Gotowe bibliografie tematyczne / Australian Manufacturing Workers' Union

Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Australian Manufacturing Workers' Union”

Autor: Grafiati

Data publikacji: 4 czerwca 2021

Data aktualizacji: 8 lutego 2022

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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Australian Manufacturing Workers' Union"

Keating, Maree. "Developing Social Capital In ‘Learning Borderlands’: Has the Federal Government's budget delivered for low-paid Australian workers?" Literacy and Numeracy Studies 20, nr 1 (30.05.2012): 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/lns.v20i1.2617.

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The 2011 Australian federal budget confirmed generous funding for language, literacy and numeracy programs as well as skills recognition and training for older workers as part of a strategy to upgrade workforce skills. In considering possible responses to the announcement, many Australian adult education theorists and practitioners weighed up the contexts in which such programs could build the resources and increase the options of vulnerable workers. One such group of workers, retrenched factory workers, have benefitted from participation in union-run, integrated post-retrenchment programs, which have incorporated access to language, literacy and numeracy as well as vocational education and training programs. Such programs can build on the existing social capital amongst close-knit groups of workers as they develop the confidence to transform their work identities.This article draws on results from a study with a group of retrenched textile workers who accessed broad-based post-retrenchment support and subsequently participated in a high number of vocational education and training (VET) courses before finding ongoing employment. The study suggests that VET participation plays a limited role in broadening the employment opportunities for retrenched factory workers who move into low-paid occupations. Whilst VET participation alongside other factors supported entry into some occupations, it played no role in supporting most workers in their transitions into non-manufacturing jobs.

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Blissett, Ed. "Merging with the metals: an analysis of the role micro-political relationships played in the merger of the Printing and Kindred Industries Union with the Australian Manufacturing Workers Union". Labor History 60, nr 5 (5.12.2018): 444–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0023656x.2019.1552712.

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Bertone, Santina, Gerard Griffin i Roderick D. Iverson. "Immigrant Workers and Australian Trade Unions: Participation and Attitudes". International Migration Review 29, nr 3 (wrzesień 1995): 722–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839502900306.

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Most studies of unionized, immigrant workers have argued mat such workers have lower levels of participation in and hold different attitudes toward their unions than do nonimmigrant union members. Drawing on a questionnaire survey of members of six Australian trade unions, this article questions this consensus. We argue mat country of origin – in particular whether the union member was born in a non-English-speaking or an English-speaking country – does not, of itself, lead to different levels of union participation or different union attitudes. A closely related variable, the level of English language ability, does influence some elements of particpation and attitudes.

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Clothier, Craig, Mark Hearn i Harry Knowles. "One Big Union: A History of the Australian Workers' Union 1886-1994". Labour History, nr 74 (1998): 212. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516579.

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Kuruvilla, Sarosh, i Roderick D. Iverson. "A Confirmatory Factor Analysis of Union Commitment in Australia". Journal of Industrial Relations 35, nr 3 (wrzesień 1993): 436–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218569303500305.

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This paper evaluates the applicability of the different factor structures of union commitment identified in previous studies to the Australian case. Confirmatory factor analysis results using LISREL VII suggest that union commitment is best represented by four distinct factors, 'union loyalty; 'responsibility to the union; 'willingness to work for the union', and 'belief in unionism' in this sample of Australian workers. OLS regression results indicate that the four factors are differentially related to a set of common predictor variables. White-collar workers reported higher levels of commit ment than blue-collar workers. Participation in leadership positions and previous ex perience with union handling of grievances significantly increased commitment to the union. The results suggest support for the generalizability of the factor structure of union commitment to Australia. Implications for future research are discussed.

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Penrose, Beris G. "The Australian Workers Union and Occupational Arsenic in the 1930s". Journal of Industrial Relations 41, nr 2 (czerwiec 1999): 256–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218569904100203.

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Pyman, Amanda, Julian Teicher, Brian Cooper i Peter Holland. "Unmet Demand for Union Membership in Australia". Journal of Industrial Relations 51, nr 1 (luty 2009): 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185608099662.

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Unmet demand for union membership is defined as employees in non-union workplaces who would join a union if given the opportunity. Unmet demand is a significant issue for Australian unions as union density continues to decline and the current legislative environment remains hostile. This article gauges the contours of unmet demand for union membership in Australia, drawing on responses to the Australian Worker Representation and Participation Survey (AWRPS 2004). It finds a significant level of unmet demand for union membership in Australia. Unmet demand varies according to workplace and employee characteristics and is highest among low income earners, younger workers, workers with shorter organizational tenure and workers in routinized occupations. The practical implications of our findings are discussed in relation to union renewal and the legislative environment prevailing in 2008.

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Benson, John. "Dual Commitment: Contract Workers in Australian Manufacturing Enterprises". Journal of Management Studies 35, nr 3 (maj 1998): 355–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-6486.00097.

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Sheil, Christopher. "The Origins of Unions: Some Miscellaneous Sydney Workers in 1910". Journal of Industrial Relations 33, nr 3 (wrzesień 1991): 295–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218569103300301.

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In considering the causes and possible corrections for the current decline in Australian trade union membership, it may help to reflect on the origins of the movement. This article presents evidence and an argument about one aspect of the origins of the Federated Miscellaneous Workers Union (FMWU). The evidence concerns the social history of watchmen, caretakers and cleaners, who formed the original core of the union's membership. The argument is that these workers amounted to such an improbable basis for a union that the simple fact of their organization represents a substantial challenge to the common assumption in labour history that it is the cohesion of an occupational group that empowers it. To the extent that the origins of the union are typical, it can be suggested that the period of tremendous Australian trade union formation and growth between 1907 and 1913 owed much more to general political and, by extertsion, social conditions than it did to the specific circumstances of any particular section of workers.

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WRIGHT, CHRIS F., i RUSSELL D. LANSBURY. "TRADE UNIONS AND ECONOMIC REFORM IN AUSTRALIA, 1983–2013". Singapore Economic Review 59, nr 04 (wrzesień 2014): 1450033. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0217590814500337.

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Many of the key reforms of the past three decades that helped to strengthen the Australian economy were implemented during the operation of the Accord that existed between Australian Labor Party governments and the union movement. In order to address structural economic problems, unions agreed to moderate wage outcomes and to facilitate the transition to workplace bargaining in return for social welfare gains for workers, which successive governments have maintained. These reforms helped to improve labor market efficiency and allowed firms to integrate successfully into international markets, without substantially compromising the interests of workers and their families, which thereby allowed economic dislocation and social unrest to be contained. In contrast to the assertions of certain Australian employer groups, research has consistently shown that union involvement in workplace bargaining has a benign impact on business productivity. However, declining membership presents a significant challenge to the capacity of Australian unions to influence economic outcomes at the national and workplace levels in the future.

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Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Australian Manufacturing Workers' Union"

Corrie, Joan, i n/a. "The Management of Financial Resources: Post-Merger Structural Choice in a Blue Collar Union". Griffith University. Griffith Business School, 2007. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20070724.091823.

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Union mergers have occurred since unions were first established. Research on this particular aspect of the union movement is well established in the UK and the US. However, there are few studies of Australian union mergers, despite the fact that many Australian unions took part in a 'merger boom' in the 1980s and 1990s. Two of the few Australian studies, Hocking (1996) and Campling and Michelson (1998), utilised resource dependency and strategic choice theories to ascertain the why and how of union mergers. However, these Australian studies, like their UK and US counterparts, cease with the completion of the merger and, consequently, there is little known of the post-merger operation of unions. How does the integration of the merger partners - with their traditions, structures and financial arrangements - occur? This thesis rectifies the gap in the literature by means of a qualitative, longitudinal study of the merger and post-merger activities of one of the largest and most prominent unions in Australia, the Australian Manufacturing Workers' Union (AMWU), as it moved towards complete amalgamation. The thesis examines the period 1995-2003. Four of the five pre-merger unions faced a serious and continued decline in membership and all faced mounting financial deficits. From 1995, the year the various mergers were completed, membership decline continued and financial resources dwindled further, providing the impetus for further and significant post-merger changes. The analysis demonstrates that, due to a continuing lack of financial resources, the AMWU leadership initiated a budgeting strategy which influenced the actions and changed the opinions of many of the Union's officials, guiding them towards accepting integration of the constituent divisions and near complete amalgamation. The thesis answers the questions of why and how a union moves from a negotiated federated structure towards amalgamation, post merger, with a particular focus on financial decision-making processes.

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O'Malley, Timothy Rory. "Mateship and Money-Making: Shearing in Twentieth Century Australia". University of Sydney, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/5351.

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Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
After the turmoil of the 1890s shearing contractors eliminated some of the frustration from shearers recruitment. At the same time closer settlement concentrated more sheep in small flocks in farming regions, replacing the huge leasehold pastoral empires which were at the cutting edge of wool expansion in the nineteenth century. Meanwhile the AWU succeeded in getting an award for the pastoral industry under the new arbitration legislation in 1907. Cultural and administrative influences, therefore, eased some of the bitter enmity which had made the annual shearing so unstable. Not all was plain sailing. A pattern of militancy re-emerged during World War I. Shearing shed unrest persisted throughout the interwar period and during World War II. In the 1930s a rival union with communist connections, the PWIU, was a major disruptive influence. Militancy was a factor in a major shearing strike in 1956, when the boom conditions of the early-1950s were beginning to fade. The economic system did not have satisfactory mechanisms to cope. Unionised shearers continued to be locked in a psyche of confrontation as wool profits eroded further in the 1970s. This ultimately led to the wide comb dispute, which occurred as wider pressures changed an economic order which had not been seriously challenged since Federation, and which the AWU had been instrumental in shaping. Shearing was always identified with bushworker ‘mateship’, but its larrikinism and irreverence to authority also fostered individualism, and an aggressive ‘moneymaking’ competitive culture. Early in the century, when old blade shearers resented the aggressive pursuit of tallies by fast men engaged by shearing contractors, tensions boiled over. While militants in the 1930s steered money-makers into collectivist versions of mateship, in the farming regions the culture of self-improvement drew others towards the shearing competitions taking root around agricultural show days. Others formed their own contracting firms and had no interest in confrontation with graziers. Late in the century New Zealanders arrived with combs an inch wider than those that had been standard for 70 years. It was the catalyst for the assertion of meritocracy over democracy, which had ruled since Federation.

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Mason, Deborah M. "The Australian learning factory :". 2003. http://arrow.unisa.edu.au:8081/1959.8/80927.

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Elton, Judith. "Comrades or competition? : union relations with Aboriginal workers in the South Australian and Northern Territory pastoral industries, 1878-1957". 2007. http://arrow.unisa.edu.au:8081/1959.8/45143.

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This thesis examines internal union and external factors affecting union relations with Aboriginal workers in the wool and cattle sectors of the South Australian and Northern Territory pastoral industries, from union formation in the nineteenth century to the cold war period in the 1950s.
PhD Doctorate

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Książki na temat "Australian Manufacturing Workers' Union"

Nicolaou, Loucas. Australian unions and immigrant workers. North Sydney, NSW: Allen & Unwin, 1991.

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Hearn, Mark. One big union: A history of the Australian Workers Union, 1886-1994. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996.

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1953-, Lee Jenny, red. In the service?: A history of Victorian Railways workers and their union. South Yarra, Victoria [Australia]: Hyland House, 1991.

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Hess, Michael. From fragmentation to unity: A history of the Western Australian Branch of the Federated Miscellaneous Workers' Union. [Nedlands, W.A.?]: Federated Miscellaneous Workers' Union of Australia, 1989.

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Gleghorn, Geoff. Life in general: A short history of organised insurance workers in Australia. [Melbourne]: Australian Insurance Employees' Union, 1991.

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The making of the AWU. Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1986.

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Mitchell, Glenn. On strong foundations: The BWIU and industrial relations in the Australian construction industry, 1942-1992. Sydney: Harcourt Brace, 1996.

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Cotgrove, Nigel. From AUEW-TASS to Division "A" of MSF: A study in merger. [s.l.]: typescript, 1988.

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Williams, Paul. Ramming the shears: The rise and demise of the Australian shearer and his culture : the origins of the Shearers' and Rural Workers' Union : an historical contemporary study of the Australian shearers' unionism and industry. Ballarat, Vic: Shearer's and Rural Worker's Union, 2004.

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Verity, Burgmann, red. Green bans, red union: Environmental activism and the New South Wales Builders Labourers' Federation. Sydney: UNSW Press, 1998.

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Części książek na temat "Australian Manufacturing Workers' Union"

Stephenson, Scott. "How to Build a Trade Union Oligarchy". W Frontiers of Labor. University of Illinois Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041839.003.0012.

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Trade unions are ostensibly democratic organizations, but they often fail to operate as democracies in practice. Most studies of Western trade union democracy have acknowledged that oligarchy is the norm among unions but have nonetheless examined exceptional democratic unions to understand how those unions defied the trend. My study inverts this approach and instead examines two known oligarchical unions, the Australian Workers Union (AWU) and the United Automobile Workers (UAW) in the United States. I argue that union oligarchy requires certain conditions to thrive. Both unions lacked democratic rules, close-knit occupational communities, local autonomy, rank-and-file decision making, internal opposition, equality between members and officials, and free communication, but these absences were expressed in different ways in each organization. Comparing a prominent US union with a prominent Australian union allows for assessment of the extent to which oligarchy was the result of national context. I argue that the experience of trade union oligarchy in the United States and Australia was more similar than different. National differences between the two countries were important, but they manifested primarily as different methods to achieve similar outcomes.

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Creighton, Breen, Catrina Denvir, Richard Johnstone, Shae McCrystal i Alice Orchiston. "Reflections on the Australian Pre-Strike Ballot Model". W Strike Ballots, Democracy, and Law, 214–46. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198869894.003.0008.

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This concluding chapter considers how Australian pre-strike ballot requirements reflect the explicit (furthering industrial democracy) and implicit (inhibiting strike action) objectives that underpinned their introduction. After summarizing the practical operation and impact of the statutory requirements, the chapter describes stakeholder perceptions of the system in practice and in principle, and their views as to how it should be reformed. In conclusion, the chapter suggests the removal of the requirement under the Fair Work Act 2009 (Cth) for a union to apply to an industrial tribunal for permission to run a ballot. It advocates the replacement of the current complex model with a requirement that union rules contain provision for a ballot of members as a pre-condition of taking strike action, with the lawfulness of any subsequent strike being conditional upon being approved in such a ballot and subject to challenge only by the members of that union. So far as union members are concerned, this would do little more than accord formal recognition to the non-legislated democratic processes that are already the norm in Australian unions, but it would at least provide a basis for meaningful, democratic decision-making in relation to taking strike action. As such it would constitute a welcome repudiation of what the chapter describes as the hypocritical posturing that underpins current legislation in Australia (and the United Kingdom) which uses the rhetoric of democracy to deprive workers of their democratic right to take strike action to protect and to promote their legitimate social and economic interests.

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Jerrard, Marjorie A., i Patrick O’Leary. "Union-Avoidance Strategies in the Meat Industry in Australia and the United States". W Frontiers of Labor. University of Illinois Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041839.003.0007.

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The meat industries in the United States and in Australia share a number of common features, including similar economic and industrial development, overlapping ownership patterns, the nature of the work, a trend toward relying on a migrant workforce, and similar management union-avoidance strategies. There are industry differences between the two countries due primarily to the unique labor-relations regulatory system in each country. Australian legislation since the mid-1990s has enabled industry employers to follow more closely the pattern of union avoidance established in the United States, but protections are still found in Australian industry awards and the industrial tribunal. Both countries have witnessed a deunionization of the industry at the cost of declines in workers’ wages and conditions, and worker exploitation is increasingly common due to the neoliberal ideology that influences government policy and legislation and encourages employers to individualize the employment relationship.

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Cherny, Robert. "Harry Bridges’s Australia, Australia’s Harry Bridges". W Frontiers of Labor. University of Illinois Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041839.003.0017.

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Harry Bridges, longtime leader of the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU, representing Pacific Coast workers), was born in Australia in 1901 and came to the United States in 1920. Bridges brought Australian concepts of labor and politics to the docks of San Francisco in the early 1930s and injected Australian examples into his discussions of US working conditions and politics thereafter. When faced in 1939-1955 with deportation for being a Communist, he always attributed his political outlook to his early experiences in Australia. Bridges was frequently demonized in the US press, and a similar process occurred in Australia as the press there drew upon the US press in presenting Bridges. Just as business groups and conservatives in the United States saw Bridges as a dangerous radical, so too did conservative Australian politicians let their fear of Bridges carry them into a Quixotic campaign to prevent him from sneaking into their country. However, the Australian dockworkers’ union, the Waterfront Workers’ Federation, looked to Bridges and the ILWU as inspiration and exemplar, and Bridges and the ILWU worked closely with their counterparts in Australia. With the thaw in the Cold War aecline in anticommunist rhetoric in both nations, Bridges could be celebrated in both places as a “labor statesman.”

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Nattrass, Nicoli, i Jeremy Seekings. "The Political Economy of Upgrading". W Inclusive Dualism, 139–62. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198841463.003.0007.

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Chapter 7 argues that the Southern African Clothing and Textile Workers Union (SACTWU) strategy was complicated by its dual role as a trade union and investment manager. Having taken advantage of investment opportunities provided through ‘black economic empowerment policies’ to grow substantial financial assets and later also direct investments in the clothing manufacturing industry, the union, in effect, was both a representative of labour as well as a capitalist. Its political connections meant that it was well positioned to take advantage of subsidies. The incentives and opportunities facing SACTWU were consistent with a union strategy to have a smaller body of better-paid workers rather than growing its membership of lower-wage workers through labour-intensive job creation. SACTWU is suspicious of the growth of workers’ co-operatives (seeing them as sham and designed solely to avoid minimum wage regulation). We argue that the potential for workers’ co-operatives to generate more transparent and inclusive productive and distributional practices is exciting and consistent with inclusive dualism.

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Anderson, David M., i Andrew C. McKevitt. "From “the Chosen” to the Precariat". W Reconsidering Southern Labor History, 255–70. University Press of Florida, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813056975.003.0017.

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Beginning in the 1970s, local boosters in the U.S. South offered lucrative incentives to attract foreign manufacturing firms, who, in turn, promised to uplift working-class southerners’ lives and modernize benighted rural areas with state-of-the-art “greenfield” plants and cutting-edge production techniques. Led by Japanese and German automotive companies, such as Nissan Motors in Smyrna, Tennessee, these “transplants” initially recruited a select group of “chosen” workers, most of whom saw themselves as middle-class “technicians” rather than as proletarianized factory workers. Despite subjecting their assembly-line workers to physically demanding conditions, the transplants’ strategy of hiring “chosen” workers thwarted organized labor’s attempts to unionize their plants. By the twenty-first century, however, foreign-owned transplants have increasingly filled positions with lower-paid temporary workers hired from third-party contractors. These “permatemps” regularly face deteriorating work conditions while lacking the employment security, benefits, and job stability enjoyed by the “chosen” workers. In effect, the South’s foreign-owned transplants have created a three-tiered industrial workforce, with “chosen” workers at the top, followed by a frustrated pro-union proletariat in the middle, and a “precariat” composed of temporary workers at the bottom.

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Nattrass, Nicoli, i Jeremy Seekings. "Decent Work Fundamentalism and Job Destruction in the South African Clothing Manufacturing Industry". W Inclusive Dualism, 101–38. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198841463.003.0006.

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Chapter 6 reviews the history of collective bargaining in the South African clothing manufacturing industry. We show that its profoundly dualist character (high- and low-productivity firms co-existing) has historical and market-related roots and highlight the role of wage policy during and after apartheid in shaping the regional location of firms. The rise of China as a global producer of clothing had a profound impact on the South African industry—but it was the simultaneous introduction of national collective bargaining and the enforcement of minimum wages on relatively low-wage labour-intensive firms that drove the job losses. We describe the 2010/11 ‘compliance drive’ that resulted in legal action against the National Bargaining Council for the Clothing Manufacturing Industry by low-wage employers, including the Chinese firms (that is, owned by people who originated from Taiwan, Hong Kong, or China) in Newcastle seeking to obtain relief from the imposition of sector-wide minimum wages on their labour-intensive firms. Whilst trade union strategy as well as government policy adapted to some extent and many employers transformed their enterprises into workers’ co-operatives, that is to circumvent wage regulation, the outcome was nonetheless the preclusion of employment growth in this crucial sector.

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Dixon, Marc. "The Capital–Labor Accord in Action". W Heartland Blues, 24–39. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190917036.003.0002.

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This chapter provides a sketch of labor relations during the 1950s, noting where the imagery of a capital–labor accord is useful and where it falls short. The chapter shows how using the 1950s as a benchmark when explaining union decline tends to obscure key vulnerabilities that labor has long exhibited, well before the fallout in manufacturing and the rise of economic globalization. Gains workers accrued through collective bargaining were exceptional in many ways, though union strength was still confined to a relatively narrow geographic and industrial space. Even here, in the industrial Midwest, there were intense struggles over the legitimacy of unions. This came to a head at the end of the decade when employers made a concerted push for right-to-work.

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Ragusa, Angela T., i Emma Steinke. "Studying Locally, Interacting Globally". W Cross-Cultural Interaction, 1082–106. IGI Global, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-4979-8.ch061.

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This chapter uses findings from an online survey of international onshore undergraduate and postgraduate students enrolled in an Australian university in 2009 to critically examine and compare their expectations, experiences, and levels of satisfaction. This research yielded a plethora of unique and vital concerns that were further affected by variables such as students’ age and geographic location in regional/rural versus metropolitan areas. Moreover, the results of this study, in turn, can offer educators important initial insights they can then use to develop online educational materials or online courses for such internationally diverse groups of students. This chapter argues the gap between expectations and experiences requires further attention if the delivery of academic excellence to students from divergent cultural backgrounds, with different language skills and varying social norms is to be achieved within an environment that supports and reflects cultural diversity. The chapter also provides suggestions on how such factors can and should be addressed when devising online educational materials and environments for such students. The general trend towards freely circulating capital, goods and services, coupled with changes in the openness of labour markets, has translated into growing demands for an international dimension of education and training. Indeed, as world economies become increasingly inter-connected, international skills have grown in importance for operating on a global scale. Globally oriented firms seek internationally-competent workers versed in foreign languages and having mastered basic inter-cultural skills to successfully interact with international partners. Governments as well as individuals are looking to higher education to play a role in broadening students’ horizons and allowing them to develop a deeper understanding of the world’s languages, cultures and business methods. One way for students to expand their knowledge of other societies and languages, and hence leverage their labour market prospects, is to study in tertiary educational institutions in countries other than their own. Several OECD [Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development] governments – especially in countries of the European Union (EU) – have set up schemes and policies to promote mobility as a means of fostering intercultural contacts and building social networks for the future. (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, 2009, p. 310)

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