Kliknij ten link, aby zobaczyć inne rodzaje publikacji na ten temat: Australian welfare state regimes.
Rozprawy doktorskie na temat „Australian welfare state regimes”
Utwórz poprawne odniesienie w stylach APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard i wielu innych
Sprawdź 28 najlepszych rozpraw doktorskich naukowych na temat „Australian welfare state regimes”.
Przycisk „Dodaj do bibliografii” jest dostępny obok każdej pracy w bibliografii. Użyj go – a my automatycznie utworzymy odniesienie bibliograficzne do wybranej pracy w stylu cytowania, którego potrzebujesz: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver itp.
Możesz również pobrać pełny tekst publikacji naukowej w formacie „.pdf” i przeczytać adnotację do pracy online, jeśli odpowiednie parametry są dostępne w metadanych.
Przeglądaj rozprawy doktorskie z różnych dziedzin i twórz odpowiednie bibliografie.
1
Bursian, Olga, i olga bursian@arts monash edu au. "Uncovering the well-springs of migrant womens' agency: connecting with Australian public infrastructure". RMIT University. Social Science and Planning, 2007. http://adt.lib.rmit.edu.au/adt/public/adt-VIT20080131.113605.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The study sought to uncover the constitution of migrant women's agency as they rebuild their lives in Australia, and to explore how contact with any publicly funded services might influence the capacity to be self determining subjects. The thesis used a framework of lifeworld theories (Bourdieu, Schutz, Giddens), materialist, trans-national feminist and post colonial writings, and a methodological approach based on critical hermeneutics (Ricoeur), feminist standpoint and decolonising theories. Thirty in depth interviews were carried out with 6 women migrating from each of 5 regions: Vietnam, Lebanon, the Horn of Africa, the former Soviet Union and the Philippines. Australian based immigration literature constituted the third corner of triangulation. The interviews were carried out through an exploration of themes format, eliciting data about the different ontological and epistemological assumptions of the cultures of origin. The findings revealed not only the women's remarkable tenacity and resilience as creative agents, but also the indispensability of Australia's publicly funded infrastructure or welfare state. The women were mostly privileged in terms of class, education and affirming relationships with males. Nevertheless, their self determination depended on contact with universal public policies, programs and with local community services. The welfare state seems to be modernity's means for re-establishing human connectedness that is the crux of the human condition. Connecting with fellow Australians in friendships and neighbourliness was also important in resettlement. Conclusions include a policy discussion in agreement with Australian and international scholars proposing that there is no alternative but for governments to invest in a welfare state for the civil societies and knowledge based economies of the 21st Century.
2
Högberg, Björn. "Ageing, health inequalities and welfare state regimes – a multilevel analysis". Thesis, Umeå universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-100401.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The paper studies class inequalities in health over the ageing process in a comparative perspective. It investigates if health inequalities among the elderly vary between European welfare state regimes, and if this variation is age-dependent. Previous comparative research on health inequalities have largely failed to take age and ageing into account, and have not investigated whether cross-country variation in health inequalities might differ for different age categories. Since the elderly belong to the demographic category most dependent on welfare policies, an ageing perspective is warranted. The study combines fives data rounds (2002 to 2010) from the European Social Survey. Multilevel techniques are used, and the analysis is stratified by age, comparing the 50-64 year olds with those aged 65-80 years. Health is measured by self-assessed general health and disability status. Two results stand out. First, class differences in health are strongly reduced or vanish completely for the 65-80 year olds in the Social democratic welfare states, while they remain stable or are in some cases even intensified in almost all other welfare states. Second, the cross-country variation in health inequalities is much larger for the oldest (aged 65-80 years) than is the case for the 50-64 year olds. It is concluded that welfare policies seem to influence the magnitude of health inequalities, and that the importance of welfare state context is greater for the elderly, who are more fragile and more reliant on welfare policies such as public pensions and elderly care.
3
Smuthkalin, Worawut. "Political regimes and welfare state development in East Asia how state leaders matter to social policy expansion in Taiwan, Thailand, and China /". online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium access full-text, 2006. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?3235349.
Pełny tekst źródła
4
Pennerstorfer, Astrid, i Michaela Neumayr. "Examining the Association of Welfare State Expenditure, Non-profit Regimes and Charitable Giving". Springer, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11266-016-9739-7.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This paper explores cross-country variations in charitable giving and investigates the association of welfare state policies with private philanthropy.
Hypotheses are drawn from crowding-out theory and considerations about the influence of a country's mixed economy of welfare. We add to the on-going discussion
concerning the crowding-out hypothesis with empirical evidence by looking at specific charitable subsectors people donate to across countries. Using Eurobarometer
survey data that include 23 countries, we find no evidence for a crowding-out effect, but rather a crosswise crowding-in effect of private donations.
Moreover, giving behaviour differs between non-profit regimes.
5
Belcher, Helen. "Resisting the welfare state an examination of the response of the Australian Catholic Church to the national health schemes of the 1940s and 1970s /". Connect to full text, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/712.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2005.Title from title screen (viewed 20 May 2008). Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Dept. of Sociology and Social Policy, Faculty of Arts. Degree awarded 2005; thesis submitted 2004. Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print form.
6
Bulpett, Carol. "Regimes of exclusion : a comparison of the plural provision of social housing in Hamburg and Southampton". Thesis, University of Southampton, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.313168.
Pełny tekst źródła
7
Soldatic, Karen Maree. "Disability and the Australian neoliberal workfare state (1996-2005)". University of Western Australia. Graduate School of Education, 2009. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2009.0190.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Australia, like other Western liberal democracies, has undergone extensive social policy restructuring as a result of neoliberalism. While neoliberalism had its genesis with Australian Labor governments during the 1980s, it secured the status of orthodoxy under the radical conservatism of the Liberal Coalition government (1996 - 2007). Under the leadership of Prime Minister John Howard a widespread campaign was instigated to advance neoliberal social policy measures across all spheres of social life, leading to the dismantling of rights for a diverse range of social groups including women, refugees, people with disabilities and Indigenous Australians. The restructuring of social provisioning with the intensification of neoliberalism was largely driven by workfare a key domestic social project of neoliberal global restructuring. The thesis examines the Australian experience of workfare and the primary areas of contestation and struggle that emerged in this environment for the Australian Disability Movement during the peak period of workfare restructuring for 'disability' (1996 2005). The thesis draws on the work of critical disability theory to discuss the bivalent social collective identity of disability as it cuts through the politics of recognition and the politics of distribution. From here, the thesis engages with sociological work on emotions, bringing together theories of disgust and disability. The thesis demonstrates that there is a synergy between disability and disgust that informs the moral economy of disability; framing, shaping and articulating able-bodied disabled relations. Drawing on the policy process method the research involved extensive qualitative interviews with members of the Australian Disability Movement, disabled people involved in workfare programs, service providers and their peak organisations, families, as well as the policy elite charged with the responsibility of disability workfare restructuring. Additionally, the study incorporated a range of documents including parliamentary Hansards, key policy texts, government media releases, and publicly available information from disability specialist services and the disability movement. The analytical centrality of policy processes highlighted the strategic interrelationship between macro-structural policy discourses and practices and the role of policy actors as agents, including those collective agents engaged in mediating disability social relations. Three dominant themes emerged from the analysis of the data: movement politics, representation and participation; emotions and processes of moralisation; and finally, the role of temporality in inscribing (disabled) bodies with value. Each of the findings chapters is dedicated to explicating these mechanisms and the effects of these discourses and practices on disabled people involved in workfare programs and the disability movement's struggles for respect, recognition and social justice.
8
Esser, Ingrid. "Why Work? : Comparative Studies on Welfare Regimes and Individuals' Work Orientations". Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : Swedish Institute for Social Research (SOFI), Department of sociology, Stockholm University, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-550.
Pełny tekst źródła
9
Onaran, Özlem, i Valerie Bösch. "The effect of globalization on the distribution of taxes and social expenditures in Europe: Do welfare state regimes matter?" WU Vienna University of Economics and Business, 2010. http://epub.wu.ac.at/2795/1/workingpaper40_oezlem_boesch_online.pdf.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This paper estimates the effect of globalization on the implicit tax rates (ITR) on capital income, labor income and consumption, and the share of social protection expenditures in total public expenditures in Western and Eastern Europe. It tests the coexistence of efficiency and compensation effects of globalization on the expenditure as well as the revenue sides of government budgets. In Western Europe, globalization leads to an increase in social
expenditures; however these expenditures are to an increasing extent financed by taxes on labor income. There is no effect of the ITR on capital income, whereas the ITR on consumption decreases. There are important differences
between the welfare states. In the conservative regimes, social expenditures increase due to globalization, but they are financed to an increasing extent by taxes on labor. In the social democratic regimes, not only social expenditures,
but also the ITRs on capital income and consumption decrease as a result of globalization, whereas the ITR on labor income increases. In the liberal regimes, the ITR on labor income is rising, while social expenditures and the
ITR on consumption is declining. In the southern regimes, the ITRs on both capital income and consumption are decreasing. In the CEE NMS, on average, there seems to be no statistically significant effect of globalization on social expenditures nor on the ITR on capital and labor income. Globalization affects only the ITR on consumption, leading to a decline. However, different welfare regimes react differently: there is a negative effect of globalization on social spending in the Baltic countries, and a negative effect on the ITR on capital income in the post-communist European regimes. (author's abstract)Series: Discussion Papers SFB International Tax Coordination
10
Broström, Emilia. "What a man can be, he must be : En kvantitativ studie i postmateriella värderingars påverkan på psykisk ohälsa i olika välfärdsstatsregimer". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-295696.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In an economically developing world, the process of modernization has been proven to change people’s cultural and political values. Political scientists Ronald Inglehart and Christian Wetzel’s revised theory of modernization shows evidence that people’s political and cultural values move along two dimensions in a predictable pattern. Economic development shift people’s values from traditional and survival toward more secular-rational and self- expressive. This rise in post-material values has unknown effects on people’s mental health. Using Esping-Andersen’s theory on welfare state regimes the aim of this study is to both examine what effect post-material values have on mental health and, furthermore, if this effect plays out differently in different welfare state regimes. This was done using regression analysis based on data from a large number of countries from all over the world. The results of the analysis show that a rise in post-material values is positively correlated with worse mental health. But when welfare state regimes were brought into the model the relationship between post-material values and mental health did not stay the same but varied in its effect across the different regimes. The conservative welfare state regime stood out as the regime in which post-material values generated the worst mental health. On the whole, results indicate that the relationship between post-material values, welfare state regimes and mental health is a very complex relationship that is in need of further examination.
11
Cadei, Fritz Matilda. "The welfare state and the social rights of unaccompanied asylum-seeking children who have reached the age of majority". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-352646.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In recent years, the numbers of unaccompanied asylum-seeking children (UASC) arriving to Europe have drastically increased. Due to delays in the asylum procedure, many UASC have turned 18 years old before the asylum procedure has ended. These adolescents need access to welfare services but they often lose several social rights when they reach adulthood. In this light, I have investigated the social rights of UASC who have reached the age of majority by using Esping-Andersen’s theory of welfare state regimes. I find that the social rights of this group vary between Germany, the conservative welfare state regime, and Sweden, the social democratic welfare state regime. However, in both of the countries, this group in general have limited access to welfare services. This is problematic since social rights are crucial for incorporation in the society. The findings are in several ways in line with the main characteristics in the two regimes but in order to fully understand what determines the social rights of UASC who have reached the age of majority further research is needed.
12
Lindberg, Gitte. "Welfare state regimes in East-Central Europe : Western vanity or Eastern reality : a comparative study of the Czech Republic and Hungary". Thesis, University of Sussex, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.271768.
Pełny tekst źródła
13
Sundström, Eva. "Gender Regimes, Family Policies and ATtitudes to Female Employment : A Comparison of Germany, Italy and Sweden". Doctoral thesis, Umeå University, Sociology, 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-185.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In this study, attitudes towards female employment and the division of labour between men and women in Germany, Italy and Sweden are explored. Using a quantitative approach, the first objective is to examine how political ideologies and welfare political models are reflected in or accompany attitudes towards female labour market participation among different groups in the three welfare states. Welfare policies significantly influence women’s choices to enter and remain in employment and to achieve individual social rights. Based on a more qualitative approach, the second aim is to study policy dynamics in relation to changing value orientations, and to track the emergence of alternative policies and their intended target groups. For this purpose local political implementers in each country were interviewed.
The overall conclusion is that that the ways in which certain patterns of gender relations occur are closely related to the designs of national welfare policies. Still, within the groups of women and men factors such as age, educational attainment levels and family status are important or even decisive for attitudes towards female labour market participation. In addition, the extent to which attitudes correspond to actual female labour market behaviour seems largely to be a matter of public policy. While all three studies point at important national differences in welfare policies at the same time as patterns of value orientations converge, especially among women, the comparison of local policy levels reveals important withincountry variations. These variations concern the quantity as well as the quality of policy measures, that is, the political implications for gender on socio-economic situation, alternative political majority and historical and cultural heritage. Variations in local policy formulations are large in Italy and less pronounced in Germany and Sweden, and they illustrate the different political emphasis placed on the preservation, modification or transformation of what is defined as gender equality and as local or national cultural traditions. Local social and labour market policies depict quite different approaches. The degree of state control versus local autonomy is relevant for the outcome of local social policies on gender and both national and local policy formulations are important in determining whether the normative emphasis should be placed on the maintenance, reinforcement or alteration of gender relations. While such choices and decisions also include the acceptance or rejection of national, and even local differences in definitions of citizenship rights, they point at the inherent relativity of the concept and as a result, its gendering effects on social, economic and political equality.
14
Belcher, Helen Maria. "Resisting the Welfare State: An examination of the response of the Australian Catholic Church to the national health schemes of the 1940s and 1970s". University of Sydney. School of Sociology and Social Policy, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/712.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This thesis extends and refines a growing body of literature that has highlighted the impact of Catholic social principles on the development of welfare state provision. It suggests that Catholic social teaching is intent on preserving the role of the traditional family, and keeping power out of the hands of the state. Much of this literature, however, is concerned with European experience (Esping-Andersen, 1990; Castles, 1993; van Kersbergen, 1995). More recently Smyth (2003) has augmented this research through an examination of the influence of Catholic social thought on Australian welfare policy. He concludes that the Australian Church, at least up to the 1970s, preferred a �welfare society� over a �welfare state�, an outlook shared by the wider Australian community. Following the lead of Smyth, this thesis extends the insights of the European research through an examination of Catholic Church resistance to ALP proposals to introduce national health schemes in the 1940s and the 1970s. These appeared to satisfy the Church�s commitment to the poorest and most marginalised groups in the community. Why, then, did the Australian Church resist the proposals? The thesis concludes that there are at least two possible ways of interpreting Catholic social teaching � a preconciliar interpretation that minimises the role of the state, and a postconciliar interpretation that allows for an active, albeit limited, state. The adoption of either is informed by socio-political factors. The thesis, then, concludes that the response of the Church in the 1940s and the 1970s was conditioned by socio-political and historical factors that inclined the Australian Catholic Church towards a conservative view of welfare.
15
Spies-Butcher, Ben. "Understanding the concept of social capital: Neoliberalism, social theory or neoliberal social theory?" University of Sydney, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1326.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)This thesis examines the growing debate around the concept of social capital. The concept has been heralded by many as a means of uniting the social sciences, particularly economics and sociology, and of overcoming ideological divisions between left and right. However, critics argue that the concept is poorly theorised and provides little insight. More radical critics have claimed the concept may be a neo-liberal ‘Trojan horse’, a mechanism by which the atomistic thinking of neoclassical economics colonises social theory. I examine these more radical claims by exploring the origins of the concept of social capital within rational choice economics. I argue that we should differentiate between two types of potential colonisation. The first is a form of methodological colonisation, whereby overly abstract, reductionist and rationalist approaches (which I term modernist) are extended into social theory. The second is a form of ideological colonisation, whereby a normative commitment to individualism and the market is extended into social theory. I argue that the concept of social capital has been the product of a trend within rational choice economics away from the extremes of modernism. In this sense the concept represents an attempt to bring economics and social theory closer together, and a willingness on the part of rational choice theorists to take more seriously the techniques and insights of the other social sciences. However, I argue that this trend away from modernism has often been associated with a reaffirmation of rational choice theorists’ normative commitment to individualism and the market. In particular, I argue the concept of social capital has been strongly influenced by elements of the Austrian economic tradition, and forms part of a spontaneous order explanation of economic and social systems. I then apply these insights to the Australian social capital debate. I argue that initially the Australian social capital debate continued an earlier debate over economic rationalism and the merits of market-orientated economic reform. I argue that participants from both sides of the economic rationalism debate used the concept of social capital to move away from modernism, but continued to disagree over the role of individualism. Finally, I argue that confusion between moving away from modernism, and moving away from market ideology, has led some Third Way theorists to misconstrue the concept as a means to overcome ideology.
16
Nguila, José António. "Os mecanismos de protecção social pública em Moçambique, 1901-2007: os regimes de pensões e o seu contributo para a pobreza". Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/1955.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Mestrado em Análise de Política Social OrientaçãoEsta dissertação aborda o efeito que o processo de desenvolvimento dos mecanismos de protecção social provocou no sistema de pensões em Moçambique. Esta abordagem pretende mostrar que a forma como o Estado disponibiliza os bens e serviços gerados pela economia pode contribuir para a exclusão de determinados grupos populacionais. O direito à aposentação, tal como está actualmente consagrado na legislação moçambicana nem sempre foi privilegio de todos. Durante muito tempo se restringiu aos funcionários da administração colonial originários de Portugal e um grupo muito restrito de funcionários que lhes era reconhecido o estatuto de assimilado. Alias, o estatuto social dos indivíduos estruturou as relações de trabalho e, por essa via, a protecção social. Também procuramos demonstrar que as baixas pensões de reforma auferidas por um número considerável de pensionistas resultam da forma de intervenção do Estado, antes e depois da independência. Em termos teóricos e por analogia à teoria dos regimes usado na classificação dos Estados de Bem-Estar, adoptamos um quadro de referências ajustado ao contexto social dos países em desenvolvimento mas com um distanciamento necessário que permite analisar as particularidades destes países, nomeadamente a herança colonial, o nível de organização dos trabalhadores e a capacidade dos governos em mobilizar o financiamento externo.
This dissertation focuses on the effect, on the pension system in Mozambique, of the development process of the social protection mechanisms. This approach seeks to illustrate that the way the State distributes the wealth generated by the economy can contribute to exclude some segments of the population. The right to pension, as stated in the mozambican law, was not always everyone's privilege. For a long time it was restricted to the colonial public officers originally from Portugal and to a very small group of local public officers who were considered "Assimilado" (Assimilated). Moreover, the social statute of the people helped to structure the work relations and, through that, the social protection. We also seek to demontrate that the low pensions given to some pensioners result from State intervention before and after independence. Theoretically, and through analogy to the regime theories used in classifying of Welfare State, we adopted a conceptual framework adjusted to the social contexts of developing countries but with the necessary distancing that would allow us to analyse: the particulars of these countries as colonial inheritances, the level of organization of the workers and the capacity of the governments in getting foreign financing.
Cette thèse traite de l'effet que le processus de développement des mécanismes de protection sociale a provoqué dans le système de retraite au Mozambique. Cette approche vise à montrer que la façon dont l'Etat disponibilise les biens et les services générés par l'économie peut contribuer à l'exclusion de certains groupes de population. Le droit à la retraite, tel qu'il est actuellement consacré dans la législation mozambicaine, ne fut toujours pas le privilège de tous. II a longtemps été limité aux fonctionnaires de l'administration coloniale originaires du Portugal et à un groupe très restreint de salariés qui avait le statut d'assimilé. D'ailleurs, le statut social des individus a structuré les relations de travail et, par la suite, la protection sociale. Nous cherchons également à démontrer que les pensions reçues par un faible nombre de retraités sont le résultat de l'intervention de l'Etat, avant et après l'indépendance. Sur le plan théorique et par analogie à la théorie de régime utilisé dans la classification du bien-être, nous adoptons un cadre de référence ajusté au contexte social des pays en développement, mais avec un écart qui permet d'analyser les particularités de ces pays comme l'héritage colonial, le niveau d'organisation des travailleurs et la capacité des gouvernements à mobiliser des financements extérieurs.
17
Scott, Agnes, i Karima Benali. "Världens bästa välfärd? : En studie om välfärdsstaten som skapare av urban ojämlikhet". Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-21496.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This thesis aim to investigate the living conditions among marginalized habitants of suburbs in the Swedish welfare state. To approach an understanding of the complexity of marginalized urban areas, this thesis focus on studying the Stockholm suburb Husby in a context of the May riots 2013. The research method used is qualitative interviews with seven informants, who have a connection to the Husby area. The theories applied to the empirical material is Gösta Esping-Andersens theory on welfare state regimes and Loïc Wacquants theory on advanced marginality, also known as “The new urban poverty”. By observing the complexity of the Husby riots in a contextual aspect of the Swedish welfare state and the living situation in Husby, the analysis has shown that the Swedish welfare model is going through a changing process. This process means a shift from a social democratic welfare model towards a more liberal regime, with an increased privatization of public welfare and a focus on individual responsibility regarding the citizens own living conditions. Husby as an area is characterized by a low socioeconomic status, a high level of unemployment and poor school results. The growing market and the increasing focus on individual responsibility regarding decent living conditions, has excluded large groups of economically vulnerable habitants of Husby. Hereby, the welfare state has decreased its earlier caretaking of its citizens, and the changing welfare state has shaped a marginality in urban areas.Denna studie syftar till att undersöka livsvillkoren bland marginaliserade förortsbor i den svenska välfärdsstaten. För att uppnå en förståelse av denna komplexitet, fokuserar arbetet på Stockholmsförorten Husby i en kontext av de upplopp som ägde rum i maj 2013. Undersökningsmetoden är kvalitativa intervjuer med sju informanter. Samtliga har en koppling till Husbyområdet. Teorierna som appliceras på det empiriska materialet är Gösta Esping-Andersens teori om välfärdsstatsregimer samt Loïc Wacquants teori om avancerad marginalisering, även kallad ”Den nya urbana fattigdomen”. Analysen visar att den svenska välfärden genomgår en förändring. Denna förändring innebär en transformering från en socialdemokratisk modell mot en liberal regim, med en ökad privatisering av allmän välfärd samt ett fokus på individens eget ansvar i fråga om dess levnadsstandard. Husbyområdet präglas av en låg socioekonomisk status, en hög nivå av arbetslöshet samt dåliga skolresultat. Den växande marknaden har exkluderat stora grupper av ekonomiskt utsatta invånare i Husby. Välfärdsstaten har därmed minskat sitt tidigare omhändertagande av medborgarna, och denna förändring har skapat och format en marginalisering i urbana områden.
18
Hackell, Melissa. "Towards a neoliberal citizenship regime: A post-Marxist discourse analysis". The University of Waikato, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10289/2530.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This thesis is empirically grounded in New Zealand's restructuring of unemployment and taxation policy in the 1980s and 1990s. Theoretically it is inspired by a post-Marxist discourse analytical approach that focuses on discourses as political strategies. This approach has made it possible, through an analysis of changing citizenship discourses, to understand how the neoliberalisation of New Zealand's citizenship regime proceeded via debate and struggle over unemployment and taxation policy. Debates over unemployment and taxation in New Zealand during the 1980s and 1990s reconfigured the targets of policy and re-ordered social antagonism, establishing a neoliberal citizenship regime and centring political problematic. This construction of a neoliberal citizenship regime involved re-specifying the targets of public policy as consumers and taxpayers. In exploring the hegemonic discourse strategies of the Fourth Labour Government and the subsequent National-led governments of the 1990s, this thesis traces the process of reconfiguring citizen subjectivity initially as 'social consumers' and participants in a coalition of minorities, and subsequently as universal taxpayers in antagonistic relation to unemployed beneficiaries. These changes are related back to key discursive events in New Zealand's recent social policy history as well as to shifts in the discourses of politicians that address the nature of the public interest and the targets of social policy. I argue that this neoliberalisation of New Zealand's citizenship regime was the outcome of the hegemonic articulatory discourse strategies of governing parties in the 1980s and 1990s. Struggles between government administrations and citizen-based social movement groups were articulated to the neoliberal project. I also argue that in the late 1990s, discursive struggle between the dominant parties to define themselves in difference from each other reveals both the 'de'contestation of a set of neoliberal policy prescriptions, underscoring the neoliberal political problematic, and the privileging of a contributing taxpayer identity as the source of political legitimacy. This study shows that the dynamics of discursive struggle matter and demonstrates how the outcomes of discursive struggle direct policy change. In particular, it establishes how neoliberal discourse strategies evolved from political discourses in competition with other discourses to become the hegemonic political problematic underscoring institutional practice and policy development.
19
Grönroos, (fd Johansson) Per. "Pension Reform in Continental Europe : A comparative study of pension reform in Germany and France during the years ofausterity 1990-2010". Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-159219.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
As demographic and economic contexts have shifted, the need for pension systems to reform has increased. Often, however, these systems have proved difficult to change – especially in continental Europe. Despite this, Germany, by many considered particularly reform resistant, succeeded in reforming its pension system; while France, with its strong executive power, has not. As research has yet to find a consensus on what factors makes welfare retrenchment possible, this field requires more attention. Therefore, the aim of this thesis is to analyse the developments of the German and French pension systems, from 1990-2010, and to unearth what factors made successful reform possible in Germany while it failed in France. Using a comparative case study, all major pension reforms in the two countries during the time period, are analysed from four institutionalist perspectives. The results point to three main factors explaining Germany’s successful reform. Firstly, the shock brought on by the reunification of East and West Germany forced politicians to act. France on the other hand, experienced no such shock. Secondly, the subduing of the unions removed the main veto player against reform. In contrast, the French unions, whose political power lies in their ability to call for manifestations and shift public opinion, could not be outflanked. Lastly, the new liberal ideas that permeated German politics around the turn of the century provided a locus for change that was lacking in France. These results suggest the importance of external pressure, veto players and ideational factors to major welfare reform.
20
Babidge, Sally. "Family affairs an historical anthropology of state practice and Aboriginal agency in a rural town, North Queensland /". Click here for electronic access to document: http://eprints.jcu.edu.au/942, 2004. http://eprints.jcu.edu.au/942.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Thesis (Ph.D.) - James Cook University, 2004.Thesis submitted by Sally Marie Babidge, BA (Hons) UWA June 2004, for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the School of Anthropology, Archaeology and Sociology, James Cook University. Bibliography: leaves 283-303.
21
Mudrazija, Stipica. "Intergenerational transfers over the adult life cycle in three European welfare state regimes". 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/20949.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Rapid population aging driven by increasing life expectancy and falling birthrates has resulted in substantial increases in the old-age dependency ratio and decreases in the ratio of workers to retirees in all developed nations. In this context, some policymakers look to the support role of the family to moderate the effects of potentially shrinking public support. Yet, relatively little is known about the flow of transfers between family generations across the life cycle or the influence of public policy on the size and timing of those transfers. A core objective of this dissertation is to study the nature and net value of family transfers, defined in terms of the financial value of various types of transfers parents give to children (e.g., money, care and help, grandchild care, and co-residence) net of the value of the same types transfers they receive from children. Data for this study come primarily from the Survey of Health, Ageing, and Retirement in Europe, and the sample includes 36,095 parent-child dyads from 11 European countries representing social democratic, conservative, and traditional welfare-state regimes. Time transfers are monetized using information on minimum and average hourly wages. The net value of intergenerational family transfers over the adult life cycle is estimated using piecewise linear spline regression. The findings reveal that intergenerational family transfers are nontrivial across mature European welfare states. Their net value follows a nonlinear pattern of positive transfers from parents to grown children until advanced old age when the net value declines sharply and ultimately becomes negative--the point at which the generational exchange starts mostly to benefit parents. The transition starts later and is less pronounced across more generous welfare states in Northern Europe, while the opposite is true of less generous welfare states in Southern Europe. Transfer behavior of parents and grown children across Europe is most consistent with the need for help and ability to give. The results demonstrate that assessments of the effects of public policies affecting intergenerational redistribution of resources would benefit from taking into account how family members of different generations redistribute resources due to changes in those policies.text
22
Pankratz, Curt J. "Toward a more complete welfare state regimes typology : the class stratification implications of family policy". 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/19732.
Pełny tekst źródła
23
Meng, Hsiang-Yi, i 孟祥儀. "The Effect of 2008 Economic Crisis on Health of the Elderly:Comparisons among Welfare State Regimes". Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/ha3vdn.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
碩士臺北醫學大學
公共衛生學系暨研究所
104
Introduction: The 2008 economic crisis has had a far reaching impact on countries around the world. Welfare states provide a variety of social transfers as well as key services at a time of personal financial difficulty, so that individual health may not be negatively affected. While much work has been carried out to assess the effect of economic crisis on health and well-being of the general population, few studies have assessed its effect on the elderly population. This research focuses on the influence of economic recession on self-rated health and depression among the elderly, as well as the moderating effect of welfare regimes on the influence of economic recession on elderly health. Method: Data used for this study comes from Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe wave 2 (2007) and wave 4 (2011). To precisely access the health effect on the elderly during the recession, sample was restricted to individuals aged over 65 at the time of wave 2 and have complete data of the two waves. Changes in national GDP per capital, GINI index, household disposable income and social expenditure as a percentage of GDP between 2006 and 2010 were taken as indicators of the impact of the crisis. Multilevel random intercept models were used for statistical analysis. Results: From 2006 to 2010, analyses showed that elderly in Scandinavian welfare regime had better health conditions in comparison with elderly in other welfare regimes; a decrease in social expenditure were associated with higher probability of poor self-rated health after economic recession; and Scandinavian welfare regime appeared to have more capacity to moderate the influence of economic recession compared to Southern and Eastern Europe welfare regimes. Conclusions: This research provided some evidence that the elderly could also suffer negative effects from economic crisis, just like the working population. Moreover, it showed that welfare regimes did moderate the effects of economic recession on elderly health. Welfare states with greater magnitudes of social safety net might have better resilience to economic crisis.
24
Pankratz, Curtis. "National health policies and population health outcomes in 17 OECD countries: an application of the welfare state regimes concept". 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/5311.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This project examines the extent to which industrialized countries’ national social policy orientations (welfare state regimes), which shape social cohesion and inequality, reflect the structure of their healthcare policies and/or population health characteristics. Hierarchical cluster analysis is used with data from 17 OECD countries in order to assess inductively the extent to which established welfare state regime groupings emerge when a wide range of population health and health policy measures are analyzed. Overall findings are that welfare state regime typologies are evident when child health measures are used, but not when other measures of population health (adult health measures, chronic and infectious diseases) or health policy measures are applied. This has implications for emerging work within the population health field that has used child health measures to argue that welfare state regime orientations have direct impacts on population health in general. Results also question the extensive reliance on infant mortality rates as a summary of national population health. Finally, results cast doubt on the assumption that welfare state regime types share parallel healthcare policy structures and orientations. Rather, it appears that different historical, political and popular pressures, which result from specific historical events, have driven policy areas in different directions within national welfare states. A more detailed model of population health, welfare states and health-specific policies is developed to guide future research.
25
Browning, Sean. "The mental health and well-being of informal caregivers in Europe: regime type, intersectionality, and the stress process". Thesis, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/12877.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This dissertation addresses the role of welfare state/family care regimes, intersecting social locations and stress process factors in influencing the mental health and subjective well-being of informal caregivers of care recipients with age-related needs or disabilities within a European international context. Empirical analyses were conducted with secondary data from the 2012 and 2016 European Quality of Life Surveys. The study sample included informal caregivers (n=6,007) residing in seven different welfare state/family care regimes, including Denmark, Sweden, France, Germany, Italy, Greece and the United Kingdom. Ordinary least squares and ordered logit regression models revealed that welfare state/family care regime, social location (including both additive and interactive associations among gender, age group, marital status, and income), and stress process factors were independently associated with the mental health and life satisfaction of informal caregivers. Furthermore, there was some evidence to suggest that social location and stress process factors mediate some of the relationships between regime type and self-reported health and well-being and that stress process factors mediate relationships between social location factors and mental health and well-being.
Overall, the results provide support for integrating welfare state/family care regime
type and intersectionality factors into the SPM. Thus, future research on informal caregivers‘ mental health and well-being ought to incorporate such factors into their empirical analyses. The results also have some policy and practice implications. Residence in social democratic formal (Denmark), semi-formal (Sweden) and conservative formal (France) care regimes was the most beneficial to informal caregivers self-reported mental health. This was also the case for life satisfaction, except that residence in the liberal semi-formal (UK) was more beneficial than in the conservative formal (France) care regime. Mediating social location and stress process factors suggest that UK policy makers should address the greater social location disparities, greater role overload, and lack of coping resources that advantage Danish and Swedish informal caregivers compared to those residing in the UK. Lastly, policy makers from all the European countries assessed in the study should address the poorer mental health status of women and rural informal caregivers, those who experience role overload, secondary stressors, and lack coping resources. They should also address the the lower levels of formal education, more secondary stressors, and lack of coping resources associated with poorer subjective well-being.Graduate
26
Averis, Roslyn Ann. "Averting the crisis - or avoiding the compromise?: a regulation approach to social inclusion policies and practices in the Australian context". 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/49949.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The South Australian Rann Labor government elected in 2002 became the first in the nation to address ‘social exclusion’ through the implementation of a Social Inclusion Initiative. The increasingly popular term ‘social exclusion’ was first used overseas in the early 1970s to describe serious symptoms of socio-economic disadvantage linked with global economic restructuring. Taking the South Australian policy initiative as a point of departure, this thesis provides a multi-layered analysis of social exclusion discourses and policy approaches, exploring their significance in the context of Australia’s shifting welfare state terrain. In so doing, the thesis seeks to break new ground both at general theory and specific case study levels by utilising a regulation approach (RA) to test the research hypothesis that ‘social inclusion’ policies are reflective of a transitional neoliberal (or, in some instances, Third Way) mode of social regulation which is inadequate to arrest rising socio-economic inequality linked to the collapse of the post-war ‘Fordist-Keynesian’ consensus. The cross-disciplinary regulation approach is a method of inquiry used to analyse spatially and temporally specific shifts in phases of capitalist accumulation and the different policy and institutional arrangements that support accumulation in each phase. The complex and interrelated institutional shifts at the Australian national level are critical to understanding the origins and impact of ‘social inclusion’ policies. Hence the adoption of this type of policy approach at the South Australian state level is considered in a broader national political economic context where the phenomenon of social exclusion is located within national welfare to work reforms. By applying a regulationist lens to examine the global concept of social exclusion in a local and broader national setting, the thesis offers empirical evidence to one of the ‘missing links’ in the ‘post-Fordist’ literature. That is, it contributes to the debate about whether nascent neoliberal or Third Way modes of social regulation have potential to stabilise capitalism’s inherent crisis tendencies, or whether they merely extend a period of institutional searching. The thesis concludes that the South Australian Social Inclusion Initiative in various ways appears to be not only partial and inadequate in its own terms, but fundamentally in conflict with the South Australian government’s broader policy objectives. In short, it shows that the Initiative has inadequate capacity to address the impact of global structural changes that have caused the polarisation of wealth and increasing poverty. Furthermore, it is argued that this approach attempts to suppress class dissent by silencing potential critics, and fails to intersect with or compensate for national level policies which have served to depress wages and simultaneously reduce the welfare safety net. It is concluded from these findings that these policies do not have the capacity to contribute to an equitable or sustainable new mode of social regulation. The thesis argues that a more comprehensive approach to ‘social inclusion’ is required in the post-Keynesian era and proposes further research to this end.http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=1348509
Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Adelaide, School of Social Sciences, 2008
27
Oliveira, Pedro Nuno Vieira Gonçalves Martins de. "Estado-Providência e Deficiência: Transformação, poder e ativação". Doctoral thesis, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/122981.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
No contexto da estratégia de concretização de um desenvolvimento pluridimensional cada vez mais dependente de uma cultura inclusiva, o Estado-Providência, a maior conquista da cultura europeia, ganha uma relevância central pois cria e reforça a coesão social e cultural, que são essenciais para uma democracia vibrante sustentada na cooperação, na solidariedade organizada e regulada entre os cidadãos. Contudo, e apesar do significativo avanço dos quadros legais dos vários países europeus no que diz respeito aos direitos, liberdade e garantias das diferentes minorias, a realidade demonstra que nem sempre as políticas públicas conseguem promover a inclusão e participação de minorias eficazmente. Isto acontece porque raramente estas políticas assentam numa abordagem sistémica e centrada nas necessidades dos cidadãos.
Perante esta realidade, o foco desta tese é compreender os fatores que fazem com que países que dotaram formalmente os seus disability regimes com instituições promotoras do paradigma Vida Independente enfrentem dificuldades de implementação e materialização, total ou parcial, do processo path-shifting numa época onde é possível identificar duas gerações distintas nos estudos sobre o Estado-Providência moderno: uma primeira geração de estudos, dos fins da década de 1950 à década de 1990, focados nos problemas do industrialismo e da crescente dependência do trabalho assalariado numa sociedade complexa e urbana onde o papel coordenador e conciliador do estado era um aspeto central; e uma segunda geração de estudos, que surge já no final do século XX, onde as investigações se dedicaram sobretudo ao estudo das formas de cobertura de novos riscos e a satisfação de outras necessidades menos dependentes da participação no mercado de trabalho, visando garantir a ativação dos destinatários no mercado laboral remunerado.
O carácter inovador desta tese assenta em dois aspetos: primeiro, no enquadramento do estudo no contexto das teorias sobre as instituições, mudança institucional e teorias das elites e, segundo, no desenho dum modelo teórico, tipo «roadmap» para a implementação de uma mudança sistémica, focado na promoção da participação e gerador de oportunidades da realização pessoal destes cidadãos ajustado à realidade portuguesa.In the context of the strategy for implementation of a multi-dimensional development increasingly dependent on an inclusive culture, the welfare State, the greatest achievement of the European culture, wins a central importance as it creates and reinforces social and cultural cohesion, which are essential to a vibrant democracy sustained on cooperation, organized and regulated solidarity between citizens. However, and despite the significant advancement of legal frameworks in the different European countries about human rights, freedom and guarantees of different minorities, reality demonstrates that not always public policy can promote the inclusion and participation of minorities effectively. This happens because these policies rarely are based on systemic approach and focused on the needs of citizens. Given this reality, the main focus of this thesis is to understand the factors that cause countries that have formally endorsed their disability regimes with institutions promoting Independent Living paradigm to face difficulties in implementing and materializing, in whole or in part, the path-shifting process at a time when it is possible to identify two distinct generations in studies on the modern Welfare State: a first generation of studies, from the late 1950s to the 1990s, focused on the problems of industrialism and the growing dependence on wage labor in a complex and urban society where the coordinating and conciliatory role of the state was a central aspect; and a second generation of studies, which emerged at the end of the 20th century, where investigations were mainly devoted to the study of forms of coverage of new risks and the satisfaction of other needs less dependent on labour market participation , in order to ensure the activation of recipients in the paid labour market. The innovative character of this thesis is based on two aspects: first, in the frameworking of the study in the context of theories about the institutions, institutional change and theories of elites and, second, in the drawing of a theoretical model, like “roadmap” for the implementation of a systemic change, focused on promoting the participation and opportunities of personal fulfilment of these citizens adjusted to Portuguese reality.
28
Jacques, Olivier. "Les trois mondes des régimes fiscaux : l’économie politique du financement des États-providence". Thèse, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/12532.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Ce mémoire cherche à comprendre un paradoxe : les États-providence les plus généreux, façonnés par des partis sociaux-démocrates, sont financés par des taxes beaucoup plus régressives que les États-providence les moins généreux où les partis de droite, plus souvent au pouvoir, mettent en place une taxation plus progressive. Pour comprendre ce paradoxe, ce mémoire débute en analysant les pressions induites par la mondialisation des capitaux sur la taxation. Ensuite, le mémoire explore les causes institutionnelles des régimes fiscaux en effectuant une revue de la littérature analytique. Ces contraintes institutionnelles et fonctionnelles sur le comportement et les préférences des acteurs politiques permettent de définir trois idéaux-types de régimes fiscaux. Ces idéaux-types cadrent avec la typologie des régimes d’État-providence d’Esping-Andersen. En regroupant des typologies sur les régimes fiscaux et les régimes d’État-providence, ce mémoire souligne que le financement des politiques publiques représente une composante cruciale de l’économie politique de l’État-providence.This thesis is about a paradox: the most generous welfare states, built by social-democratic parties, are financed by more regressive taxes than residual welfare states, which are funded by progressive taxes, despite the fact that they are governed by right parties more often. To understand this paradox, this thesis starts by analysing the pressures that globalisation puts on taxation. Then, the thesis reviews the literature of political science research on taxation to understand the institutional origins of distinct tax regimes. Three ideal types of tax regimes are defined by the study of institutional and functional constraints on political actors’ preferences and behaviour. These ideal types fit with Esping-Andersen’s typology of welfare states regimes. By regrouping typologies on tax and welfare regimes, this thesis explores the link between revenues and expenses while showing that the funding of public policies is a crucial feature of the political economy of welfare states.