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Welhengama, Gnanapala. "Minorities' claims : from autonomy to secession". Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.366305.
Pełny tekst źródłaBaris, Hanifi. "Beyond multiculturalism, away from state-oriented nationalism : self-rule through residential political communities in Kurdistan". Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2017. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=236438.
Pełny tekst źródłaWeldemichael, Awet Tewelde. "The Eritrean and East Timorese liberation movements toward a comparative study of their grand strategies /". Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1610045481&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
Pełny tekst źródłaHolloway, Troy. "Ethnic Groups and Institutions: Can Autonomy and Party Bans Reduce Ethnic Conflict?" Thesis, University of North Texas, 2020. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1707380/.
Pełny tekst źródłaCunningham, Kathleen Gallagher. "Divided and conquered why states and self-determination groups fail in bargaining over autonomy /". Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2007. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3270971.
Pełny tekst źródłaTitle from first page of PDF file (viewed Aug. 13, 2007). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 197-204).
Kowalchuk, Lisa. "The social basis of the Quebec independence movement /". Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61321.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe results of tabular and logistic regression analysis of data on referendum support for sovereignty-association refute the new middle class and new petite bourgeoisie hypotheses. The analyses indicate considerable support for sovereignty-association among a narrow variant of the new class. Within this narrow new class, or professional intelligentsia, support for sovereignty is most heavily concentrated among the Francophone intellectuals. The most discriminating predictor of separatism is not class, but the opposition between those in intellectuals vs. the business/managerial occupations. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
Molinar, Robert. "Self-Organization as a Response to Homelessness: Negotiating Autonomy and Transitional Living in a "Village" Community". Thesis, University of Oregon, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/23826.
Pełny tekst źródłaPickles, Eve V. "The politics of imagining nations : a comparative analysis of the Scottish National Party and the Parti quebecois since the 1960s". Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=32938.
Pełny tekst źródłaBargelli, Danièle. "Rise and evolution of nationalism in Algeria before 1962, or, why 'Berberistan' never happened to be". Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84105.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe Berber majority found itself excluded, both culturally and politically, from the new Algerian state. Strangers in their own land, Berbers were faced with a new, more insidious colonialism: Arabization.
Alderman, Jonathan. "The path to ethnogenesis and autonomy : Kallawaya-consciousness in plurinational Bolivia". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/8600.
Pełny tekst źródłaGöranson, Viktor. "Expanding Autonomy : A qualitative case study on the EZLN and the expansion of autonomous communities in 2019". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-409829.
Pełny tekst źródłaRodríguez, Alvaro Joseph. "Political bargaining and the Punjab crisis : the Punjab Accord of 1985". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28273.
Pełny tekst źródłaArts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
Peres, Marcos Augusto de Castro. "Velhice, trabalho e cidadania: as políticas da terceira idade e a resistência dos trabalhadores idosos à exclusão social". Universidade de São Paulo, 2007. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/48/48134/tde-08102007-111017/.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis these analyzes the social movement of the elder in Brazil and the recent public politics and the resultant laws (the National Political of the Elder and the Statute of the Elder), under a critical perspective, considering the absence of the elders in those claims and the paper of the representative organizationals of the oldness while the main protagonists. This way, those actions can be understood like strategies for control a social group that grows quickly because of the populational ageing and by that even, it passes tot be interesting of the marketing and political-electoral viewpoint. Complicates-itself then the idea of institutional, representativity, as those are not contemplated, in these political and actions, fundamental demands of the elders, as the increase in the value of the retirement, for example. And that obliges many pensioners to keep working in order to supply their needs, situation that compromises still their autonomy.
Oliveira, Magno Carvalho de. "As jornadas de junho/2013, Porto Alegre/RS: os movimentos sociais e as formas simbólicas na formação de territórios dissidentes". reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/181036.
Pełny tekst źródłaSocial movements - holders of collective identity - can form dissident territories from the appropriation of spaces representing the status quo, that is, structures belonging to the established power. In this way, social movements, as a socio-spatial practice, become molders of space, since insurgent practices have the force and pressure to reorganize it. Citizen protagonism can constitute dissident territories, that is, appropriate spaces for self-management and individual and collective autonomy, critics of the status quo, verticalization, hetoronomy and instituted power; the precursor of a society based on horizontality with the implantation of the instituting power. As a methodology, we used qualitative research, with the application of questionnaires, bibliographical and field research, interpreted in the light of dialectics and using discourse analysis. Considering the symbolic spaces Praça da Matriz, Largo da Prefeitura Municipal de Porto Alegre (Praça Montevidéu) and the region in Ipiranga Avenue where the Zero Hora Newspaper headquarters is located, all of these places representative of a vertical power, the actions promoted during the first phase of the Jornadas de Junho de 2013, and also the discourse of the interviewees, it is understood that social movements, by criticizing the current system and by defending a new social organization, can form dissident territories from the appropriation of space and during their action.
Pecorelli, Valeria. "Practising constructive resistance through autonomy and solidarity : the case of Ya Basta and solidarity trade in Milan". Thesis, Loughborough University, 2012. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/10400.
Pełny tekst źródłaTrépanier, Anne. "La grammaire générative de l'argumentaire souverainiste en 1995 /". Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21272.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe francophone cultural nation living on the territory of the Province of Quebec demonstrates itself through the values of tenacity, solidarity, labour and openness of mind towards "Others". The nation increases the standing of a society project based on a democratic basis, condemning the traitors of the Quebec nation. This history concerns the francophone majority even though it is linked to the other "oppressed peoples" of the World History. This "french-quebecer" history is enhanced with a collective memory, projected towards the future in making the project of sovereignty the purpose of its teleological progression.
Blaser, Thomas. "Official language policy in Canada and Switzerland : language survival and political stability". Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=31091.
Pełny tekst źródłaGüentzel, Ralph Peter. "In quest of emotional gratification and cognitive consonance : organized labour and Québec separatist nationalism, 1960-1980". Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=42049.
Pełny tekst źródłaAlkmin, Fabio Marcio. "Por uma geografia da autonomia: a experiência de autonomia teritorial zapatista em Chiapas, México". Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8136/tde-09062015-120421/.
Pełny tekst źródłaIn the last three decades, there was a political emergence of many indigenous organizations around Latin-American countries. This phenomenons watershed moment was the armed uprising of the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN), in Chiapas (Mexico), 1994. Between the already traditional demands posed by indigenous people, as a separate legalterritorial arrangement that would allow Mexican indigenous people the concrete exercise of self-determination. After fail to approve a law that could define this regimes legal frameworks, the Zapatistas decided to consolidate unilaterally the autonomy that has been developed in their communities, since the end of 1994. From the so-called autonomy of resistance, they broke any sort of relation with the State. The changes of this power relationship are projected on a territory where, from the formation of communities, municipalities and autonomous regions, parallel governments had been set and still operating to that date. The objective of this research was to analyze the spatial organization of these autonomous territories and the socio-spatial relations there developed, especially with regard to land tenure and the division of labor and production, trying to scrutinize, to the possible extent, the limits and potentials that the autonomic model offers other indigenous groups. Our theoretical and historical knowledge was based upon a review of already established literature - predominantly Mexican authors - associated to fieldwork in Zapatista territories. Methodologically, we seek to understand the genesis of the processes and social contradictions that fostered the emergence of the EZLN by relying upon the idea of territorial formation and the assumptions of historical geography, although our argument also strongly dialogs with those of agrarian and political geography. In addition to that lies the effort to understand the ideological resources used for the subjugation of these peoples in the process of state formation. The research pointed to innovative aspects in Zapatista political strategy, including the very idea of autonomy, which enabled the empowerment of indigenous communities facing modern processes of territorial dispossession, among other factors. Simultaneously, there have been observed economic structural limitations in the current political situation in Chiapas, which associated to a new offensive of \"chiapaneca paramilitary forces to the Zapatista project is a hurdle to the development of autonomous institutions and new production projects according to my point of view.
Butcher, Edward. "Searching for a national unity peace, from Meech Lake to the Clarity Bill". Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=19565.
Pełny tekst źródłaSpinelli, Lucas Gebara. "Territórios de estratégia autonômica = os auto-governos rebeldes e a política zapatista". [s.n.], 2011. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281655.
Pełny tekst źródłaDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Esse estudo pretende abordar o surgimento da autonomia como eixo do discurso e da prática zapatista. Desde o levante armado de 1º de janeiro de 1994, em que tomou sete prefeituras do estado de Chiapas, sul do México, o Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional passou por constantes reformulações de sua estratégia, de forma a possibilitar a sua sobrevivência e a autonomia do movimento diante do Estado. Considerado um exército popular e apoiado por uma ampla base social não-militarizada, o EZLN sustenta até os dias de hoje um discurso de autonomia total contra todas as formas de exercício do poder e regulação social advindas do Estado. Nessa perspectiva buscamos analizar as origens dessa autonomia radical, que não apenas busca criar dentro das comunidades zapatistas e no EZLN, instâncias políticas de decisão independentes do Estado, mas que, vinculadas à tomada dos meios de produção e à reapropriação do trabalho produtivo em nível local e regional, adquirem o aspecto da auto-gestão produtiva, necessária à liberação material de militantes nos rumos de uma estratégia política que visa recriar relações sociais
Abstract: This work tries to make an aproach on the zapatistas's practical and discursive axis of autonomy. Since the armed uprising on the first january of 1994, when the it has assaulted into seven municipal townhouses of Chiapas, south Mexico, the Zapatista National Liberation Army has undergone constant reformulation of its strategy, to enable its survival and the autonomy of movement before the State. Considered a popular army and backed by a broad base of social non-militarized, the EZLN maintains to this day a speech of total autonomy against all forms of exercise of power and social regulation stemming from the State. From this perspective we analyse the origins of this radical autonomy, which not only create search within Zapatista communities and the EZLN, political bodies, independent decision of the State, but which, linked to the means of production and the reowning of productive work in local and regional level, acquire the appearance of auto-productive management needed to release material from militants in the direction of a political strategy that aims to rebuild social relationships
Mestrado
Trabalho, Movimentos Sociais, Cultura e Politica
Mestre em Ciência Política
Murphy, Oliver Michael. "Race, violence, and nation : African nationalism and popular politics in South Africa's Eastern Cape, 1948-1970". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.711668.
Pełny tekst źródłaHarty, Siobhán. "Disputed state, contested nation : republic and nation in interwar Catalonia". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0027/NQ50182.pdf.
Pełny tekst źródłaPaquin, Jonathan. "Recognizing the obvious? : the United States response to secessionist ambitions since the end of the Cold War". Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102822.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe performed qualitative analysis, which includes cases taken from two regional settings, the Balkans and the Horn of Africa, confirms the effect of the regional stability factor on the formulation of U.S. foreign policy. It shows that the fluctuation of the U.S. response is not caused by political inconsistency but by a coherent set of regional stability interests. The research also proceeds to the measurement of two competing arguments---namely ethnic politics and business interests. Case studies show that these domestic arguments fail to account for the research puzzle under investigation and that the regional stability argument consistently offers better explanations and predictions. Thus, this dissertation challenges liberal claims that domestic politics define foreign policy.
Güntzel, Ralph Peter. "The Confédération des syndicats nationaux, the idea of independence, and the sovereigntist movement, 1960-1980 /". Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=60027.
Pełny tekst źródłaWeston, Lorne. "The FLQ : the life and times of a terrorist organization". Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61791.
Pełny tekst źródłaJalkebro, Rikard. "Finding a juncture between peace and conflict studies and terrorism studies : the case of the Mindanao conflict". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/11865.
Pełny tekst źródłaVieira, Allana Meirelles. "Autonomia relativa e disputa por hegemonia na televisão pública: a participação dos movimentos sociais na TV Brasil". Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora, 2016. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/1271.
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CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
Este trabalho analisa a participação dos movimentos sociais no telejornalismo da televisão pública brasileira, a TV Brasil, a fim de pensar a autonomia relativa dessa emissora e as possibilidades de disputa por hegemonia por meio dela e em seu interior. Para tanto, parte-se de um arcabouço teórico de base marxista sobre as determinações e reproduções da Indústria Cultural no contexto capitalista democrático bem como sobre as possibilidades de resistência e contestação nessa esfera. A fim de compreender as particularidades dos processos de dominação e disputa no Brasil, empreende-se também uma breve reconstituição histórica sobre o desenvolvimento do sistema de comunicação no país, apontando as influências mercadológicas e políticas assim como situando o modelo público nesse contexto. A partir das reflexões teóricas e da contextualização histórica, busca-se entender a configuração da TV Brasil e sua empresa gestora, a Empresa Brasil de Comunicação (EBC). Nesse sentido, aborda-se o desenho institucional da empresa e as forças que conformam e transformam o campo interno da TV Brasil, especialmente no que se refere à produção telejornalística, a fim de analisar empiricamente a forma como se estabelece a autonomia relativa e como se exercem as disputas por hegemonia. Parte-se, portanto, de uma perspectiva macro até uma observação micro, ao incluir a análise da principal instância de participação da sociedade civil na EBC – o Conselho Curador – e do campo, a priori, menos autônomo – o jornalístico –, tensionando assim, as determinações e as resistências. Desse modo, apresenta-se os resultados de pesquisas documentais, entrevistas e análises de conteúdo das reuniões do Conselho Curador, com o objetivo de explicitar sua configuração, suas dinâmicas e suas influências sobre o jornalismo. Já no campo jornalístico, adota-se a pesquisa de campo – com entrevistas, aplicação de questionários e observações – associada às teorias clássicas do jornalismo e à análise do material audiovisual das matérias sobre movimentos sociais do Repórter Brasil – principal telejornal da TV Brasil. Com o intuito de enriquecer a observação e acrescentar uma perspectiva relacional à análise de conteúdo, assim como considerando as influências do modelo comercial na concepção do jornalismo brasileiro, optou-se por comparar os resultados sobre o Repórter Brasil com a cobertura feita pelo Jornal Nacional, no mesmo período. Foi possível, diante dessas reflexões teóricas e observações empíricas, perceber uma correlação entre participação da sociedade civil organizada, autonomia relativa da emissora e possibilidades de disputa por hegemonia. Da mesma maneira, notou-se uma correspondência entre a configuração institucional, os conflitos na produção jornalística e o conteúdo exibido.
This dissertation analyses the participation of social movements in the television news programme of the Brazilian public television, TV Brasil, in order to think about the relative autonomy of this broadcasting station and the possibilities of dispute for hegemony through and inside it. It starts based on Marxist authors regarding the determinations and reproductions of the Cultural Industry in the democratic capitalist context as well as regarding the possibilities for resistance and contestation in this sphere. With the purpose of comprehending the particularities of the domination and dispute processes in Brazil, a brief historical reconstitution of the development of the communication system in the country is also presented, pointing the marketing and political influences as well as situating the public model in this context. From the theoretical reflections and the historical contextualization, there is an attempt to understand the configuration of TV Brasil and its managing company, Empresa Brasil de Comunicação (EBC). In this sense, the institutional design of the company and the forces that conform and transform the inside of TV Brasil are addressed, especially regarding the telejournalism production, in order to empirically analyze the way in which the relative autonomy is established and how the disputes for hegemony are exercised. Thus, the study moves from a macro perspective to a micro observation, by including the analysis of the main instance of participation from the civil society in the EBC – the Board of Trustees – and the, a priori, less autonomous field – the journalistic one –, causing tension, thereby, between the determinations and the resistances. In this way, the results of the documentary research, interviews, content analysis of the Board of Trustees meetings are presented, with the objective of explaining its configuration, its dynamics and its influences on journalism. While in the journalistic field, field research is adopted – with interviews, the application of questionnaires, and observations – associated with the classic theories about journalism and the audiovisual material analysis of the reports about social movements in Repórter Brasil – the main news programme from TV Brasil. With the aim of enriching the observation and adding a relational perspective to the content analysis, as well as considering the influences of the commercial model in the conception of the Brazilian journalism, the results of Repórter Brasil was compared with the coverage done by Jornal Nacional, in the same period. It was possible, with theses theoretical reflections and empirical observations, to notice a correlation between organized civil society participation, relative autonomy of the channel and possibilities of dispute for hegemony. In the same way, a correlation between institutional configuration and conflicts in the journalistic production and displayed content were noticed.
Gaitan-Barrera, Alejandra. "Rethinking Indigenous Autonomism in Latin America". Thesis, Griffith University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366022.
Pełny tekst źródłaThesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Griffith Business School
Griffith Business School
Full Text
Kenrick, David William. "Pioneers and progress : white Rhodesian nation-building, c.1964-1979". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a9e3ff0d-dfca-4e19-8adc-788c3e7faf9f.
Pełny tekst źródłaBerard, Frederic. "Les impacts constitutionnels et politiques du renvoi relatif a la secession du Quebec /". Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=31088.
Pełny tekst źródłaCongdon, Venetia. "Nourishing the nation : manifestations of Catalan national identity through food". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1c07c9a3-3351-46ef-aa02-833dddde375f.
Pełny tekst źródłaMoyo, Chelesani. "A critical history of the rise and fall of the first ever independently owned Matabeleland publication in Zimbabwe : the case of The Southern Star". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013273.
Pełny tekst źródłaFigueroa, Marie-Thérèse. "De la transition vers la démocratie : cinq romanciers espagnols en quête d'un passé récent". Thesis, Aix-Marseille 1, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011AIX10109.
Pełny tekst źródła"Transition to democracy" is a key period in the recent history of Spain. This thesis endeavours to treat this period through the study of six contemporary novels (either published during or after the transition), by authors who are very different: Josefina R. Aldecoa, Juan Luis Cebrián, Miguel Delibes, Eduardo Mendoza and Antonio Muñoz Molina.These novels look into a period that goes from the 1960s, an era called "Late Francoism", to 1986, the year Spain joined the EEC. Moreover, the choice of this periodisation is the subject of an introductory reflection. These authors offer contrasted visions of these political, economic and social upheavals in a comprehensive manner as well as a look at the two most sensitive autonomy movements in cultural and socio-political terms: the Basque Provinces and Catalonia.Beyond their perception of the historical context itself, they ponder the transmission from the past and memory as well as the concept of culture and the notion of individual and collective identity.The final reflection deals with the History-Literature mix. Are these two domains paradoxical or complementary? Finally, do these memory novels also not give an account of an individual and intimate sensitivity?
Verdier, Margot. "La perspective de l’autonomie : la critique radicale de la représentation et la formation du commun dans l’expérience de l’occupation de la ZAD de Notre-Dame-des-Landes". Thesis, Paris 10, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA100029/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe “occupation movement” of the ZAD of Notre-Dame-des-Landes fights since 2009 with the “citizen associations” and the “peasants in struggle” to preserve a humid hedgerow situated in the region of Britanny (France) against the building of an international airport. The social organization of the “Zone of Definitive Autonomy” is based on a radical critic of political representation which fosters a perspective of emancipation, a perspective of autonomy. This thesis in political sociology explores its effects on the formation of an alternative “être-en-commun” (“being-in-common”) through practices of socialization and justice, economical and cognitive exchanges, decision making processes and power relationships. This theoretical analysis of the materialization of “another possible” is based on an ethnographic fieldwork conducted between 2013 and 2014. Combining a pragmatic approach to the theory of forms mobilized by social network theories, this thesis adds a fragment to the deconstruction of the “governmental prejudice” the anarchist social science researches have undertaken. Through the study of a series of controversies which have been raised by the occupants during my fieldwork, I insist on the irreducibility of a set of tensions which shape a social life based on an important process of individual differentiation
Bedi, Tarini. "Ethnonationalism and the politics of identity : the cases of Punjab and Assam". Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28244.
Pełny tekst źródłaFink, Rachael. "France and the Soviet Union: Intervention in Africa Post-Colonialism". Wittenberg University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wuhonors1617892018822665.
Pełny tekst źródłaNdlovu, Mphathisi. "Constructions of nationhood in secession debates related to Mthwakazi Liberation Front in Bulawayo's Chronicle and Newsday newspapers in 2011". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001846.
Pełny tekst źródłaCao, Umberto. "Fighting For and Fighting Through Electricity : an Ethnography of the Civil Resistance Movement "Luz y Fuerza del Pueblo" from Chiapas, Mexico". Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0092.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe thesis is about the Civil Resistance Movement "Luz y Fuerza del Pueblo", from Chiapas, Mexico. It was born in the first years of the 2000s and the majority of its activists are peasant and indigenous. Though, it can't be defined as a "peasant movement", nor as an "indigenous movement. At the core of its mission there is electricity, indeed, which the Movement considers as a basic right, whose access – it claims - should be universal and nondiscriminatory. Accordingly, in the territories controlled by its activists, the Movement performs a direct access to the power grid and an autonomous management of it. Yet, at the same time, it makes use of electricity as a means of wider political struggle aimed to autonomy and social justice. In this sense, Luz y Fuerza case may be revealing of a more general trend potentially informing social mobilizations in the Age of Anthropocene. The work is organized in three parts. The first part introduces contemporary Mexico, by means of the main categories local actors mobilized to describe their living conditions: poverty, liberal policies, structural violence, and socioeconomic and political exclusion. The second part defines the state of the art in the anthropology of social movements and the main theoretical references inspiring the study. Specifically, the historical and epistemological process leading to the emergence of autonomy as a theoretical and political paradigm is retraced. And it is shown how this latter has progressively informed Latin-American peasant struggles since the last decades of the 1900s. The third part is completely devoted to the ethnography of Luz y Fuerza del Pueblo. This provides an in-depth representation of the Movement and of its history. Which is followed by an analysis of the motivations for the activists to militate in such a movement. Its political agenda is therefore investigated. The experiences, the forms and the imaginaries of the civil resistance performed by the Movement are eventually observed. In the conclusions, the work proposes some critical insights about the policies on indigenous people and Chiapas, implemented by the "socialist" president Andrés Manuel López Obrador during the first hundred days of his term
La tesi verte sul Movimento di Resistenza Civile "Luz y Fuerza del Pueblo" attivo nello stato del Chiapas, Messico. Sorto nella prima metà degli anni 2000, esso ha una composizione maggioritariamente contadina ed indigena. Ma non può essere definito né come "movimento contadino", né come "movimento indigeno". Esso pone infatti al centro della propria agenda l'elettricità, che considera come diritto fondamentale e per la quale rivendica un accesso pieno ed universale. Il Movimento opera pertanto un accesso diretto alla rete elettrica e una gestione autonoma della stessa, nei territori controllati dai suoi attivisti. Al contempo, però, esso fa dell'energia elettrica uno strumento di lotta per un più ampio programma politico che ha come fino l'autogoverno e una maggiore giustizia sociale. In questo senso, si ipotizza che il caso specifico di Luz y Fuerza del Pueblo possa essere rivelatore di una più ampia tendenza che potrebbe informare le mobilitazioni sociali all'epoca dell'Antropocene. Il lavoro si articola in tre parti. Nella prima parte si procede a un'introduzione al contesto del Messico contemporaneo, con una precipua attenzione agli elementi a cui gli attori sul campo ricorrono per descrivere le proprie condizioni di vita: povertà, politiche liberali, violenza strutturale ed esclusione socioeconomica e politica. Nella seconda parte viene delineato lo stato dell'arte dell'antropologia dei movimenti sociali e i principali orizzonti teorici a cui lo studio fa riferimento. In particolare, si ripercorre il processo storico ed epistemologico che ha portato l'autonomia ad emergere come paradigma teorico e politico, e come a partire dagli ultimi decenni del XX secolo, questa abbia progressivamente informato le lotte contadine, in particolare dell'America Latina. La terza parte è interamente dedicata all'etnografia del movimento Luz y Fuerza del Pueblo, con una rappresentazione approfondita dello stesso e della sua storia, da un'analisi delle motivazioni dei suoi attivisti, dall'esame della suo programma politico e, infine, da un approfondimento sulle esperienze, sulle forme e sugli immaginari della resistenza civile di cui è protagonista. Il lavoro si conclude con alcuni spunti critici sulle politiche riguardanti i popoli indigeni e il Chiapas, adottate dal presidente "socialista" Andrés Manuel López Obrador a cento giorni dal suo insediamento
Diederichsen, Francisco Toledo Barros. "Formação profissional dos trabalhadores da construção civil: o canteiro de obras e a emancipação social". Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/102/102131/tde-17042018-151143/.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe present doctoral thesis deals with the professional education of construction workers with the objective of contributing to pedagogical experiences that are alternative to their current heteronomous and oppressed work conditions, through experimental tests in the form of \'construction site - self - managed school\'. These practices raised questions and revealed gaps in knowledge of the history of alternative and unitary modes of education. We have explored examples of schools and spaces for the expansion of the autonomy of the constructors as a contribution to their social and political emancipation. We wonder how we came to the current separation of professions, divided between theoretical - architects - and practices - workers. In search of their genealogy, we approach the first class based societies in antiquity and the first dual formative spaces, separating education of the elites for the direction of society - liberal and theoretical education, and the subaltern classes - practical education for work. The education of architects and builders takes place particularly in class based societies: there are societies where the formation is dual where architects learn their craft away from constructive practices, without using their work force, to create \"architects without construction\", and The builders apprehend their work in the workshops, without controlling the production of architecture, in a dialectical relationship dominated by architects. In other societies, the formation of architects is due to the physical-corporal practical experience in the material production of architecture, when they develop the office of drawing, and in representation, it is at the construction site that they form \"architects with construction\", of popular origin. They are autonomous professionals who idealize and build. In the invasion of the Americas by Europeans the elites trained enslaved people to build with European aesthetics. They erected buildings with heteronomous work, oppressed and exploited. With the advance of productive forces in the nineteenth century, they created assistencial Liceus, to \"qualify\" builders with the support of Italian workers. In this period - 1870 to 1914, São Paulo - we verified that they did not realize that the broad and autonomous artistic qualification of the builders would result in mobilizations for labor rights. When they realized it, they refused the Italian anarchists and the capomastri collectivists builders of the São Paulo eclecticism, sponsoring technology that excludes the worker from creation: the reinforced concrete. There is a period of disqualification and training of the worker. \"National System\" is created, and in 1964 the civilian military coup has place, and lasts until 1988. With redemocratization, self-managed formative experiences and socializing public policies are extended to 2016 - year of media-partisan coup of the elites. These 28 years have generated experiences of \"education of workers by workers\", as rehearsed in the \"construction site school\" with popular movement, the MST, and university, USP. We built the \'house of arts\' at the ENFF - Guararema, with agro-ecological construction techniques and a \'public gallery\' at the Chemical Park - São Bernardo do Campo, with compensatory urban drainage techniques. The essays practiced the idiosyncrasies of the libertarian education of construction workers perceived in the survey of the historical process. This experience allowed us to identify the contemporaries \'construction site schools\' fall within the traditional lines of people`s action for the emancipation of the class.
Shaykhutdinov, Renat. "Give peace a chance: the origins of territorial autonomy arrangements in multiethnic states". 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/ETD-TAMU-1601.
Pełny tekst źródłaHardt, Emily. "In Transition: The Politics of Place-based, Prefigurative Social Movements". 2013. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/open_access_dissertations/744.
Pełny tekst źródłaLiao, Pei-Yu, i 廖倍妤. "The Comparative Study of Autonomy and Independence Movements: The Analysis of Political and Economic Valuables". Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/hcgf48.
Pełny tekst źródła國立中興大學
國際政治研究所
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Historically, in the case of an area seeking for independence or expansion of autonomy in a country, the situation is mostly that the certain region is dissatisfied with the treatment of the central government, and therefore has a desire to achieve a higher degree of autonomy or even the rights of governance. In the process of seeking independence or expansion of autonomy, violent conflicts between the central government and local government are sometimes difficult to avoid, and there have been specific cases in both democratic or nondemocratic countries. But it is interesting that not all central governments respond to local-initiated independence movement or the expansion of autonomy with oppression, and not all central governments respond in a peaceful or respectful manner. In view of this, the question that this thesis wants to explore is: in the case of a region seeks for greater autonomy or even independence, what are the key variables that lead the central government to suppress or not to suppress with the police force or military power? To identify the main variables of the central government’s use of force towards independence or autonomy movement, this thesis performs a Crisp-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (csQCA) for the three main cases, that are Quebec, Catalonia and Hong Kong, and the additional five cases: Basque, Corsica, New Caledonia, Scotland, and Northern Ireland to analyze the relationship between the presence of various conditions and the outcome. The result of this thesis shows that, the intensity of the central government’s response to independence or autonomy movement is tremendously influenced by the economic interaction between the region and the central. If the region’s economic development highly depends on the central government, then the central authority tends not to repress the regional independence or autonomy movement. On the other hand, in the situation that the seeker of independence or autonomy de jure does not have the right to conduct a self-determination plebiscite or to hold a chief executive election. Once the region seeks to independence plebiscite or autonomy expansion, and at the same time there are other regions with similar situation in the home country, it is very likely to be suppressed by the central government’s use of police force or military power.
Gonzalez, Pablo active 21st century 1976. "Autonomy road : the cultural politics of Chicana/o autonomous organizing in Los Angeles, California". Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/25882.
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O'CONNOR, Francis Patrick. "Armed social movements and insurgency : the PKK and its communities of support". Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/34582.
Pełny tekst źródłaExamining Board: Professor Donatella della Porta, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Olivier Roy, European University Institute; Professor Joost Jongerden, Wageningen University; Professor Jocelyn Viterna, Harvard University.
The supportive environments which sustain armed groups are arguably an understudied aspect of political violence; it is widely acknowledged that all armed groups necessitate a degree of popular support if they are to be successful but the relationship between armed movements and their supporters is often underdeveloped or considered self-explanatory. This project puts forth the argument that the relationship between armed groups and their supporters is of fundamental importance to how and where armed groups mobilise and the repertoire of contention they adopt. Making use of Malthaner's concept of "constituency" (2011a), the PKK's armed struggle from its foundation in the 1970s until 1999 will be analysed. The particular manner in which the PKK actively constructed and maintained extensive support networks across contrasting socio-spatial contexts ensured its ongoing legitimacy and the material resources necessary for its survival. Although a noted power disparity exists between armed and unarmed actors, the relationship between them is always characterised by degrees of reciprocal influence; influence that is often expressed in a variety of subtle and contextually specific fashions. The project will therefore examine the dialectic between the PKK and its communities of support and how this has evolved over time and space from rural Kurdistan to the urban centres of western Turkey, and consider how it has impacted on the nature of violence deployed by the PKK in the course of its insurgency.
Rubio, Amanda. "Processes of Horizontality and Autonomy in Collective X in the Rural Province of Huesca, Spain". Thesis, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-45739.
Pełny tekst źródłaLOUGHLIN, John. "Regionalism and ethnic nationalism in France : a case study of Corsica". Doctoral thesis, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5301.
Pełny tekst źródłaExamining board: Prof. Vincent Wright, Nuffield College, Oxford ; Prof. Yves Mény, University of Paris II ; Prof. Michel Denis, University of Rennes ; Prof. Frank Delmartino, University of Leuven ; Prof. Jean Blondel, European University Institute
First made available online 08 January 2019
Liua'ana, Featuna'i Ben. "Samoa Tula'i : ecclesiastical and political face of Samoa's independence, 1900-1962". Phd thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110192.
Pełny tekst źródłaO'Connor, Shawn Casey. "Role of discourse in a theory of politicized collective identity: the 1995 Québec referendum debate". Thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/1924.
Pełny tekst źródłaGunawardena, Therese Suhashini. "Contesting Khalistan the Sikh diaspora and the politics of separatism /". 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/6181.
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