Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Austria (Augustinian monastery)”

ABSTRACTGraz, University Library, MS 807 and Vienna, Austrian National Library, latin 13314 have been studied intensively for more than a century, yet unsolved problems remain. Following a brief discussion of the sources and relevant scholarship, the antiphons for the Rogationtide processions in the gradual portions of both manuscripts I examine, along with a supplementary set of Rogationtide antiphons added to the Vienna codex. I then take a closer look at the expanded descriptions for the rites for Holy Thursday, Good Friday and Holy Saturday in the Vienna manuscript's sacramentary. From this evidence, I reaffirm the association of the liturgies in Vienna 13314 and Graz 807 with the canons and canonesses of Klosterneuburg respectively, and argue that the twelfth-century additions to Vienna 13314 suggest that the two manuscripts were kept together already in the twelfth century, most likely at the Augustinian monastery at Seckau. I conclude with further observations on the much-discussed odd placement of the Dedication of the Church in the Sanctorale of Graz 807 and on the occasion that would have brought the two manuscripts to Seckau.

DOCUMENTS OF THE SILESIAN HAHN (GALLUS ) FAMILY IN THE ARCHIVES OF THE HERZOGENBURG MONASTERY The article concerns documents about the Silesian Hahn (Gallus) family kept in the archives of the monastery of Augustinian Canons in Herzogenburg in Lower Austria. These are documents and files of the monastery in St. Andrä an der Treisen. Among the aforementioned documents concerning the Hahn (Gallus) family, there are 34 originals and a paper notebook from 1595 with notarized copies of 12 documents, some of the texts being duplicated. The article contains detailed records of 35 documents concerning the Hahn family collected in Stiftsarchiv Herzogenburg, Urkunden St. Andrä an der Traisen.

Abstract Children are like their parents: common sizes and shapes, virtues and strengths, weaknesses and sufferings trail through families, and humans must always have wondered why. Four centuries ago, Michel de Montaigne reflected on the excruciating pain he and his father shared from stones in the bladder. In his essay “Of the resemblance of children to their fathers” the essayist reflected, “I was born twenty-five and more years before his illness, at a time when he enjoyed his best health. Where was the propensity to this infirmity hatching all this time? And when he was so far from the ailment, how did this slight bit of his substance, with which he made me, bear so great an impression of it? How did it remain so concealed that I began to feel it forty-five years later? ... Will anyone enlighten me about this process?” This sixteenth-century savant asked a question that only modem genetics could answer. Modem genetics flows from human curiosity about “the resemblance of children to their fathers.” That curiosity could only speculate about this resemblance until a little over a century ago, when speculation turned into science. In the 1860s, Gregor Mendel, abbot of the Augustinian monastery of Brno in Austria, mathematically calculated the inherited characteristics of pea plants that he bred in his monastery garden.

I recently received an e-mail that offered me a way to automate my research: Dear Professor Smith, We would like to introduce you to [our] brand new research tool . . . , ready to automate your empirical research basing on official statistical time series databases. [Our software] has been designed to explore and discover new exciting economic correlations directly from your desktop. No extra software required, no need to crawl thousands of databases manually. You’ll be up and running in no time your first big data project. The e-mail went on to boast that their software will calculate “correlation coefficients with millions of statistical time series,” “identify unexpected interdependences,” and “find new insights.” The creative grammar was one thing. More disheartening was their assumption that I wanted to sift through literally trillions of correlations looking for unexpected patterns. An unexpected pattern has no logical basis—and I am skeptical of patterns that defy logic. Statistical tests assume that researchers have well-defined theories in mind and gather appropriate data to test their theories. This company assumed that I was eager and willing to pay a substantial amount of money to work the other way around. Look at every possible correlation—not caring whether they made sense or not—and report the correlations that turn out to be the most statistically persuasive. It is a sign of the times, but not an inspiring sign. Many important scientific theories started out as efforts to explain observed patterns. For example, during the 1800s,most biologists believed that parental characteristics were averaged together to determine the characteristics of their offspring. For example, a child’s height is an average of the father’s and mother’s heights, modified by environmental influences. However, Gregor Mendel discovered something quite different in his experiments with pea plants. Mendel was born in Austria in 1822 and grew up on his family’s farm. His parents expected him to take over the farm, but Mendel was an excellent student and became an Augustinian monk at a monastery known for its scientific library and research. Perhaps because of his farming roots, Mendel conducted meticulous studies of tens of thousands of pea plants grown in the monastery’s gardens over an eight-year period.

Abstract Bruckner ‘s father, like his father before him, was schoolmaster in the village of Ansfelden. Before that, and as far back as the fourteenth century, the Bruckner’s had been farmers and laborers. Anton sang in the choir, was allowed to play the organ, and learned the rudiments of music from a cousin. In 1837, the year his father died, he was taken as a choirboy into the Augustinian monastery of Saint Florian, whose buildings, Austrian Baroque at its most splendid, dominate the countryside southeast of Linz. There the musician and the man gradually emerged.

Abstract On the same day as the assassination of President John F. Kennedy in Dallas, Texas (22 November 1963) the Council fathers adopted the Constitution on the Liturgy, Sacrosanctum concilium. It was formally promulgated on 4 December 1963. This document was not attempting to break new ground theologically. This had already been done in the encyclical of Pius XII, Mediator Dei, of 1947, which was occasioned by the early twentieth-century movement for liturgical renewal. This movement was particularly strong among the Benedictines in western Europe and is associated with the names of Prosper Guéranger of Solesmes (I805–I875), Odo Casel (I886–1948) of the Maria Laach monastery in Germany, the Munich-based theologian Romano Guardini (I885–1968), and the Austrian Augustinian Pius Parsch (I884–1954). The young Ratzinger was strongly in Xuenced by this movement. One of the first books he read after starting his theological studies in 1946 was Guardini’s The Spirit of the Liturgy, published Easter 19I8. In 2000 Ratzinger published his own work under the same title in which he reiterated Guardini’s central liturgical principles, but in the light of the liturgical problems of the present era. One of the chief concerns of the movement was to overcome the tendency of laity to regard Mass attendance as a form of duty parade. There was a concern that laity were not properly participating in the liturgical action which was taking place but had accepted the standing of spectators.