular attention is paid to the issue of geopolitics in the Western Balkans during the COVID-19 pandemic.
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Peza-Perriu, Majlinda. "RELATIONS BETWEEN ALBANIAN AND BULGARIAN DURING 1912-1914". Knowledge International Journal 28, nr 7 (10.12.2018): 2447–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij28072447m.
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The history of the Balkans has been and is the story of the peoples who have lived and tried for the relationship of a worthy and peaceful neighborhood on this peninsula. But in a few cases, these relationships are defined by state policies and as such have been conflicting. Referring to political developments, after the First Balkan War Balkan conflicts between the Balkan states conditioned the outbreak of the Second Balkan War. Albania's destiny was directly linked to these Balkan conflicts. The only Balkan state, which had no territorial claims in Albania, resulted to be Bulgaria. In this regard, we point out that Bulgaria's interests after the First Balkan War resonated with the interests of Albanians. The decision of the Ambassadors' Conference in London unduly left outside the borders of the new Albanian state almost half of the country's lands. Did Bulgaria support the new Albanian state at the London Conference of Ambassadors? What was the attitude of the Bulgarian population during the Albanian uprising against the Serbs of 1913? The treatment and analysis of these issues is also the focus of our research in the framework of this scientific paper. In reflecting on such issues, we have relied on the consultation of a broad and contemporary literature, seen in the context of comparability of archival documents, with new approaches and attitudes.
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Peza-Perriu, Majlinda. "RELATIONS BETWEEN ALBANIAN AND BULGARIAN DURING 1912-1914". Knowledge International Journal 28, nr 7 (10.12.2018): 2447–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij29082447m.
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The history of the Balkans has been and is the story of the peoples who have lived and tried for the relationship of a worthy and peaceful neighborhood on this peninsula. But in a few cases, these relationships are defined by state policies and as such have been conflicting. Referring to political developments, after the First Balkan War Balkan conflicts between the Balkan states conditioned the outbreak of the Second Balkan War. Albania's destiny was directly linked to these Balkan conflicts. The only Balkan state, which had no territorial claims in Albania, resulted to be Bulgaria. In this regard, we point out that Bulgaria's interests after the First Balkan War resonated with the interests of Albanians. The decision of the Ambassadors' Conference in London unduly left outside the borders of the new Albanian state almost half of the country's lands. Did Bulgaria support the new Albanian state at the London Conference of Ambassadors? What was the attitude of the Bulgarian population during the Albanian uprising against the Serbs of 1913? The treatment and analysis of these issues is also the focus of our research in the framework of this scientific paper. In reflecting on such issues, we have relied on the consultation of a broad and contemporary literature, seen in the context of comparability of archival documents, with new approaches and attitudes.
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SADAKATA, MAMORU. "Regional Governance: Lessons from European Involvement in Yugoslav Conflicts". Japanese Journal of Political Science 4, nr 2 (listopad 2003): 315–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109903001130.
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The fragmentation of Yugoslavia has wrought extensive political and social change in the Balkans and Europe more generally. After the collapse of communism and the breakup of Yugoslavia, many Balkan countries have transformed their political systems. European states have attempted to engage and manage this breakup on an individual and collective basis. The involvement of the international community, and above all of EU countries adjacent to the Balkans, has greatly influenced processes of conflict resolution and post-conflict reconstruction in the region.
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Echimovich, Mariana, Vitaliy Alekseevich Danilov, Zarina Fazlitdinovna Mardonova i Maxim Kirillovich Karpukhin. "Evolution of foreign policy priorities of the Western Balkan countries in the context of their European and Euro-Atlantic". Конфликтология / nota bene, nr 3 (marzec 2021): 143–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2021.3.37080.
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This article traces the evolution of foreign policy priorities of the Western Balkan countries in the context of their European and Euro-Atlantic integration over the period from the mid-1990s to 2020. The key goal lies in the analysis of formation and development of the European and Euro-Atlantic vectors in foreign policy of the Western Balkans. The relevance of the selected topic is defined by fact that all Western Balkan countries are somehow involved in the European and Euro-Atlantic integration processes, which prompts transformations in their home and foreign policy. In post-Cold War era, the Western Balkans depart from their foreign policy course, which they have followed since the end of the World War II. The conflicts that were related to dissolution of Yugoslavia underline the expansion of influence of the North Atlantic Alliance as the major “peacekeeper”, and the European Union, which took on the role of post-conflict settlement. In the under their influence. Tracing the evolution of foreign policy priorities of the Western Balkans within the framework of their European and Euro-Atlantic integration defines the scientific novelty of this research. The acquired conclusions can be implemented in theoretical and practical activity. The article explores the regional initiatives of NATO and EU, which were aimed at stabilization of the Western Balkan region through transformation of state and social institutions, development of interstate cooperation, and involvement in regional integration processes. For determination of the role of the European Union and NATO in foreign policy of the Western Balkans, the author analyzed the doctrinal documents of the Western Balkan countries, which highlighted the priority of European and Euro-Atlantic vector.
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Echimovich, Mariana, Vitaliy Alekseevich Danilov, Zarina Fazlitdinovna Mardonova i Maxim Kirillovich Karpukhin. "Evolution of foreign policy priorities of the Western Balkan countries in the context of their European and Euro-Atlantic". Конфликтология / nota bene, nr 4 (kwiecień 2021): 56–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2021.4.37080.
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This article traces the evolution of foreign policy priorities of the Western Balkan countries in the context of their European and Euro-Atlantic integration over the period from the mid-1990s to 2020. The key goal lies in the analysis of formation and development of the European and Euro-Atlantic vectors in foreign policy of the Western Balkans. The relevance of the selected topic is defined by fact that all Western Balkan countries are somehow involved in the European and Euro-Atlantic integration processes, which prompts transformations in their home and foreign policy. In post-Cold War era, the Western Balkans depart from their foreign policy course, which they have followed since the end of the World War II. The conflicts that were related to dissolution of Yugoslavia underline the expansion of influence of the North Atlantic Alliance as the major “peacekeeper”, and the European Union, which took on the role of post-conflict settlement. In the under their influence. Tracing the evolution of foreign policy priorities of the Western Balkans within the framework of their European and Euro-Atlantic integration defines the scientific novelty of this research. The acquired conclusions can be implemented in theoretical and practical activity. The article explores the regional initiatives of NATO and EU, which were aimed at stabilization of the Western Balkan region through transformation of state and social institutions, development of interstate cooperation, and involvement in regional integration processes. For determination of the role of the European Union and NATO in foreign policy of the Western Balkans, the author analyzed the doctrinal documents of the Western Balkan countries, which highlighted the priority of European and Euro-Atlantic vector.
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Efremenko, Dmitry. "BOSNIAN AND ALBANIAN QUESTIONS THREE DECADES AFTER THE BREAKUP OF YUGOSLAVIA". Russia and the moslem world, nr 3 (2021): 93–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/rmw/2021.03.08.
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The article examines the dynamics and prospects of the settlement of the main conflicts in the Western Balkans region. Three decades after the breakup of Yugoslavia, the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina remains explosive, and the Albanian question has not yet been resolved. The most important factors influencing the conflict dynamics in the region are ethnic homogenization and external interference. The intervention of the West allowed to stop the military actions, but at the same time it actually consolidated the results of ethnic homogenization. The prospect of integration of various countries in the region into Western alliances does not eliminate the remaining conflict potential. Rather, Western alliances are following the path of internalizing these conflicts. In these circumstances, there is a high probability of further changes in the borders between the Western Balkan states.
Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Balkan conflicts"
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Pavloudis, Christos. "Nationalism and ethnic conflict in southern Balkans". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/02Jun%5FPavloudis.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs and M.A. in International Security and Civil Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, 2002.Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Thomas Bruneau. Includes bibliographical references (p. 93-97). Also available online.
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Dimova, Guinka. "Crises, conflits et leur résolution : le cas des Balkans". Université Robert Schuman (Strasbourg) (1971-2008), 2008. https://publication-theses.unistra.fr/public/theses_doctorat/2008/DIMOVA_Guinka_2008.pdf.
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Bien que les Balkans fassent, sur le plan géographique, incontestablement partie du continent européen, leur histoire turbulente s'est soldée par de profondes divisions ethniques, religieuses, culturelles, économiques et politiques. Ce qui se passe dans les Balkans ne peut pas être correctement compris, si les événements ne sont pas considérés et examinés comme un produit du développement européen, tout en tenant compte de l'action réciproque de plusieurs forces historiques intérieures et extérieures. Ce travail, a pour objet d'expliquer pourquoi les Etats balkaniques font preuve d'une telle réactivité, pourquoi ils réagissent par la confrontation et l'hostilité là où le dialogue et la discussion pourraient donner de meilleurs résultats. A ces questions il n'existe pas bien sûr une réponse unique. L'objet de ce travail est de tenter d'analyser les différents conflits balkaniques à partir d'une méthode qui consiste à énumérer et examiner les conflits, puis de les regrouper en fonction de certaines caractéristiques, afin de tenter la formulation d'une "doctrine de la prévention des conflits" dans la région des Balkans et, au-delà, dans le continent tout entier. Et ce, de manière à aider la communauté internationale ainsi que certains Etats, à trouver les moyens spécifiques susceptible d'être utilisés pour un règlement pacifique des conflits. Chacun des exemples choisis sera présenté à partir d'un aperçu historique, avec sa durée, les principales étapes de son évolution, les facteurs et les forces qui lui sont propres, les principales tentatives de résolution, son état actuel et les perspectives éventuelles. Un accent particulier est porté sur les formes, les méthodes et les moyens utilisés pour la prévention et la résolution des conflits et des crises ethniques. Ce travail, s'intéressant exclusivement aux outils diplomatiques, il ne sera donc pas question des opérations militaires qui ont eu lieu en ex - Yougoslavie et qui impliquent une approche spécifique. Les événements tragiques qui se sont produits dans les Balkans ont ramené au premier rang des préoccupations des responsables politiques et des organisations internationales, à se poser la question: "comment éviter à se faire la guerre et pourquoi en est-on arrivé là?". Il s'agit de proposer une rationalisation des efforts de réflexion, d'offrir un certain nombre de "pistes", de manière à contribuer à nourrir la recherche. Le but de cette thèse n'est pas de démontrer que le "peacekeeping" est "la solution", mais plutôt de montrer qu'en matière de prévention de la guerre il n'y a pas de solution unique, mais un ensemble élaboré de stratégies et de plans d'action. La première partie de ce travail est ainsi consacrée à certains conflits et crises ethno politiques dans la région des Balkans. Celle-ci est divisée en deux chapitres: le premier vise à mettre en lumière la genèse et le développement des conflits ethno politiques, notamment des conflits au Kosovo, en Bosnie-Herzégovine, à Chypre et en Moldavie; le deuxième chapitre porte sur ce que l'on a appelé "des résolutions anormales" des crises et des conflits ethniques, consistant à montrer à quel point et pourquoi ce qui se passe dans les Balkans est différent des événements et du déroulement historique du reste du continent européen, à partir d'une analyse des actions coordonnées de l'ingérence collective, et du rôle des organisations internationales. Les conflits balkaniques et notamment ceux au Kosovo et en Bosnie- Herzégovine représentent en effet, dans une certaine mesure, des cas de "résolution anormale"The Balkan Peninsula may be undoubtedly termed, geographically at least, a part of Europe, but its turbulent history has always been marked by deep divisions. This scholarly work aims to provide an explanation as to why Balkan countries all too often prefer to adopt a confrontational approach, when dialogue and discussion might deliver far better results. The main aim of this work is to attempt an analysis of the various Balkan conflicts. The method adopted consists of their identification, enumeration, and categorisation according to certain salient features, with the ultimate goal of providing a "doctrine for the prevention of conflicts" on the Balkans and in Europe as a whole. It is believed that this method would help the international community as well as certain countries to find the most suitable means for the peaceful resolution of conflicts. Particular emphasis is given to the conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Cyprus, and Moldavia, and special attention is drawn to ths forms, methods, and instruments for the prevention and resolution od ethnic conflicts and crises. Therefore the first part of this work deals with certain ethno-political conflicts and crises in the Balkans. The traditional methods and instruments used for the regulation and management of conflicts and crises are dealt with in the second part. To sum up, stability in the whole Balkan region hinges on two essential factors : the local populations and Europe as a whole. When one's fortunes depend on two elements, their concord or discord become crucial factors for the unfolding of events
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Pjetraj, Walter M. "Conflict containment in the Balkans : testing extended deterrence /". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1995. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA297658.
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Dimova, Guinka Romer Jean-Christophe. "Crises, conflits et leur résolution le cas des Balkans /". Strasbourg : Université Robert Schuman, 2008. http://urs-srv-eprints.u-strasbg.fr/343/01/DIMOVA_Guinka_2008.pdf.
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Belbachir, Walid. "L'établissement des chemins de fer dans les Balkans à l'époque ottomane : structuration de l'espace et organisation des échanges (1856-1913)". Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017AIXM0449.
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Titre de la Thèse : L'établissement des chemins de fer dans les Balkans à l'époque ottomane : structuration de l'espace et organisation des échanges (1856-1913)Rejoindre l'Orient, voici sans doute l'une des obsessions de l'Occident. Peut-être l'épopée d'Alexandre le Grand a t-elle contribué à construire cet objectif quasi mystique. Quoi qu'il en soit, le XIXe siècle est celui de sa rationalisation. L'invention de la locomotive et celle du navire à vapeur permettent d'amorcer un processus de mise en réseau du monde. Sur les cinq continents, les villages, les villes et les ports s'interconnectent progressivement, engendrant une mondialisation des flux commerciaux et humains. Ce mouvement est orchestré par les grandes puissances européennes, dont le pouvoir est fondé sur la conquête de nouveaux marchés et sur l'importation des matières premières essentielles à leur essor. Londres et Bombay forment alors deux pivots incontournables, permettant de rediriger les flux en circulation à l'échelle trans-continentale. Entre ces deux points, Suez joue le rôle d'interface entre la mer Rouge et la Méditerranée. Au cours de la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle, l'espace balkanique est progressivement intégré à ce système-monde. L'introduction du rail y induit une profonde redéfinition des rapports de force, que ceux-ci soient d'ordre économique, militaire ou politique. A ce titre, la mise en place de voies ferrées dans les Balkans, à l'époque sous domination de l'Empire ottoman, résulte d'une imbrication de stratégies d'influence, s'exprimant à différentes échelles. Cette thèse se propose de les mettre en lumièreReaching the East : this is undoubtedly one of the obsessions of the West. Maybe Alexander the Great's conquests contributed to forge this quasi-mystical aim. Wherever it comes from, the XIXth century is the one of its rationalization. Inventions such as steam locomotive and steamship allow to begin a global networking process. On five continents, villages, cities and ports, are progressively interconnected, generating a globalization of human and trade flows. This movement is orchestrated by the major European powers, whose expansion is based on the conquest of new markets and on the importation of natural resources required for their development. London and Mumbay play at that time a pivotal role, allowing to reroute flows in circulation at the inter-continental scale. Between these two major cities, Suez is an unavoidable crossing point between the Mediterranean and the Red Sea. During the second half of the XIXth century, the Balkan space is progressively integrated to this world-system. In that region, the introduction of railway induces a radical restructuring of power relations, whether political, economical or military. For this reason, the establishment of railways in the Balkans results from an interlacing of influencing strategies, articulated at various scales. This thesis sets out to highlight them
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Cenaki, Marco. "Bal.Kan - Europe´s Demonized Other". Thesis, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22861.
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Revah, Olivier. "La gouvernance du post-conflit interne : procédés de réhabilitation de l'État et de la nation". Nice, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006NICE0045.
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Suivant un schéma classique d'intervention internationale en post-conflit interne, les différents acteurs du développement se bornent à superposer sur les ruines d'un État suicidé, des principes de gouvernance, dont les bénéficiaires doivent faire l'apprentissage. Malgré un déploiement de moyens financiers et humain considérables, la plupart des conflits internes connaissent des résurgences préoccupantes. Les dommages collatéraux de ces conflits sont de nature à inquiéter les États voisins. Ces derniers seraient donc en droit de douter de l'efficacité des procédés de démocratisation utilisés par les acteurs du développement, et de remettre en cause les stratégies choisies par les sphères décisionnelles internationales. Il s'agira, dès lors, de passer en revue l'éventail des prestations fournies, et, considérant les obstacles pratiques rencontrés sur le terrain, confronter la théorie aux réalités, en tirer des conclusions et suggérer des réorientations. En l'occurrence, nous évoquerons tour à tour la reconstruction de l'État par les acteurs du développement, pour montrer que ces efforts sont vains si la reconstitution de la nation est négligée. Enfin, nous estimerons si la réconciliation est possible, et dans la négative, quelles sont les alternatives juridiques à une situation conflictuelle inextricable. Au cours de cette analyse, et pour des raisons pratiques la situation dans les Balkans sera envisagée de manière récurrenteIn an academic scheme of international intervention in post-internal conflict, various developmental stakeholders restrict themselves to superpose on collapses of a suicidal State, principles of gouvernance of which beneficiaries must bring the apprenticeship. In spite of an unfurling of financial means and considerable human support, the generality of internal conflicts knows preoccupying resurgences. Collateral nuisances of those conflicts are of such a nature as to challenge neighbouring States. Bearing in mind resurgences of conflicts, these States would be entitled to doubt of the democratization proceedings' efficiency, used by developmental actors, and to challenge the decisional international spheres' selected strategies. Therefore, it will be relevant, to review the range of supplied services, and, considering the rising obstacles on the field, to confront the theory to realities, to draw findings, and to suggest redirectings. In the occurrence, we will envizage alternately the government reconstruction by developmental actors, to show that those efforts are vain if the reconstitution of the nation is neglected. Lastly, we will deem if the reconciliation is possible, and in the negative, what are juridical alternatives to an inextricable conflictual setting. In the course of this analysis, and for practical and illustrative reasons, the Balkans situation will be redundantly envizaged
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Stanley, Penny. "Mass rape in war : feminist thought and British press representations of the Balkan Conflict 1991-1995". Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/21ca785d-697e-4796-80e8-d875b3f99261.
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This thesis is concerned with the possible inter-relationships between mass rape in war, the representation of rape in the Balkan conflict in major British broadsheet newspapers, and feminist thought. The empirical focus of the thesis consists of a critical analysis of the journalists’' reports of the occurrence of mass rape in the Balkan conflict as published in The Guardian, The Times, The Observer and The Sunday Times. Part One contextualises the thesis by providing an extensive discussion of rape, the history of mass rape in war, and the historical build-up to the Balkan conflict. Part Two contains the bulk of the empirical research: this is a critical examination of press representations of incidents of mass rape in the Balkans 1991-1995. Part Three investigates in more detail the relationship between feminist thought and the press representations of rape in war as highlighted in Part Two. Moreover, it examines some feminist 'solutions' to mass rape in war: those ideas were prompted by press interest in the subject, and its subsequent influence on particular feminist scholars. There are four main conclusions from the thesis. First, it shows that there is a complex relationship between feminist thought and press representations. Second, it argues that the relationship has positive results for both feminist theorising (providing information and ideas) and in terms of raising awareness of previously 'silenced' *issues in the public domain. Third, it suggests that the media in general has played an important role in placing the issue of mass rape in war on the international political agenda. Finally, the thesis vindicates the claim in the Introduction that the academic discipline of International Relations should be more attentive to this violent phenomenon, which has been such a regular feature of the history of war, and considers it a legitimate area of study.
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Pattas, Ioannis. "The Kosovo conflict : emerging relationships and implications for Greece". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/02Jun%5FPattas.pdf.
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Kaba, Idlir. "The Role of Identity Perceptions on Security : The Western Balkans Case". Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-89989.
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This thesis tries to provide valuable insight and explain the role of identity perceptions on security as a means to avert conflicts and security threats. The aim is to provide an identity based explanation to security problems. Constructivism and „social identity theory‟ are its theoretical points of departure which help us understand how we construct social identities and have the tendency to be prejudicial towards others. Our prejudices and negative identity perceptions play a major role in security issues. We will use process tracing to find how identity perceptions are constructed and how they affect security. More explicitly we will trace the process of how identities were affected by historical events as well as the ethnocentric interpretation of these historical events. For thorough analysis, Bosnia, Kosovo and Macedonia are chosen as case studies. The findings will hopefully propose better solutions to security problems and built knowledge applicable to other similar security threats.
Książki na temat "Balkan conflicts"
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Stephen, Badsey, i Latawski Paul C. 1954-, red. Britain, NATO, and the lessons of the Balkan conflicts, 1991-1999. London: Frank Cass, 2003.
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Badsey, Dr. Britain, NATO and the Lessons of the Balkan Conflicts, 1991 -1999. London: Taylor & Francis Inc, 2003.
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Redgrave, Roy. The adventures of Colonel Daffodil: Balkan beginnings, memorable travels, and forgotten conflicts. Barnsley, South Yorkshire: Leo Cooper, 2007.
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International Seminar "Sources of Insecurity in the Balkans: Risks and Conflicts" (1998 Bucharest, Romania). International Seminar "Sources of Insecurity in the Balkans: Risks and Conflicts". Redaktorzy Simon Jeffrey 1942-, Uscoi Nicolae, Institute for Political Studies of Defense and Military History (Bucharest, Romania), National Defense University. Institute for National Strategic Studies. i North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Office of Information and Press. Bucharest: Institute for Political Studies of Defense and Military history, 1998.
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The Balkans in the Cold War: Balkan federations, Cominform, Yugoslav-Soviet conflict. Belgrade: Institute for Balkan Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, 2011.
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The Balkan wars: Conquest, revolution, and retribution from the Ottoman era to the twentieth century and beyond. New York: Basic Books, 2002.
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Norman, Itzkowitz, i Goldberg Enid A, red. The Balkans: Ethnic conflict. Amawalk, N.Y: Golden Owl, 2000.
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The Balkan conflict & its solutions: Creating conditins for peace, stability and development in the Western Balkans. Ljubljana: Pravna fakulteta, 2007.
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Štiblar, Franjo. The Balkan conflict & its solutions: Creating conditins for peace, stability and development in the Western Balkans. Ljubljana: Pravna fakulteta, 2007.
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Marcovitz, Hal. The Balkans: People in conflict. Philadelphia: Chelsea House, 2002.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródłaCzęści książek na temat "Balkan conflicts"
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Vrcan, Srdjan. "Orthodoxy in Balkan Political Conflicts". W Identities and Conflicts, 135–60. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230288690_9.
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Reynolds, Peter W. "Media and Communications Systems in the Balkan Conflicts". W Reflections on the Balkan Wars, 75–90. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403980205_5.
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Pitsos, Nicolas. "Marianne Staring at the Balkans on Fire: French Views and Perceptions of the 1912–13 Conflicts". W The Balkan Wars from Contemporary Perception to Historic Memory, 141–60. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-44642-4_6.
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Hupchick, Dennis P. "National Conflicts". W The Balkans, 296–315. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780312299132_15.
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Bugajski, Janusz. "Balkan Myths and Bosnian Massacres". W The South Slav Conflict, 115–44. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003249917-8.
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Todorova, Maria. "Balkan as a Concept". W The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Peace and Conflict Studies, 71–79. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-77954-2_185.
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Todorova, Maria. "Balkan as a Concept". W The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Peace and Conflict Studies, 1–9. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-11795-5_185-1.
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Remington, Robin Alison. "Yugoslavia and the Internationalization of the Balkan Conflict". W The South Slav Conflict, 229–52. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003249917-13.
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Binavince, Emilio S. "Balkan Realities and the Constitution of a Polyethnic State". W The South Slav Conflict, 349–62. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003249917-19.
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Walters, Garrison. "The Future of History in the Balkans". W The South Slav Conflict, 43–50. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003249917-4.
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Tutui, Marian. "Divan film festival or the story of a big small festival of cinematographic and culinary art in the Balkans". W Patrimoniul cultural: cercetare, valorificare, promovare. Institute of Cultural Heritage, Republic of Moldova, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52603/9789975351379.16.
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In 2010 a small festival on Balkan cuisine and cinema, leaving aside the competition and prizes, endeavored to promote a unifying perspective on the cinema of 10 nations: Balkan film studies. It is the merit of the great writer and recently chef Mircea Dinescu, of the amazing settlement on the banks of the Danube, where the borders of Romania, Bulgaria and Serbia meet, of some serious scholars, as well as of the great value of the Balkan films of the last decades that imposed the expression “Balkan film”. Paradoxically, while ethnic conflicts have provoked terrible experiences for the inhabitants of the Balkans and erected new borders, the filmmakers seem to have benefited from the authentic drama and have learned to better address the surrounding nations as well.
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Gashi, Bejtush, i Arian Kadriu. "SECURITY CHALLENGES OF WESTERN BALKANS COUNTRIES, A NECESSITY FOR A REGIONAL COOPERATION". W SECURITY HORIZONS. Faculty of Security- Skopje, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.20544/icp.2.4.21.p04.
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After the end of the Cold War in the 1990s, the Western Balkan was one of the regions that experienced the most difficult transition because this process was accompanied by bilateral and multilateral conflicts, with local and regional wars, as well as with political and ethnic clashes. As a consequence, it was also politically fragmented on its map. The international community intervened in the Balkans with various civilian and military missions, respectively during the conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo and North Macedonia. These international interventions have yielded concrete results in the process of overall democratic reforms of the region countries, with particular emphasis on the security field, as well as the aspect of integration reforms in both NATO and the EU. The fragmentation of Western Balkans came as a result of many historical, political, economic, military, geopolitical and strategic reasons. This process has also had consequences in the integration process of this region. But it is currently fully oriented towards European and Euro-Atlantic structures. Most Balkan countries are now members of NATO, while Kosovo has the primary and long-term strategic objective of its policy of integration into EuroAtlantic Security structures. The outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic has tested the Euro-Atlantic integration process and could be a turning point in relations between the EU and the enlargement countries in the Western Balkans. Keywords: Western Balkans, Covid-19, Regional security, North Macedonia, NATO, Kosovo
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Inês Pinho, Maria, Sérgio Veludo i Maria Fátima Lambert. "CULTURAL HERITAGE AS A TARGET IN CONFLICT SCENARIOS". W European realities - Power : 5th International Scientific Conference. Academy of Arts and Culture in Osijek, J. J. Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.59014/hlzp8057.
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The focus of this paper is on increasing challenges that Europe faces when it comes to the defense and security of cultural heritage under the legal framework developed by the United Nations (UN) and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), and based on the Hague Convention of 1954. Cultural heritage has been, for a long time and in diverse circumstances, both a strategic war target and a hostage in conflicts such as the Balkan Wars and conflicts in the Middle East, and now in Ukraine. Heritage has been intentionally destroyed or threatened, among others, by sophisticated military technologies such as drones, thermobaric explosive devices and in ultima ratio the nuclear weapons threat, which has had severe psychological and physical effects on the people. The growth of the asymmetrical military conflicts in Europe is observed due to the new technologies of war. How does this make cultural heritage a desirable target? Are there mechanisms created by international organizations to act in defense of heritage in the event of an armed conflict? In order to answer these research questions, the research methodology used in this paper will start with a review of literature about threatening processes in European conflicts, and continue with the collection of data on institutional platforms in order to create the basis for a proposal, an observatory for this theme. The final conclusion is that cultural heritage is in itself powerful, but also deeply symbolic and fragile at the same time. This power becomes an identity enforcer of a nation and can be considered as a morale booster.
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Zivotic, Ilija, i Darko Obradovic. "SPREAD OF THE RUSSIAN PROPAGANDA ON WESTERN BALKANS – CASE STUDY IN SERBIA". W SECURITY HORIZONS. Faculty of Security- Skopje, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.20544/icp.3.7.22.p15.
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Russian aggression on Ukraine increased spread of disinformation worldwide. Western Balkans and Serbia are also a long-term subject for Russian active measures. Those active measures have several priorities which are only intensifying in crises periods. Russian strategic task for Western Balkan is to prevent full western integrations. So far, Russia has succeeded to blockade Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro very successfully through their proxies on the field. Like during corona crisis, same patterns are deployed before and after beginning of the aggression on Ukraine. This work aims to identify, explain and counter main anti-western narratives in context of the Russian aggression. No doubts Russia is losing its international capacity but capacity for cover activities is still untouched on Western Balkans. In this scientific work authors will make a brief case study on Serbia and try to provide better understanding why Russian disinformation is so successful in Serbia. What are the main triggers? What can be done to prevent such subversive activities? Also, authors will trace and analyze the main advisories’ narratives from their deployment to their effects. Russian active measures have the potential to trigger inner and international conflicts in the Western Balkan region. They have already successfully divided the society. Meanwhile Serbia had a parliamentary election with results which are in direct connection with the war in Ukraine. Right wing parties achieved their record success in the last 10 years. Our article will try to find what can be done in a way to prevent Russian active measures. What is the role of media, state institutions and civil societies? This challenge will unfortunately be a security challenge in the future years, full western integration will not be a “silver bullet” for Russian activities. Russia is a global challenger that will exploit every possibility to endanger West. Non-integrated territories will be more vulnerable to became anti-western launch pad in the region. Keywords: active measures, security, politics, economy, disinformation, international relations, strategy
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Di Girolamo, Felicia, i Loreta Ҫapeli. "Fortezze del mediterraneo orientale e rappresentazioni attraverso la storia: il caso di Durazzo". W FORTMED2024 - Defensive Architecture of the Mediterranean. Valencia: Universitat Politàcnica de València, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/fortmed2024.2024.18090.
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Eastern Mediterranean cities affected by numerous episodes of warfare over the centuries are marked by defense structures and fortified architecture that have characterized their physiognomy and identity over time. In general, the Balkan and Greek states were largely marked by fortresses and bastions placed to protect conflicts that occurred frequently from sea and land. Images of Mediterranean cities and landscapes are therefore profoundly distinguished by bastions, city walls, towers and castles, which, in relation to the conflicts and wartime events of these territories, allowed for a conspicuous iconographic, cartographic and literary production. In fact, alongside the material traces left by fortifications and architectural structures, there are historiographic sources that offer, within a vast time span, documentation of great interest. Particularly in the context of the Venetian domains scattered along the Balkan and Greek coasts during the centuries of the Serenissima, there are numerous accounts of cartographers and travelers who, with stories and drawings, describe the domains of the Venetian Republic in the Mediterranean. Representations of cities and the fortified landscape are therefore particularly interesting tools that enable the analysis of defensive architectural structures through the centuries. This essay intends, therefore, to examine the representations and accounts produced by cartographers and travelers who showed interest in the cities of the eastern Mediterranean. Nevertheless, it will be useful to compare the different images in order to analyze and reconstruct the morphological characteristics of the structures and their transformations over time. Thus, the review of works by distinguished Italian and foreign authors allows us to distinguish cities and fortified architecture that represent evidence of considerable interest for the study of known territories and lesser-known places that qualify as landmarks of exceptional historical value.
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Bozovic, Drazen, i Stevko Stefanoski. "BENEFITS OF THE EURO-ATLANTIC INTEGRATION FOR THE BALKAN COUNTRIES - COMPARATIVE EXPERIENCES OF MONTENEGRO AND NORTH MACEDONIA". W SECURITY HORIZONS. Faculty of Security- Skopje, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.20544/icp.11.01.20.p03.
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Following the end of the confrontation between the former Military Blocs and the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact in 1991, after four decades of existence, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) lost its ideological, political and military opponent. Initial expectations were that in such a global constellation of relations NATO would lose its sense of existence. However, as previously when Alliance faced with numerous challenges maintaining internal cohesion, from this situation came up with even stronger strategic concept, focusing on its own transformation, redefinition of its role and expanding the tasks, primarily on development of new partnerships and preventive actions in unstable and crisis areas. NATO established a new policy, relations, and an open dialogue with the former opponents. The Partnership for Peace (PfP) was created as a program aimed at cooperation and confidence building between the NATO members and other South Eastern European and former USSR countries, while countries that came after the collapse of the former Yugoslavia began their Euro-Atlantic integration processes after the end of the military conflicts in the late 1990s. Both countries that will be comparatively covered by this research are successors of the former Yugoslavia. They have had different paths and processes of independence and transition, and also their Euro-Atlantic integration processes have begun different and faced different challenges. The Republic of North Macedonia brought the decision for NATO membership in 1993, and in 1995 it joined the Partnership for Peace Program. On the other hand, Montenegro began its processes much later, after it became independent in 2006, and became a full-fledged NATO member on June 5th 2017. The Republic of North Macedonia faced a veto by a permanent NATO member over the widely known name issue and unfortunately did 46 not join NATO together with Albania and Croatia in 2009. After that, the long path to the full membership is seen to be accomplished at the beginning of 2020. Through the topic of this research by comparative method will broadly analyze all circumstances of the integration processes for both countries, while research questions will be directed to the already visible and expected benefits of euro-atlantic integrations. The particular research attention of this paper will be paid on the military and defense benefits as well as to other consecutive benefits, such as improvement of the overall security of the both countries and the region, strengthening the rule of law, economy, businesses, investments, tourism etc. Keywords: Euro-Atlantic integration, security, partnership, cooperation, benefits, stability
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Mijovic Spasova, Tamara, i Bojana Mijovic Hristovska. "Cultivating Perspectives: The Agriculture Sector in North Macedonia, the 'Open Balkan' Initiative, and the Dual Shocks of Covid-19 and the Ukrainian Crisis". W Economic and Business Trends Shaping the Future. Ss Cyril and Methodius University, Faculty of Economics-Skopje, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.47063/ebtsf.2023.0012.
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This paper investigates the intertwined effects of two contemporaneous global crises, the Covid-19 pandemic and the Russia-Ukraine military conflict, on agriculture sector companies operating in North Macedonia. Additionally, it explores the potential advantages arising from regional economic cooperation within the Western Balkans. The study pursues a comprehensive analysis to discern the multifaceted challenges confronted by these companies while evaluating the role of regional collaboration in mitigating the repercussions of such crises. The research explores the measures adopted by North Macedonian government to mitigate the adverse effects of these crises. Moreover, it examines the role of regional economic cooperation among Western Balkan countries in enhancing the agricultural sector's resilience and recovery. Findings reveal the pivotal role of regional cooperation in creating a supportive framework for agricultural sector in North Macedonia and neighboring countries. The study encompasses various aspects, including general perspectives of companies, import-export dynamics, regional economy, and production conditions during post-COVID-19 and the Russia-Ukraine military conflict crises. Furthermore, the research outlines the agricultural development policy priorities for North Macedonia. The findings shed light on the effects of the "Open Balkan" initiative and provide valuable insights for policymakers and stakeholders in the agricultural sector. Our findings are poised to inform policy formulation, guide strategic decisions within the business landscape, and drive international collaboration initiatives geared toward enhancing agricultural resilience and fostering sustainable development in the region.
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Ardıl, Cemal. "Turkey - Black Sea Economic Cooperation Organization: Foreign Trade Relations during the 1996-2012 Period". W International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00661.
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This paper presents the regional economic relations between Turkey and Black See Economic Cooperation Organization (BSEC). The Heads of State and Government of eleven countries: Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bulgaria, Georgia, Greece, Moldova, Romania, Russia, Turkey and Ukraine signed the Summit Declaration and the Bosphorus Statement giving birth to the Black Sea Economic Cooperation on 25 June 1992, in Istanbul. On 5 June 1998, the Heads of State or Government signed the BSEC Charter, came into force on 1 May 1999 BSEC has evolved into an international regional organization for economic cooperation. The organization has 12 members since Serbia joining the organization in 2004. It came into existence as a unique and promising model of multilateral political and economic initiative aimed at fostering interaction and harmony among the Member States, as well as to ensure peace, stability and prosperity encouraging friendly and good-neighbourly relations in the Black Sea region. Countries bordering the Black Sea, Balkan and Caucasus formed the BSEC countries cover an area of approximately 20 million square kilometer and represent more than 350 million people. The region with the foreign trade volume of U.S. $ 300 billion per year draws attention to the rich natural resources; and is the main European energy and transport corridor transfer. The Black Sea region is a contested neighbourhood and the subject of intense debates and conflicts in the globe. Also, this reflects the changing dynamics of the Black Sea region, its complex realities, the interests of outsiders and the region’s relations with the rest of the globe. Moreover, its strategic position, linking north to south and east to west, as well as its oil, gas, transport and trade routes are all important reasons for its increasing relevance. Turkey's foreign trade volume with BSEC member countries is steadily increasing as per the findings over the period of 1996-2012.
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Bataveljić, Dragan. "PROVISION OF SERVICES BY THE ASSOCIATION OF WAR AND PEACETIME MILITARY DISABLED IN THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA". W International scientific conference challenges and open issues of service law. Vol. 2. University of Kragujevac, Faculty of law, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/xxmajsko2.171b.
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n the paper, the author points to the fact that in the Republic of Serbia there is a large number of war invalids, which is a consequence of the war conflicts that took place in the areas where we live now. That is why organized state care is needed for fighters who, as participants in numerous defensive wars, remained permanently disabled, with a lower or higher degree of incapacity. Hence, in Serbia, there has been a disability fund for exhausted and crippled soldiers for 160 years, which was also enacted during the reign of Prince Mihailo Obrenović, the so-called "Fund for Military Invalids". Unfortunately, even after gaining independence at the Berlin Congress in 1878, the territory of the Republic of Serbia was the scene of numerous wars, both in the 19th and 20th centuries. In the last century (20th century), starting from the Balkan Wars, through the First and Second World Wars, the wars in the territories of the former Yugoslav states, and until the NATO bombing in 1999, the Serbian people experienced a biological disaster. The consequences are immeasurable - several million dead and as many or even more wounded. That is why the state of Serbia assumed the obligation to take care of the families of fallen soldiers and the status of military invalids, by providing a large number of services, the corpus of which, from one period to another, was always increasing. Also, there is a large number of peacetime military invalids that the state, through its organs, must take care of. This is why the protection of veterans and the disabled and the provision of services in this area have been developed and harmonized with the real situation of the disabled, their needs and the economic possibilities of the Republic of Serbia. Associations of war and peacetime disabled soldiers of all levels play a key role in this
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Colesniuc, Dan. "FOSTER EDUCATION BY TECHNOLOGY". W eLSE 2018. Carol I National Defence University Publishing House, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-18-216.
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In the informational war it is difficult to identify who are belligerents and what is real or false. Today, concepts such as chaos control, soft power or color revolutions represent modern approaches to conflict situations by potential NATO enemies. The evolution of military conflicts in Central Asia, the Middle East or the Western Balkans creates new determinations of the adaptive response to the challenges of the modern battlefield. Virtualization of the battlefield implies a high degree of decentralization of military operations, given the limited resources available. That is why the strategic awareness of the new challenges in the cyber confrontation space requires the identification, development and implementation of adaptive working tools based on leading technologies. All these things create prerequisites for achieving a reflexive control, as a competitive advantage in the conflict space, by influencing the opponent's perception and getting a predictive evolutionary behavior. In this context, the critical thinking of the commanders in the decision-making is directly determined by the technological trends of the information age. Hierarchical thinking is replaced by a new way of thinking, namely network thinking. This means not only a collaborative thinking, but also a new way of approaching and reporting decision makers to the operational environment. In addition, this network-centered vision requires the use of the latest technologies and a very good knowledge of how to operate them. Thus, interoperability in the tactical field is determined first and foremost by the achievement of an intellectual interoperability at allied level, and the use of technology become an added value of educational processes.
Raporty organizacyjne na temat "Balkan conflicts"
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Arifi, Besa. Education in Preventing & Countering Violent Extremism: Considerations for the Western Balkans. RESOLVE Network, wrzesień 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/pn2022.1.wb.
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Violent extremism in the Western Balkans takes many forms, from Western Balkans foreign fighters recruited to participate in conflicts abroad, including in the Middle East and Ukraine; to ethno-nationalist organizations that spread inter-ethnic hatred, some emanating from and glorifying legacies of conflict spanning back to the breakup of the former Yugoslavia and regional conflicts in the 1990s; to chauvinism and anti-EU and anti-NATO ideas that emerge to become even more serious and with greater consequences for the region and socio-political cohesion and dynamics. As violent extremism continues to evolve and adapt in the Western Balkan countries, efforts to address it must also adjust to new threats from both internal and external sources. Recent research on violent extremism in the Western Balkans, and North Macedonia specifically, suggests that education may be an important tool in addressing violent extremism in the region. Some have suggested educational initiatives may assist in addressing online and offline disinformation and extremist narratives. Furthermore, addressing ongoing issues within ethnically divided educational systems may play an important role in working to address some of the ethnic-based divisions that can contribute to ”othering” dynamics. Others have further suggested that education and other support services can play a role in aiding the transition of those imprisoned on charges related to violent extremism and returning families back into society. As countries throughout the Western Balkans continue to update and revise their national action plans and policies to address violent extremism, greater consideration of the role of education and how it might be integrated into these policies is needed. This publication, based on findings from a large-scale literature review mapping the state of research on education in P/CVE in the Western Balkans and beyond,offers a series of considerations for policymakers and practitioners looking to incorporate education in future efforts to address drivers, both real and potential, of violent extremism in Western Balkan states. While findings from this paper are contextualized within the broader experiences of the Western Balkans, specific examples based on experiences in individual countries, North Macedonia most notably, are detailed to provide an in-depth example of considerations for policymakers interested in further incorporating education into P/CVE plans moving forward.
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Cvijic, Srdjan, i Vuk Vuksanovic. Messy Diplomacy: Western Balkan Countries Facing the Gaza Conflict. Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP), grudzień 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55042/vrwu2326.
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Many countries in the Western Balkans are conflicted about what diplomatic stance to take on the Gaza war, primarily whether they should support Israel or Palestine or remain neutral since their decision-making will have to balance their domestic public, as well as their ties with Israel, Muslim countries and, most importantly, the US and the EU. The vote taken on October 26 in the UN General Assembly (hereinafter: UNGA) on the resolution that called for a truce between Israel and Hamas with a strong emphasis on humanitarian factors demonstrated how conflicted the Western Balkan countries were on the current conflict in Gaza.
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Cvijić, Srdjan, Nikola Dimitrov, Leposava Ognjanoska Stavrovska i Ivana Ranković. Bilateral Disputes and EU enlargement: A Consensual Divorce. Belgrade Centre for Security Policy, maj 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55042/xubk6023.
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Bilateral disputes between European Union member states and candidate countries are one of the key obstacles to EU enlargement. They have been plaguing the EU accession process ever since the breakup of Yugoslavia and the subsequent border dispute between EU member Slovenia and candidate country Croatia which then ensued. More recently we have the case of North Macedonia. It became a candidate country in 2005 but ever since, its accession negotiations have been bogged down by endless bilateral disputes. While the case of North Macedonia and its decades long conflicts with Greece and Bulgaria are the most well-known of such cases, they are not the only ones. In a seminal 2018 publication the Balkans in Europe Policy Advisory Group (BIEPAG) outlined the most prominent “open” or “latent” disputes between EU member states and candidate countries in the Western Balkans. Ranging from border to territorial disputes, or ones concerning the status of national minorities, four out of five candidate countries in the region – Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia or Serbia, has a bilateral dispute with one or more EU member states. If you look at new candidates Ukraine and Moldova and potential candidate Georgia however, the list of active or potential bilateral disputes is even longer. Even when a candidate country meets the criteria to progress in EU accession talks, bilateral disputes can delay it for years or even decades as in the case of North Macedonia. In this way such disputes present a serious challenge to the credibility of the EU enlargement process. In the context of the war in Ukraine, as we have seen with regard to the policies of Viktor Orbán’s Hungary towards Ukraine, invoking bilateral disputes can seriously challenge the geopolitical orientation and the security of the entire Union. On the legal side, since most of these issues fall outside the scope of the EU law and are not covered by the accession criteria, there is a need to think of an institutional mechanism to deal with bilateral disputes. Enlargement policy does not offer an appropriate platform for settlement of bilateral disputes, especially for those that fall outside the EU law. Hence, these issues should be addressed via the international legal dispute resolution toolbox and thus be subjects of separate processes. The EU’s role however cannot be passive. It should invest efforts in these processes in order for them to be mutually reinforcing and so that the accession process has a mollifying rather than tension amplifying effect on the issue. In its policy brief, published at the end of 2023, the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) proposed updating the Copenhagen criteria such that they should include a stipulation to resolve bilateral issues between member states and candidate countries through external dispute resolution mechanisms: Territorial disputes should be referred to arbitration or the International Court of Justice, while those on minority rights should be dealt with by the European Court of Human Rights and other appropriate dispute settlement mechanisms. In this policy brief we suggest ways how to operationalise this proposal. First, we describe different types of vertical bilateral disputes (the ones that include asymmetrical relations) between EU members and Western Balkan candidate countries, then we outline international mechanisms to resolve them, and finally we propose an institutional architecture to remove bilateral disputes that fall outside of the scope of the Copenhagen criteria and the EU acquis from the purview of EU accession talks.
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Vuksanovic, Vuk. The Spillover Effect: The Gaza Conflict and Potential Ramifications to the Western Balkans. Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP), styczeń 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55042/wfpm5307.
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This report outlines potential security and geopolitical risks for the Western Balkans stemming from the war in Gaza. While none of these security challenges are inevitable, they are possible. Depending on whether the conflict in Gaza continues in its current form or whether it escalates in intensity and number of the belligerents, there are at least three potential ramifications for the Western Balkans. The first concerns the potential radicalisation in the local Muslim communities involving anti-Semitism and acts of violence that could disrupt harmony between local religious communities. The second concerns the risk that if the conflict expands to engulf Iran and Hezbollah and potentially other regional actors, there is a risk that this security rivalry between Middle Eastern players like Israel and Iran will spread to the Western Balkans. Thirdly, depending on the geographical scope and duration of the conflict, there is a potentially high risk of a new refugee crisis impacting the region.
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Haider, Huma. Scalability of Transitional Justice and Reconciliation Interventions: Moving Toward Wider Socio-political Change. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), marzec 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.080.
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Literature focusing on the aftermath of conflict in the Western Balkans, notes that many people remain focused on stereotypes and prejudices between different ethnic groups stoking fear of a return to conflict. This rapid review examines evidence focussing on various interventions that seek to promote inter-group relations that are greatly elusive in the political realm in the Western Balkan. Socio-political change requires a growing critical mass that sees the merit in progressive and conciliatory ethnic politics and is capable of side-lining divisive ethno-nationalist forces. This review provides an evidence synthesis of pathways through which micro-level, civil-society-based interventions can produce ‘ripple effects’ in society and scale up to affect larger geographic areas and macro-level socio-political outcomes. These interventions help in the provision of alternative platforms for dealing with divisive nationalism in post-conflict societies. There is need to ensure that the different players participating in reconciliation activities are able to scale up and attain broader reach to ensure efficacy and hence enabling them to become ‘multiplier of peace.’ One such way is by providing tools for activism. The involvement of key people and institutions, who are respected and play an important role in the everyday life of communities and participants is an important factor in the design and success of reconciliation initiatives. These include the youth, objective media, and journalists. The transformation of conflict identities through reconciliation-related activities is theorised as leading to the creation of peace constituencies that support non-violent approaches to conflict resolution and sustainable peace The success of reconciliation interventions largely depends on whether it contributes to redefining otherwise antagonistic identities and hostile relationships within a community or society.
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Haider, Huma. Area-based Programming in Fragile- and Conflict-affected Contexts. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), listopad 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.011.
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Area-based programming (ABP) is an approach that defines an area as the primary entry point, rather than a sector or target group. It is particularly appropriate in areas with complex, inter-related and multi-sectoral needs (USWG, 2019). Evaluations of ABP suggest that such an approach can be effective in responding to complex conflict characteristics on sub-national levels (UNDP, 2018). Despite growing interest in ABP, evidence is still greater for sectoral or issue-based approaches.The adoption of area-based approaches in cross-border rural areas of the Western Balkans are some of the earliest of such interventions discussed and evaluated. There has in recent years been an increase in discussion and case studies of the application of ABP in urban settings. This rapid literature review looks at area-based approaches in rural and urban settings, focusing on Afghanistan, along with a brief look at examples from Syria, Lebanon, Mauritania, and the Western Balkans. It draws out collective strengths, factors of success, and weaknesses and challenges from these country and regional programmes. It concludes with a list of lessons and recommendations.
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Muir, Thomas M. The United States Experience in the Balkans and its Implications for Post-Conflict Operations in Iraq. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, marzec 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada423933.
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Wolfmaier, Susanne, Adrian Foong i Christian König. Climate, conflict and COVID-19: How does the pandemic affect EU policies on climate-fragility? Adelphi research gemeinnützige GmbH, grudzień 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/casc018.
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The links between climate change and conflict have been well-documented in recent observations and academic literature: far from being causally direct, these links often depend on specific conditions and occur through certain pathways (Koubi, 2019). For example, conflicts have been found to be more likely in areas with poor access to infrastructure and facilities (Detges, 2016), or where government distrust and political bias are prevalent (Detges, 2017). As such, climate change has often been described as a ‘threat multiplier’, making it imperative for security and development actors to consider these fragility risks collectively in their policies and strategies. In addition to the expected impacts of climate change on the European Union (EU), such as increasing temperatures, extreme weather events or rising sea levels, climate change also has “direct and indirect international security impacts” for the EU’s foreign- and security policy (Council of the European Union, 2016). These affect for example migration, food security, access to resources and socio-economic factors that possibly contribute to disruptions (ibid.). The resulting fragility may affect the EU by contributing to changes in geopolitical power dynamics, whilst at the same time needs for support in neighbouring and partner countries could increase (Brown, Le More & Raasteen, 2020). The EU has increasingly acknowledged climate-fragility risks over the last years, as is evident from several key foreign policy strategies, agreements, and decisions. The European Green Deal, for example, aims to cushion climate and environmental impacts that may exacerbate instability (European Commission, 2019). At the regional level, individual policies underline the links between climate impacts and security in partner regions, such as for the Sahel (Council of the European Union, 2021a) and the Neighbourhood (EEAS, 2021a), stressing the importance in tackling those risks. To that end, the EU has been at the forefront in providing multilateral support for its partner regions, through its various instruments related to climate, environment, development, and security. According to official EU sources, EU funding for official development assistance (ODA) rose by 15% in nominal terms from 2019 to €66.8 billion in 2020 (European Commission, 2021a). Furthermore, the share dedicated to climate action is also growing: the EU initiative Global Climate Change Alliance Plus (GCCA+) received an additional €102.5 million for the period 2014-2020 compared to the previous phase 2004- 2014 (European Commission, n.d.). Looking ahead, the EU’s recently approved Multiannual Financial Framework for 2021-2027 is set to provide €110.6 billion in funding for external action and pre-accession assistance to its Neighbourhood and rest of the world (European Commission, 2021b). Despite the increased recognition of climate-related fragility risks in EU policies and the funding committed to climate action and international development, implementation of concrete measures to address these risks are lagging behind, with only a handful of EUfunded projects addressing climate-fragility risks (Brown, Le More & Raasteen, 2020). Compounding these challenges is the COVID-19 pandemic. Despite the current vaccine rollout worldwide, and with some countries seeing a potential end to the health crisis, the pandemic has taken – and continues to take – its toll in many parts of the world. The unprecedented nature of COVID-19 could ultimately make it more difficult for the EU to address the impacts of climate change on fragility and security in its partner regions. In other words: How does the pandemic affect the EU’s ability to address climate-fragility risks in its neighbourhood? To answer this question, this paper will explore the implications of COVID-19 on relevant EU policies and strategies that address the climate security nexus, focusing on three regions: the Sahel, North Africa, and Western Balkans. These regions were chosen for geographical representativeness (i.e., being the EU’s southern and eastern neighbouring regions), as well as being priority regions for EU external action, and, in the case of the Western Balkans, for EU accession.1 The remainder of the paper is structured as follows: Section 2 outlines, in general terms, the impacts of the pandemic on the political priorities and ability of the EU to address climate-fragility risks. Section 3 explores, for each focus region, how the pandemic affects key objectives of EU policies aiming at reducing climate-fragility risks in that region. Section 4 provides several recommendations on how the EU can better address the interlinking risks associated with climate-fragility and COVID-19.