Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Australian political system”
Utwórz poprawne odniesienie w stylach APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard i wielu innych
Spis treści
Zobacz listy aktualnych artykułów, książek, rozpraw, streszczeń i innych źródeł naukowych na temat „Australian political system”.
Przycisk „Dodaj do bibliografii” jest dostępny obok każdej pracy w bibliografii. Użyj go – a my automatycznie utworzymy odniesienie bibliograficzne do wybranej pracy w stylu cytowania, którego potrzebujesz: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver itp.
Możesz również pobrać pełny tekst publikacji naukowej w formacie „.pdf” i przeczytać adnotację do pracy online, jeśli odpowiednie parametry są dostępne w metadanych.
Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Australian political system"
1
HARMAN, G. S. "Education, Political Science and the Australian Political System". Australian Journal of Politics & History 19, nr 3 (7.04.2008): 377–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1973.tb00634.x.
Pełny tekst źródła
2
Cornelius, Karen, i Aidan Cornelius-Bell. "Systemic racism, a prime minister, and the remote Australian school system". Radical Teacher 122 (28.04.2022): 64–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/rt.2022.935.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Remote Australian schools face complex contextual issues due to systemic and enduring disadvantage. The structures and systems put in place to support and provide advantage for Indigenous Australians continually fail to meet their mark due to colonial structures, policies and inability to understand remote contextual demands. In South Australia, the context of this paper, systemic disadvantage disproportionately affects Indigenous people. This article explores the contemporary colonial landscape of a remote school context, provides background on the colonial institutions which shape the interactions and services provided to people in remote Australian areas, and provides two empirical examples of the contemporary, structural, and harmful influence of policy and political figures in a remote school. By examining the politics of being a school leader, the policy background for remote Australian schools, and the unique challenges of position both in policy and physical terms, we show how contemporary racism structures and conditions the lives of young people in remote contexts today.
3
Rhiannon, Lee. "Organising, movements and political parties". Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 1, nr 2 (26.08.2009): 30–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v1i2.1114.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The paper outlines historical and contemporary relationships between political parties and social movements, with a focus on the Australian Greens. It posits some of the limitations and possibilities of this relationship, drawing on Australia-based experience. It argues the relationship is a necessary one, both to social movements seeking to pursue their agendas through the political system, and to political parties needing to be open to broad public participation and to maintain strong links to on-the-ground issues. It concludes that the Australian Greens have sought to strike a balance between party and movement, recognising the limits of both.
4
Sheppard, Jill, Marija Taflaga i Liang Jiang. "Explaining high rates of political participation among Chinese migrants to Australia". International Political Science Review 41, nr 3 (22.05.2019): 385–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512119834623.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Studies of political participation regularly observe the underrepresentation of immigrant citizens and ethnic minorities. In contrast, evidence from Australia suggests that immigrant Australians are overrepresented in certain forms of participation, including donating money and working for a party or candidate. Drawing on major theories of ethnic political participation (including socialisation, recruitment and clientelism), this study uses 2013 Australian Election Study data to show that China-born migrants to Australia participate at higher rates than native-born and other migrant citizens. The study finds support for two explanatory theories: (a) that contributions of money by recently-arrived migrants are an aspect of clientelist relationships between migrants and legislators; and (b) that political interest in and knowledge of the host country’s political system are not necessary, and indeed perhaps even depress participation among newly-arrived migrants. These findings suggest an under-explored vein of transactional politics within established democratic systems.
5
Haward, Marcus, i Nicholas Cooper. "Australian interests, bifocalism, bipartisanship, and the Antarctic Treaty System". Polar Record 50, nr 1 (20.12.2012): 60–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247412000459.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
ABSTRACTThis article explores the character of domestic political support for the Australian Antarctic Territory and Australia's involvement in the Antarctic Treaty System, using the linked frames of bifocalism and bipartisanship. After first unpacking these concepts it explores how they have shaped the extent and form of Australia's Antarctic endeavours from the 1930s to the present day. It is argued that the analysis shows that bipartisan commitment to Australian interests in Antarctica is framed through bifocalism: first, Australian national interests are closely linked to maintenance of the Antarctic Treaty and Antarctic Treaty System, and second, presentation of these national interests is not inimical to commitments to the Antarctic Treaty and Antarctic Treaty System.
6
FIELKE, SIMON J., i DOUGLAS K. BARDSLEY. "A Brief Political History of South Australian Agriculture". Rural History 26, nr 1 (9.03.2015): 101–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095679331400017x.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Abstract:This paper aims to explain why South Australian agricultural land use is focused on continually increasing productivity, when the majority of produce is exported, at the long-term expense of agriculturally-based communities and the environment. A historical analysis of literature relevant to the agricultural development of South Australia is used chronologically to report aspects of the industry that continue to cause concerns in the present day. The historically dominant capitalist socio-economic system and ‘anthropocentric’ world views of farmers, politicians, and key stakeholders have resulted in detrimental social, environmental and political outcomes. Although recognition of the environmental impacts of agricultural land use has increased dramatically since the 1980s, conventional productivist, export oriented farming still dominates the South Australian landscape. A combination of market oriented initiatives and concerned producers are, however, contributing to increasing the recognition of the environmental and social outcomes of agricultural practice and it is argued here that South Australia has the opportunity to value multifunctional land use more explicitly via innovative policy.
7
Jones, Paul K., i Michael Pusey. "Political communication and ‘media system’: the Australian canary". Media, Culture & Society 32, nr 3 (maj 2010): 451–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443709361172.
Pełny tekst źródła
8
Goodman, James. "Contesting Accusations of ‘Foreign Interference’: New Agendas for Australian Civil Society". Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 10, nr 1 (29.03.2018): 63–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v10i1.5934.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In 2017 the Australian Government announced a raft of measures designed to combat ‘foreign interference’ in the Australian political system. The measures propose new constraints on civil society advocacy and threaten to seriously curtail democratic rights. They form part of global trend towards the increased regulation of International Non-Government Organisations (INGOs), driven by fears of ‘foreign’ political influence. In response to the shrinking ‘civic space’, NGOs are defining new agendas. Recently in Australia and elsewhere NGO advocates have gained some traction in extending the legitimacy and scope for political advocacy. The new rhetoric of countering ‘foreign interference’ threatens NGO advocacy, but also creates new political possibilities. This article surveys the international trends and Australian contexts; it analyses recent legislative proposals in Australia to combat ‘foreign interference’, and outlines the public debate. The double standard for INGOs and multinational corporations is highlighted as a key theme, and the article ends with a concluding discussion about emerging possibilities for new political obligations for corporations in Australia
9
SHARMAN, G. C. "Federalism And The Study Of The Australian Political System*". Australian Journal of Politics & History 21, nr 3 (28.06.2008): 11–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1975.tb01149.x.
Pełny tekst źródła
10
Bean, Clive, i Ian McAllister. "Factions and tendencies in the Australian political party system". Politics 24, nr 2 (listopad 1989): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00323268908402092.
Pełny tekst źródłaRozprawy doktorskie na temat "Australian political system"
1
Allan, Geoffrey, i n/a. "A Different Agenda: The Changing Meaning of Public Service Efficiency and Responsiveness in Australia's Public Services". Griffith University. Griffith Business School, 2005. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20060914.104311.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This thesis examines the changing nature of efficiency and tesponsiveness of Australian public services over the past century It will examine how over the past 100 years efficiency has been improved and assessed. It will also examine how, since the 1970s, efficiency has become synonymous with responsiveness. The main argument of this thesis is that the nature of efficiency and responsiveness has changed over the past century.. Reforms introduced fiom the 1970s where the rationale at the time was improved efficiency, were essentially designed to make the public service more accountable and thereby responsive to the political executive. The study will examine: 1. the measures governments employed to improve efficiency and assess their effectiveness; 2. how responsiveness became the corollary of efficiency; 3. the resultant changes assessment of government perfbrmance; and 4. the effect these changes had on the Westminster system in Australia. The thesis is in three parts. Part one deals with the nature of public service efficiency and responsiveness. It examines the literature surrounding the nature of the terms and provides a definition of each. Part two details and analyses how public service efficiency was measured and improved from the end of the nineteenth century to the beginning of the 1970s. It will detail the rise and decline in public service boards and commissions and how they were used to initially limit patronage and then to act as monitoring agencies to ensure that public service input costs were as small as they could be 1i will also detail how other factors, such as the training and education of staff and computerisation had an increasing role in improving efficiency. The third part deals with the changes that have occurred since the 1970s. This will examine how responsiveness emerged as an issue and how it became an essential companion to efficiency when promoting bureaucratic change.. It will examine how the nomenclature of efficiency has been applied when the political executive seeks to ensure greater responsiveness from the public service. This third part will examine the main apparatus that were employed by the political executive to improve efficiency and responsiveness: progr am budgeting, corporate planthng, efficiency audits and contracts with senior staff. Finally, I will demonstrate the inability or unwillingness of many ministers and governments to detail policy objectives and their reluctance to evaluate the effectiveness of spending. This was accompanied by a greater reliance on senior employment contracts as the main lever to improve efficiency and responsiveness of the service.
2
Prasser, Gavin Scott, i n/a. "A Study of Commonwealth Public Inquiries". Griffith University. School of Politics and Public Policy, 2004. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20060811.160901.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This thesis seeks to provide a comprehensive overview of the extent and use of public inquiries appointed by the Commonwealth government since federation. Given the increased incidence in public inquiries since the 1970s, particular attention is given to assessing inquiries during this period. The thesis develops a clear definition of public inquiries to better identify the number established and to distinguish them from other advisory institutions and to allow more accurate comparison of their use by different governments over extended timeframes. The thesis addresses a number of key issues concerning public inquiries such as the reasons for their appointment, their roles and functions in the political system, their powers of investigation, processes of operation, their different organisational forms and their impact on policy development. In addition, the thesis seeks to explain both the long term use of public inquiries in Australia, and in particular their increased incidence since the 1970s. Supported by new data, and a more rigorous definition of public inquiries, the thesis identifies trends in the number and type of public inquiries appointed, their use by different governments, the range of issues investigated, the processes employed and the changing composition of their memberships. The thesis proposes that an important means of explaining the continuing appointment of inquiries is their intrinsic 'publicness' - their public appointment, external membership, temporary nature, open processes, and public reporting arrangements. This 'publicness' has given public inquiries a particular standing and legitimacy in the political system that for a variety of reasons, other institutions are increasingly unable to provide. Other issues concerning public inquiry appointment such as the effect of government partisanship, the impact of the electoral cycle, and the political motivations of governments are also assessed. A number of theories such as public choice are examined in relation to explaining inquiry appointment and found to have limited application in providing an overall explanation of inquiry use and their functions. These different issues are analysed by examination of many individual inquiries and supplemented by in depth assessment of three clusters of case studies. The case studies cover seven inquiries of different types and powers appointed over a twenty year period by both Labor and Coalition governments into a range of different fields including public sector reform, allegations of corruption and maladministration and financial deregulation. Each set of case studies examines why the inquiries were appointed, their classification and type, the processes employed, the form and content of their reports, and their policy impact. The thesis concludes that in examining why public inquiries are appointed and their roles in the political system, they need to be assessed not just by the effectiveness of their processes or the quality of their advice. These are important, but alone are not sufficient in explaining the persistent use of inquiries by all governments and their proliferation since the 1970s. The thesis contends that it is the 'publicness' of inquiries which distinguishes them from other advisory bodies and gives inquiries particular standing in the Australian political system to be perceived to be able to legitimately investigate and advise on a wide of issues. Despite the growth of other advisory bodies in recent times, public inquiries have continued to be appointed in increasing numbers since the early 1970s regardless of the government in power and therefore need to be seen less as an aberration of the Australian political system and more as an important, if often understudied, component. Future research areas recommended include the need for greater comparative analysis of their use with other Westminster democracies such as the United Kingdom, Canada and New Zealand.
3
Allan, Geoffrey. "A Different Agenda: The Changing Meaning of Public Service Efficiency and Responsiveness in Australia's Public Services". Thesis, Griffith University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367174.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This thesis examines the changing nature of efficiency and tesponsiveness of Australian public services over the past century It will examine how over the past 100 years efficiency has been improved and assessed. It will also examine how, since the 1970s, efficiency has become synonymous with responsiveness. The main argument of this thesis is that the nature of efficiency and responsiveness has changed over the past century.. Reforms introduced fiom the 1970s where the rationale at the time was improved efficiency, were essentially designed to make the public service more accountable and thereby responsive to the political executive. The study will examine: 1. the measures governments employed to improve efficiency and assess their effectiveness; 2. how responsiveness became the corollary of efficiency; 3. the resultant changes assessment of government perfbrmance; and 4. the effect these changes had on the Westminster system in Australia. The thesis is in three parts. Part one deals with the nature of public service efficiency and responsiveness. It examines the literature surrounding the nature of the terms and provides a definition of each. Part two details and analyses how public service efficiency was measured and improved from the end of the nineteenth century to the beginning of the 1970s. It will detail the rise and decline in public service boards and commissions and how they were used to initially limit patronage and then to act as monitoring agencies to ensure that public service input costs were as small as they could be 1i will also detail how other factors, such as the training and education of staff and computerisation had an increasing role in improving efficiency. The third part deals with the changes that have occurred since the 1970s. This will examine how responsiveness emerged as an issue and how it became an essential companion to efficiency when promoting bureaucratic change.. It will examine how the nomenclature of efficiency has been applied when the political executive seeks to ensure greater responsiveness from the public service. This third part will examine the main apparatus that were employed by the political executive to improve efficiency and responsiveness: progr am budgeting, corporate planthng, efficiency audits and contracts with senior staff. Finally, I will demonstrate the inability or unwillingness of many ministers and governments to detail policy objectives and their reluctance to evaluate the effectiveness of spending. This was accompanied by a greater reliance on senior employment contracts as the main lever to improve efficiency and responsiveness of the service.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Griffith Business School
Full Text
4
Prasser, Gavin Scott. "A Study of Commonwealth Public Inquiries". Thesis, Griffith University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/365294.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This thesis seeks to provide a comprehensive overview of the extent and use of public inquiries appointed by the Commonwealth government since federation. Given the increased incidence in public inquiries since the 1970s, particular attention is given to assessing inquiries during this period. The thesis develops a clear definition of public inquiries to better identify the number established and to distinguish them from other advisory institutions and to allow more accurate comparison of their use by different governments over extended timeframes. The thesis addresses a number of key issues concerning public inquiries such as the reasons for their appointment, their roles and functions in the political system, their powers of investigation, processes of operation, their different organisational forms and their impact on policy development. In addition, the thesis seeks to explain both the long term use of public inquiries in Australia, and in particular their increased incidence since the 1970s. Supported by new data, and a more rigorous definition of public inquiries, the thesis identifies trends in the number and type of public inquiries appointed, their use by different governments, the range of issues investigated, the processes employed and the changing composition of their memberships. The thesis proposes that an important means of explaining the continuing appointment of inquiries is their intrinsic 'publicness' - their public appointment, external membership, temporary nature, open processes, and public reporting arrangements. This 'publicness' has given public inquiries a particular standing and legitimacy in the political system that for a variety of reasons, other institutions are increasingly unable to provide. Other issues concerning public inquiry appointment such as the effect of government partisanship, the impact of the electoral cycle, and the political motivations of governments are also assessed. A number of theories such as public choice are examined in relation to explaining inquiry appointment and found to have limited application in providing an overall explanation of inquiry use and their functions. These different issues are analysed by examination of many individual inquiries and supplemented by in depth assessment of three clusters of case studies. The case studies cover seven inquiries of different types and powers appointed over a twenty year period by both Labor and Coalition governments into a range of different fields including public sector reform, allegations of corruption and maladministration and financial deregulation. Each set of case studies examines why the inquiries were appointed, their classification and type, the processes employed, the form and content of their reports, and their policy impact. The thesis concludes that in examining why public inquiries are appointed and their roles in the political system, they need to be assessed not just by the effectiveness of their processes or the quality of their advice. These are important, but alone are not sufficient in explaining the persistent use of inquiries by all governments and their proliferation since the 1970s. The thesis contends that it is the 'publicness' of inquiries which distinguishes them from other advisory bodies and gives inquiries particular standing in the Australian political system to be perceived to be able to legitimately investigate and advise on a wide of issues. Despite the growth of other advisory bodies in recent times, public inquiries have continued to be appointed in increasing numbers since the early 1970s regardless of the government in power and therefore need to be seen less as an aberration of the Australian political system and more as an important, if often understudied, component. Future research areas recommended include the need for greater comparative analysis of their use with other Westminster democracies such as the United Kingdom, Canada and New Zealand.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Politics and Public Policy
Full Text
5
Burn, Geoffrey Livingston. "Land and reconciliation in Australia : a theological approach". Thesis, University of Exeter, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/117230.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This thesis is a work of Christian theology. Its purpose is twofold: firstly to develop an adequate understanding of reconciliation at the level of peoples and nations; and secondly to make a practical contribution to resolving the problems in Australia for the welfare of all the peoples, and of the land itself. The history of the relationships between the Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples in Australia has left many problems, and no matter what the non-Indigenous people try to do, the Indigenous peoples of Australia continue to experience themselves as being in a state of siege. Trying to understand what is happening, and what can be done to resolve the problems for the peoples of Australia and the land, have been the implicit drivers for the theological development in this thesis. This thesis argues that the present generation in any trans-generational dispute is likely to continue to sin in ways that are shaped by the sins of the past, which explains why Indigenous peoples in Australia find themselves in a stage of siege, even when the non-Indigenous peoples are trying to pursue policies which they believe are for the welfare of all. The only way to resolve this is for the peoples of Australia to seek reconciliation. In particular, the non-Indigenous peoples need to repent, both of their own sins, and the sins of their forebears. Reconciliation processes have become part of the international political landscape. However, there are real concerns about the justice of pursuing reconciliation. An important part of the theological development of this thesis is therefore to show that pursuing reconciliation establishes justice. It is shown that the nature of justice, and of repentance, can only be established by pursuing reconciliation. Reconciliation is possible because God has made it possible, and is working in the world to bring reconciliation. Because land is an essential part of Indigenous identity in Australia, the history of land in court cases and legislation in Australia over the past half century forms an important case study in this work. It is shown that, although there was significant repentance within the non-Indigenous legal system in Australia, the degree of repentance available through that legal system is inherently limited, and so a more radical approach is needed in order to seek reconciliation in Australia. A final chapter considers what the non-Indigenous people of Australia need to do in order to repent.
6
Stendal, Grant. "The politics of productivity bargaining : the two-tier wage system case /". Title page, contents and abstract only, 1994. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phs825.pdf.
Pełny tekst źródła
7
Thomas, Natalie Kim. "The Politics of Partnership: The Role of Non-Government Organisations in Australian Drug Policy". Thesis, Griffith University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366598.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The concepts of ‘partnership working’ and ‘intersectoral collaboration’ have become increasingly central to contemporary policy discourse on drugs and crime in Western liberal states, and the non-government sector now plays an integral role in the drug policy systems of many countries. Governments have actively sought to partner with non-government organisations in addressing drug problems and formulating effective drug policy. There has, however, been little empirical investigation of non-government policy work and their relationships with the bureaucratic state in the drugs field. This thesis responds to this gap by providing an account of the development of the idea of government/non-government ‘partnerships’ in the Australian drugs field, and presents new data on the broader role of non-government organisations in drug policy.
Informed by governmentality and critical policy studies literature, this thesis adopts a qualitative approach that engages with three major sources of data: 1) Primary governmental documents including national and state and territory drug policy documents; 2) semi-structured interviews with 19 representatives from Australian non-government organisations; and 3) documents produced by non-government organisations.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Criminology and Criminal Justice
Arts, Education and Law
Full Text
8
Hellman, David. "Integration genom utbildning : En jämförande studie av Sverige och Australien". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-324412.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Utbildning skapar de grundläggande förutsättningarna för invandrare att integreras ekonomiskt och socialt i ett samhälle. Denna uppsats undersöker vilken roll integrationspolitisk inriktning har i integrationsprocessen inom utbildning genom att jämföra två länder där frågan om integration ständigt är aktuell, Sverige och Australien. Studien följer en mest-lika design som bygger på att Sverige och Australien antas vara mycket lika vad gäller integrationspolitiken inom utbildning men trots detta påvisar olika integrationsutfall. Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka eventuella skillnader i ländernas integrationspolitiska inriktning som kan tänkas förklara de olika integrationsutfallen. Som metod för att fullgöra syftet används både kvalitativ textanalys och intervjuer. Uppsatsen når slutsatsen att Australien i en högre grad en Sverige tycks fokusera på integrationspolitik avseende interkulturellt lärande och att detta i sin tur utgör en möjlig förklaring till att Australien påvisar bättre integrationsutfall än Sverige.
9
Soko, Milford Sibusiso. "Re-engaging with the global trading system : the political economy of trade policy reform in post-apartheid South Africa, 1994-2004". Thesis, University of Warwick, 2004. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/50693/.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The thesis examines the political economy of trade policy reform in post-apartheid South Africa. It challenges mainstream accounts of contemporary trade policy in South Africa, which have advanced a solely economic rationale to explain the policy choices made by the ANC governments since 1994. The thesis argues that, far more than these accounts concede, international and domestic political economy considerations have also played a central part in the ANC governments' calculations to undertake trade reform to the degree it has. Trade reform in South Africa has been the linchpin of a global adjustment strategy pursued by the domestic political elites by which they have sought to fulfill South Africa's global, regional and domestic political and economic objectives. At the global level, the South African state has vigorously pursued trade liberalisation in order to shed its past image of international pariah and reintegrate itself into the global economy on the basis of outward-oriented growth. Restoring South Africa's international political respectability has been as important as reversing its economic marginalisation in the international division of labour. At the regional level, the South African state has used trade policy reform as a foreign economic policy tool not only to rebuild political and diplomatic relations with African countries strained during the apartheid era - but also to advance its hegemonic ambitions, particularly in Southern Africa, as well as reinforce the region's ability to engage with the forces of economic globalisation. The extent to which South Africa's regional hegemonic ambitions can be achieved, however, lies ultimately with how adeptly the country can reconcile these regional aspirations with its domestic pressures. At the domestic level, trade reform has been deployed by the decision-making elites not only to lock in the government's austere macroeconomic policy but also to curtail the power of domestic interests that have benefited from trade protectionism in the past. In return for their co-operation, the South African state has allowed these interests, notably business and labour, enhanced institutional representation in economic policymaking. In this sense trade policy has been employed to serve domestic as much as foreign political and economic policy ends.
10
Cirino, Gina. "American Misconceptions about Australian Aboriginal Art". Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1435275397.
Pełny tekst źródłaKsiążki na temat "Australian political system"
1
Wayne, Errington, i Barry Nicholas, red. The Australian political system in action. South Melbourne, Vic: Oxford University Press, 2009.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródła
2
Miragliotta, Narelle. The Australian political system in action. South Melbourne, Vic: Oxford University Press, 2009.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródła
3
Beyond the two party system: Political representation, economic competitiveness, and Australian politics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródła
4
The making of a party system: Minor parties in the Australian Senate. Clayton, Victoria, Australia: Monash University Publishing, 2015.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródła
5
Power politics: Australia's party system. Wyd. 3. St. Leonards, NSW, Australia: Allen & Unwin, 1994.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródła
6
Healey, Justin. Australia's system of government. Thirroul, N.S.W: Spinney Press, 2008.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródła
7
A federal republic: Australia's constitutional system of government. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródła
8
Prime ministers in power: Political leadership in Britain and Australia. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródła
9
Wiltshire, Kenneth W. Tenterfield revisted: Reforming Australia's system of government for 2001. St. Lucia, Qld: University of Queensland Press, 1991.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródła
10
Working the system: Government in Queensland. St Lucia, Qld., Australia: University of Queensland Press, 1989.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródłaCzęści książek na temat "Australian political system"
1
Lucy, Richard. "Models of the Australian Political System". W The Australian Form of Government, 315–37. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-78740-1_16.
Pełny tekst źródła
2
Jaensch, Dean. "The Australian Party System". W The Politics of Australia, 193–213. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-15148-6_8.
Pełny tekst źródła
3
Galligan, Brian. "The constitutional system". W New Developments in Australian Politics, 22–43. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-15192-9_2.
Pełny tekst źródła
4
Jaensch, Dean. "The Politics of Electoral Systems". W The Politics of Australia, 350–77. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-15148-6_15.
Pełny tekst źródła
5
Bungsraz, Soobhiraj. "Upgrading Mauritius a Legacy Political System". W Operationalising e-Democracy through a System Engineering Approach in Mauritius and Australia, 277–86. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-1777-8_8.
Pełny tekst źródła
6
Bungsraz, Soobhiraj. "Systems Theory in Politics". W Operationalising e-Democracy through a System Engineering Approach in Mauritius and Australia, 115–50. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-1777-8_4.
Pełny tekst źródła
7
Salsbury, Stephen M. "The Australian Electric Power Industry and the Politics of Radical Reconfiguration". W Changing Large Technical Systems, 141–62. New York: CRC Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1201/9780429046575-9.
Pełny tekst źródła
8
Cockfield, Samantha, David Healy, Anne Harris, Allison McIntyre i Antonietta Cavallo. "The Development of the “Vision Zero” Approach in Victoria, Australia". W The Vision Zero Handbook, 475–506. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-76505-7_17.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
AbstractFor many decades, road safety measures in Australia focused almost exclusively on behavioral approaches. When Claes Tingvall was appointed Director of MUARC, he introduced the concept of “Vision Zero” to Australia and, with it, the “Safe System” approach. While political leaders initially regarded a vision for zero deaths as unachievable, they supported the inherent logic of the Safe System.Initially the Safe System was applied as four independent pillars. While this lack of integration had limitations, it did enable road safety measures to move beyond road user behavior to focus more on safer road infrastructure and vehicle safety.The initial Safe System approach became “Towards Zero” an approach that accepts humans are fragile, and the road system designed to protect from death or serious injury was adopted across all Australia jurisdictions between 2004 and 2018.Public education has been used to introduce and explain Towards Zero and bring greater attention to the importance of purchasing a safe vehicle. Infrastructure investment has moved from a “blackspot” approach to the Safe System approach. However, shifting community and decision-makers’ understanding of the importance of speed limits being set to match the safety standard and design of a road remains a challenge. Future opportunities involve better integration of the components of the Safe System, focusing on serious injuries and improving strategy delivery, performance reporting, management, and accountability.
9
Cockfield, Samantha, David Healy, Anne Harris, Allison McIntyre i Antonietta Cavallo. "The Development of the “Vision Zero” Approach in Victoria, Australia". W The Vision Zero Handbook, 1–33. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-23176-7_17-1.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
AbstractFor many decades, road safety measures in Australia focused almost exclusively on behavioral approaches. When Claes Tingvall was appointed Director of MUARC, he introduced the concept of “Vision Zero” to Australia and, with it, the “Safe System” approach. While political leaders initially regarded a vision for zero deaths as unachievable, they supported the inherent logic of the Safe System.Initially the Safe System was applied as four independent pillars. While this lack of integration had limitations, it did enable road safety measures to move beyond road user behavior to focus more on safer road infrastructure and vehicle safety.The initial Safe System approach became “Towards Zero” an approach that accepts humans are fragile, and the road system designed to protect from death or serious injury was adopted across all Australia jurisdictions between 2004 and 2018.Public education has been used to introduce and explain Towards Zero and bring greater attention to the importance of purchasing a safe vehicle. Infrastructure investment has moved from a “blackspot” approach to the Safe System approach. However, shifting community and decision-makers’ understanding of the importance of speed limits being set to match the safety standard and design of a road remains a challenge. Future opportunities involve better integration of the components of the Safe System, focusing on serious injuries and improving strategy delivery, performance reporting, management, and accountability.
10
Michael, Jeffrey P., Leah Shahum i Jeffrey F. Paniati. "Adoption of Safe Systems in the United States". W The Vision Zero Handbook, 553–70. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-76505-7_19.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
AbstractSafe Systems are in early phases of implementation in the US. Adoption of these concepts in the USA has been slower than in a number of other nations, including Sweden, The Netherlands, UK and Australia. Whereas adoption in other nations began as early as the late 1990s, interest in Safe Systems in the USA followed by about a decade. One factor associated with this delay is the success that the USA experienced with public safety and compliance methods, such as high-visibility traffic law enforcement, during the period in which the Safe System movement took hold in other countries.National road safety professional organizations were among the first in the USA to shift toward zero-focused strategies. City and state governments followed and the federal government took steps in this direction after local and state efforts were well underway. By 2020, discussion of Safe Systems was taking place in national professional associations and early steps had been taken toward federal institutional support.Although implementation in the USA is not yet widespread, lessons have been learned in building public and political support for Safe Systems. Managing public expectations regarding short-term safety benefits is likely to be a key to longer-term Safe Systems support. Increased efforts are needed to inform political leaders at the local, state and national levels of the benefits of Safe Systems and Vision Zero as well as additional education for safety practitioners.
Streszczenia konferencji na temat "Australian political system"
1
Jaques, Susan. "Same Yet Different: A Comparison of Pipeline Industries in Canada and Australia". W 2000 3rd International Pipeline Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/ipc2000-106.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Canada and Australia are remarkably similar countries. Characteristics such as geography, politics, native land issues, and population are notably similar, while the climate may be considered the most obvious difference between the two countries. The pipeline industries are similar as well, but yet very different in some respects too. This presentation will explore some of the similarities and differences between the pipeline industries in both countries. The focus of the discussion will be mainly on long-distance, cross-country gas transmission pipelines. The author of this paper spent 4 years working for TransCanada PipeLines in Calgary in a pipeline design and construction capacity, and has spent 2.5 years working for an engineering consultant firm, Egis Consulting Australia, in a variety of roles on oil and gas projects in Australia. Topics to be addressed include the general pipeline industry organisation and the infrastructure in both countries. The history of the development of the pipeline industry in each country provides insight as to why each is organised the way it is today. While neither system is “better” than the other, there are certain advantages to Canada’s system (nationally regulated) over Australia’s system (currently state-regulated). The design codes of each country will be compared and contrasted. The pipeline design codes alternate in level of detail and strictness of requirements. Again, it cannot be said that one is “better” than the other, although in some cases one country’s code is much more useful than the other for pipeline designers. Construction techniques affected by the terrain and climate in each country will be explored. Typical pipeline construction activities are well known to pipeliners all over the globe: clear and grade, trench, string pipe, weld pipe, coat welds, lower in, backfill and clean up. The order of these activities may change, depending on the terrain and the season, and the methods of completing each activity will also depend on the terrain and the season, however the principles remain the same. Australia and Canada differ in aspects such as climate, terrain and watercourse type, and therefore each country has developed methods to handle these issues. Finally, some of the current and future opportunities for the 21st century for the pipeline industry in both countries will be discussed. This discussion will include items such as operations and maintenance issues, Canada’s northern development opportunities, and Australia’s national gas grid possibilities.
2
Miller-Yeaman, Renee. "Producing the House: The Commonwealth Experimental Building Station and Housing Research". W The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online: SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a3995ptgqb.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Established during the Second World War, the Commonwealth Experimental Building Station (CEBS) researched new building technologies with an emphasis on housing construction. The CEBS experimented with materials and design prototypes in collaboration with both industry and the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR), which later became the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation (CSIRO). Based in North Ryde, Sydney, the CEBS was associated with the Department of Post-War Reconstruction during the Second World War and then moved to the Department of Works and Housing. The paper introduces the CEBS’s initial aims through its housing research and design experimentation with built prototypes in Sydney during the 1940s. This research into house design, positioned at the edge of innovation, is situated in the wider housing context of the period. Federally funded building research was predicated by the Commonwealth of Australia’s housing shortage during and extending beyond the Second World War. Due to a lack of traditional materials such as bricks and timber from the war effort, the agency trialled developing low-cost, prefabricated concrete and steel houses. These housing experiments are considered in connection to cultural framings of home and its physicality in circulation at the time. After the Second World War, the detached suburban house gained momentum in the political and cultural vernacular as the ideal house for ownership. By examining the CEBS’s activities in connection to this background, the paper asks how the nation-state developed mass-production systems to enable government-sponsored agencies to produce more housing for more people but also how understandings of house and home surround and influence innovation in design.
3
Fatima Hajizada, Fatima Hajizada. "SPECIFIC FEATURES OF THE AMERICAN VERSION OF THE BRITISH LANGUAGE". W THE FIRST INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC – PRACTICAL VIRTUAL CONFERENCE IN MODERN & SOCIAL SCIENCES: NEW DIMENSIONS, APPROACHES AND CHALLENGES. IRETC, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36962/mssndac-01-10.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
English is one of the most spoken languages in the world. A global language communication is inherent in him. This language is also distinguished by a significant diversity of dialects and speech. It appeared in the early Middle Ages as the spoken language of the Anglo-Saxons. The formation of the British Empire and its expansion led to the widespread English language in Asia, Africa, North America and Australia. As a result, the Metropolitan language became the main communication language in the English colonies, and after independence it became State (USA, Canada, Australia, New Zealand) and official (India, Nigeria, Singapore). Being one of the 6 Official Languages of the UN, it is studied as a foreign language in educational institutions of many countries in the modern time [1, 2, s. 12-14]. Despite the dozens of varieties of English, the American (American English) version, which appeared on the territory of the United States, is one of the most widespread. More than 80 per cent of the population in this country knows the American version of the British language as its native language. Although the American version of the British language is not defined as the official language in the US Federal Constitution, it acts with features and standards reinforced in the lexical sphere, the media and the education system. The growing political and economic power of the United States after World War II also had a significant impact on the expansion of the American version of the British language [3]. Currently, this language version has become one of the main topics of scientific research in the field of linguistics, philology and other similar spheres. It should also be emphasized that the American version of the British language paved the way for the creation of thousands of words and expressions, took its place in the general language of English and the world lexicon. “Okay”, “teenager”, “hitchhike”, “landslide” and other words can be shown in this row. The impact of differences in the life and life of colonists in the United States and Great Britain on this language was not significant either. The role of Nature, Climate, Environment and lifestyle should also be appreciated here. There is no officially confirmed language accent in the United States. However, most speakers of national media and, first of all, the CNN channel use the dialect “general American accent”. Here, the main accent of “mid Pppemestern” has been guided. It should also be noted that this accent is inherent in a very small part of the U.S. population, especially in Nebraska, Iowa, and Illinois. But now all Americans easily understand and speak about it. As for the current state of the American version of the British language, we can say that there are some hypotheses in this area. A number of researchers perceive it as an independent language, others-as an English variant. The founder of American spelling, American and British lexicographer, linguist Noah Pondebster treats him as an independent language. He also tried to justify this in his work “the American Dictionary of English” written in 1828 [4]. This position was expressed by a Scottish-born English philologist, one of the authors of the “American English Dictionary”Sir Alexander Craigie, American linguist Raven ioor McDavid Jr. and others also confirm [5]. The second is the American linguist Leonard Bloomfield, one of the creators of the descriptive direction of structural linguistics, and other American linguists Edward Sapir and Charles Francis Hockett. There is also another group of “third parties” that accept American English as a regional dialect [5, 6]. A number of researchers [2] have shown that the accent or dialect in the US on the person contains significantly less data in itself than in the UK. In Great Britain, a dialect speaker is viewed as a person with a low social environment or a low education. It is difficult to perceive this reality in the US environment. That is, a person's speech in the American version of the British language makes it difficult to express his social background. On the other hand, the American version of the British language is distinguished by its faster pace [7, 8]. One of the main characteristic features of the American language array is associated with the emphasis on a number of letters and, in particular, the pronunciation of the letter “R”. Thus, in British English words like “port”, “more”, “dinner” the letter “R” is not pronounced at all. Another trend is related to the clear pronunciation of individual syllables in American English. Unlike them, the Britons “absorb”such syllables in a number of similar words [8]. Despite all these differences, an analysis of facts and theoretical knowledge shows that the emergence and formation of the American version of the British language was not an accidental and chaotic process. The reality is that the life of the colonialists had a huge impact on American English. These processes were further deepened by the growing migration trends at the later historical stage. Thus, the language of the English-speaking migrants in America has been developed due to historical conditions, adapted to the existing living environment and new life realities. On the other hand, the formation of this independent language was also reflected in the purposeful policy of the newly formed US state. Thus, the original British words were modified and acquired a fundamentally new meaning. Another point here was that the British acharism, which had long been out of use, gained a new breath and actively entered the speech circulation in the United States. Thus, the analysis shows that the American version of the British language has specific features. It was formed and developed as a result of colonization and expansion. This development is still ongoing and is one of the languages of millions of US states and people, as well as audiences of millions of people. Keywords: American English, English, linguistics, accent.
Raporty organizacyjne na temat "Australian political system"
1
Tarricone, Pina, Kemran Mestan i Ian Teo. Building resilient education systems: A rapid review of the education in emergencies literature. Australian Council for Educational Research, sierpień 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37517/978-1-74286-639-0.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the vulnerabilities and inequalities of national education systems and hindered the education of millions of children globally. In response, the Global Education Monitoring (GEM) Centre, which is a long-term, strategic partnership between the Australian Council for Educational Research (ACER) and the Australian Government’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT), undertook a rapid review of literature to support policymakers. The research has six evidence-based outcomes that can help policymakers to build resilient education systems and thereby enhance education quality and equity during emergencies. The COVID-19 emergency provided the impetus for this research, with much of the reported data associated with this pandemic. Learnings from past education in emergencies situations have informed the understandings of the impacts and implications of the COVID-19 emergency, and have been synthesised with the COVID-19 literature to inform policymakers about how to build resilient education systems. This report presents evidence relating to two main types of emergencies affecting education: natural disasters and communicable disease, and political conflicts. Both types of emergencies can also coalesce within the same education system, resulting in complex and often protracted emergencies. This review found that emergencies impact education in two main ways: endangering children’s wellbeing, and exacerbating unequal learning outcomes.
2
Woolaston, Katie. Working Together to Protect Australia in the Age of Pandemics: Managing the Environmental Drivers of Zoonotic Disease Risks. Queensland University of Technology, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/rep.eprints.232775.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The COVID-19 pandemic has infiltrated every level of social, cultural and political life and has demonstrated the truly devastating effects of ineffective pandemic management systems. Yet, the likelihood of another pandemic occurring in the short to medium term is greater than ever. The drivers of pandemics are not improving. Anthropogenic drivers, including agricultural intensification, land-use changes such as deforestation and urbanisation, wildlife trade and climate change are all contributing to what has been called the ‘era of pandemics’. This report contains key findings and research around pandemic prevention and zoonotic disease risk management.
3
Mayfield, Colin. Higher Education in the Water Sector: A Global Overview. United Nations University Institute for Water, Environment and Health, maj 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.53328/guxy9244.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Higher education related to water is a critical component of capacity development necessary to support countries’ progress towards Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) overall, and towards the SDG6 water and sanitation goal in particular. Although the precise number is unknown, there are at least 28,000 higher education institutions in the world. The actual number is likely higher and constantly changing. Water education programmes are very diverse and complex and can include components of engineering, biology, chemistry, physics, hydrology, hydrogeology, ecology, geography, earth sciences, public health, sociology, law, and political sciences, to mention a few areas. In addition, various levels of qualifications are offered, ranging from certificate, diploma, baccalaureate, to the master’s and doctorate (or equivalent) levels. The percentage of universities offering programmes in ‘water’ ranges from 40% in the USA and Europe to 1% in subSaharan Africa. There are no specific data sets available for the extent or quality of teaching ‘water’ in universities. Consequently, insights on this have to be drawn or inferred from data sources on overall research and teaching excellence such as Scopus, the Shanghai Academic Ranking of World Universities, the Times Higher Education, the Ranking Web of Universities, the Our World in Data website and the UN Statistics Division data. Using a combination of measures of research excellence in water resources and related topics, and overall rankings of university teaching excellence, universities with representation in both categories were identified. Very few universities are represented in both categories. Countries that have at least three universities in the list of the top 50 include USA, Australia, China, UK, Netherlands and Canada. There are universities that have excellent reputations for both teaching excellence and for excellent and diverse research activities in water-related topics. They are mainly in the USA, Europe, Australia and China. Other universities scored well on research in water resources but did not in teaching excellence. The approach proposed in this report has potential to guide the development of comprehensive programmes in water. No specific comparative data on the quality of teaching in water-related topics has been identified. This report further shows the variety of pathways which most water education programmes are associated with or built in – through science, technology and engineering post-secondary and professional education systems. The multitude of possible institutions and pathways to acquire a qualification in water means that a better ‘roadmap’ is needed to chart the programmes. A global database with details on programme curricula, qualifications offered, duration, prerequisites, cost, transfer opportunities and other programme parameters would be ideal for this purpose, showing country-level, regional and global search capabilities. Cooperation between institutions in preparing or presenting water programmes is currently rather limited. Regional consortia of institutions may facilitate cooperation. A similar process could be used for technical and vocational education and training, although a more local approach would be better since conditions, regulations and technologies vary between relatively small areas. Finally, this report examines various factors affecting the future availability of water professionals. This includes the availability of suitable education and training programmes, choices that students make to pursue different areas of study, employment prospects, increasing gender equity, costs of education, and students’ and graduates’ mobility, especially between developing and developed countries. This report aims to inform and open a conversation with educators and administrators in higher education especially those engaged in water education or preparing to enter that field. It will also benefit students intending to enter the water resources field, professionals seeking an overview of educational activities for continuing education on water and government officials and politicians responsible for educational activities
4
Ossoff, Will, Naz Modirzadeh i Dustin Lewis. Preparing for a Twenty-Four-Month Sprint: A Primer for Prospective and New Elected Members of the United Nations Security Council. Harvard Law School Program on International Law and Armed Conflict, grudzień 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.54813/tzle1195.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Under the United Nations Charter, the U.N. Security Council has several important functions and powers, not least with regard to taking binding actions to maintain international peace and security. The ten elected members have the opportunity to influence this area and others during their two-year terms on the Council. In this paper, we aim to illustrate some of these opportunities, identify potential guidance from prior elected members’ experiences, and outline the key procedures that incoming elected members should be aware of as they prepare to join the Council. In doing so, we seek in part to summarize the current state of scholarship and policy analysis in an effort to make this material more accessible to States and, particularly, to States’ legal advisers. We drafted this paper with a view towards States that have been elected and are preparing to join the Council, as well as for those States that are considering bidding for a seat on the Council. As a starting point, it may be warranted to dedicate resources for personnel at home in the capital and at the Mission in New York to become deeply familiar with the language, structure, and content of the relevant provisions of the U.N. Charter. That is because it is through those provisions that Council members engage in the diverse forms of political contestation and cooperation at the center of the Council’s work. In both the Charter itself and the Council’s practices and procedures, there are structural impediments that may hinder the influence of elected members on the Security Council. These include the permanent members’ veto power over decisions on matters not characterized as procedural and the short preparation time for newly elected members. Nevertheless, elected members have found creative ways to have an impact. Many of the Council’s “procedures” — such as the “penholder” system for drafting resolutions — are informal practices that can be navigated by resourceful and well-prepared elected members. Mechanisms through which elected members can exert influence include the following: Drafting resolutions; Drafting Presidential Statements, which might serve as a prelude to future resolutions; Drafting Notes by the President, which can be used, among other things, to change Council working methods; Chairing subsidiary bodies, such as sanctions committees; Chairing the Presidency; Introducing new substantive topics onto the Council’s agenda; and Undertaking “Arria-formula” meetings, which allow for broader participation from outside the Council. Case studies help illustrate the types and degrees of impact that elected members can have through their own initiative. Examples include the following undertakings: Canada’s emphasis in 1999–2000 on civilian protection, which led to numerous resolutions and the establishment of civilian protection as a topic on which the Council remains “seized” and continues to have regular debates; Belgium’s effort in 2007 to clarify the Council’s strategy around addressing natural resources and armed conflict, which resulted in a Presidential Statement; Australia’s efforts in 2014 resulting in the placing of the North Korean human rights situation on the Council’s agenda for the first time; and Brazil’s “Responsibility while Protecting” 2011 concept note, which helped shape debate around the Responsibility to Protect concept. Elected members have also influenced Council processes by working together in diverse coalitions. Examples include the following instances: Egypt, Japan, New Zealand, Spain, and Uruguay drafted a resolution that was adopted in 2016 on the protection of health-care workers in armed conflict; Cote d’Ivoire, Kuwait, the Netherlands, and Sweden drafted a resolution that was adopted in 2018 condemning the use of famine as an instrument of warfare; Malaysia, New Zealand, Senegal, and Venezuela tabled a 2016 resolution, which was ultimately adopted, condemning Israeli settlements in Palestinian territory; and A group of successive elected members helped reform the process around the imposition of sanctions against al-Qaeda and associated entities (later including the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant), including by establishing an Ombudsperson. Past elected members’ experiences may offer some specific pieces of guidance for new members preparing to take their seats on the Council. For example, prospective, new, and current members might seek to take the following measures: Increase the size of and support for the staff of the Mission to the U.N., both in New York and in home capitals; Deploy high-level officials to help gain support for initiatives; Partner with members of the P5 who are the informal “penholder” on certain topics, as this may offer more opportunities to draft resolutions; Build support for initiatives from U.N. Member States that do not currently sit on the Council; and Leave enough time to see initiatives through to completion and continue to follow up after leaving the Council.