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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Australian Labor Party policy”

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Autor: Grafiati

Data publikacji: 4 czerwca 2021

Data aktualizacji: 20 lutego 2023

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1

Quirk, Victor. "The light on the hill and the ‘right to work’". Economic and Labour Relations Review 29, nr 4 (grudzień 2018): 459–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1035304618817413.

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In 1945 the Curtin Labor Government declared it had the capacity and responsibility to permanently eliminate the blight of unemployment from the lives of Australians in its White Paper ‘Full Employment in Australia’. This was the culmination of a century of struggle to establish the ‘right to work’, once a key objective of the 19th century labour movement. Deeply resented and long resisted by employer groups, the policy was abandoned in the mid-1970s, without an electoral mandate. Although the Australian Labor Party and union movement urged public vigilance to preserve full employment during 23 years of Liberal rule, after 1978 they quietly dropped the policy as the Australian Labor Party turned increasingly to corporate donors for the money they needed to stay electorally competitive. While few leading lights of today’s Labor movement care to discuss it, it is right that Australians celebrate this bold statement of our right to work, and the 30 years of full employment it heralded. JEL Codes: P16, P35, N37

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Filus, Adam. "Stosunek rządu Australii do nielegalnej migracji w latach 1996–2018". Poliarchia 6, nr 1(10) (26.09.2019): 49–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/poliarchia.06.2018.10.03.

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Australian Governments’ Stance on Illegal Immigration in 1996–2018 Australia is well known for its strict immigration policy. It results from the country’s constant struggle with the flow of illegal migrants, brought to Australian shores through human smuggling. The author analyses immigration policies of five Prime Ministers representing two major Australian parties: the Liberal Party of Australia and the Australian Labor Party. Starting with the premiership of John Howard (1996–2007), and ending with Malcolm Turnbull’s era (2015– –2018), the author examines the situation of illegal immigrants in Australia and changes in immigration and asylum policies.

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Foley, Meraiah, Sue Williamson i Sarah Mosseri. "Women, work and industrial relations in Australia in 2019". Journal of Industrial Relations 62, nr 3 (18.03.2020): 365–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185620909402.

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Interest in women’s labour force participation, economic security and pay equity received substantial media and public policy attention throughout 2019, largely attributable to the federal election and the Australian Labor Party platform, which included a comprehensive suite of policies aimed at advancing workplace gender equality. Following the Australian Labor Party’s unexpected loss at the polls, however, workplace gender equality largely faded from the political agenda. In this annual review, we cover key gender equality indicators in Australia, examine key election promises made by both major parties, discuss the implications of the Royal Commission into Aged Care Quality and Safety for the female-dominated aged care workforce, and provide a gendered analysis on recent debates and developments surrounding the ‘future of work’ in Australia.

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Minas, John, Youngdeok Lim, Chris Evans i François Vaillancourt. "Policy Forum: The Australian Experience with Preferential Capital Gains Tax Treatment—Possible Lessons for Canada". Canadian Tax Journal/Revue fiscale canadienne 69, nr 4 (2021): 1213–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.32721/ctj.2021.69.4.pf.minas.

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This article compares the preferential tax treatment of capital gains in Australia and in Canada, with a view to determining whether there are any lessons from the Australian experience that may be of relevance to Canada. The tax treatment of capital gains is similar in the two jurisdictions in that both apply a 50 percent inclusion rate or the equivalent. Several aspects of the taxation of capital gains in Australia might be considered cautionary from the Canadian perspective. The Australian experience indicates that winning support for an increase in the capital gains inclusion rate can prove difficult, as demonstrated by the unsuccessful proposal by the Australian Labor Party, during the 2019 federal election campaign, to effectively raise the inclusion rate to 75 percent.

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Ashley Lavelle. "‘Conflicts of Loyalty’: The Australian Labor Party and Uranium Policy, 1976-82". Labour History, nr 102 (2012): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.5263/labourhistory.102.0177.

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YUAN, Jingdong. "Australia–China Relations at 50". East Asian Policy 14, nr 02 (kwiecień 2022): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000149.

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Australia–China relations are at a turning point 50 years after diplomatic recognition. While the past five decades have witnessed extensive growth in economic exchanges, in recent years, bilateral ties have experienced serious deterioration. Australia’s alliance with the United States, domestic politics—in particular the two major parties’ approaches to foreign policy—and economic interdependence are important variables in Canberra’s approach to China. There will be no exception for the incoming Australian Labor Party government to deal with these.

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Battin, Tim. "Labouring under neoliberalism: The Australian Labor government’s ideological constraint, 2007–2013". Economic and Labour Relations Review 28, nr 1 (23.01.2017): 146–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1035304616687951.

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When viewed against its ostensibly successful management of the global economic crisis between 2008 and 2013, growing electoral disenchantment with the Australian Labor Party government during that time defied standard explanations and calls for further analysis. A major reason for the party’s electoral loss in 2013 was arguably popular disappointment with its eschewal of social democratic principles. Notwithstanding some progressive measures initiated between 2008 and 2013, successive Australian Labor Party governments were constrained by neoliberal strictures, even when they chose to implement progressive policies. Whatever other reasons exist for its decline in popularity between 2007 and 2013, the Australian Labor Party’s unwillingness or inability to mark out a clear alternative to neoliberalism was fundamental. In making this case, this article uses the conceptual framework of ‘depoliticisation’, defined as the displacement of policy decisions from the sphere of democratic accountability and public debate, making them matters for regulation by technocratic experts operating according to supposed edicts of the market. JEL codes: A14, B59

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Craig, Lyn, Killian Mullan i Megan Blaxland. "Parenthood, policy and work-family time in Australia 1992—2006". Work, Employment and Society 24, nr 1 (marzec 2010): 27–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0950017009353778.

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This article explores how having children impacted upon (a) paid work, domestic work and childcare (total workload) and (b) the gender division of labour in Australia over a 15-year period during which government changed from the progressive Labor Party to the socially conservative National/Liberal Party Coalition. It describes changes and continuity in government policies and rhetoric about work, family and gender issues and trends in workforce participation. Data from three successive nationally representative Time Use Surveys (1992, 1997 and 2006), N=3846, are analysed. The difference between parents’ and non-parents’ total workload grew substantially under both governments, especially for women. In households with children there was a nascent trend to gender convergence in paid and unpaid work under Labor, which reversed under the Coalition.

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Helmiyana, Nurlaily. "Analisis Kebijakan Kevin Rudd terkait Pencari Suaka di Australia dalam PNG Solutions". Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik 12, nr 2 (13.07.2020): 114–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.32734/politeia.v12i2.3918.

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Papua New Guinea Solution is a bilateral relationship between Australia under Prime Minister Kevin Rudd and Papua New Guinea regarding anti-resettlement conducted by people who want to access Australia and obtain refugee status by boat. This solution was taken after Kevin Rudd who came from the Australian Labor Party sent Pacific Solutions which had been used during Prime Minister Howard's administration. The difference in efforts to overcome the arrival of aid can be seen by using the Bureaucratic Model in its analysis. This effort was carried out with the aim of securing Australia. The problem is that Australia ratified the 1951 Refugees conference. The essence of PNG Solutions is individuals or groups who come to Australia who can pass Australia, and without a visa and a clear identity are not allowed into Australia and will be sent in Papua New Guinea. Australia's national interests can hurt ratified conventions. This study uses a qualitative method using secondary resources, and analysis uses the concept of securitization and uses Barry Buzan's research in his book People, State, and Fear. Then the policy analysis is taken by Prime Minister Rudd by using the Bureaucratic Model due to bargaining in Australia's domestic politics. Keywords: PNG Solutions, Asylum Seeker, Australia’s Foreign Policy

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Benvenuti, Andrea, i David Martin Jones. "With Friends Like These: Australia, the United States, and Southeast Asian Détente". Journal of Cold War Studies 21, nr 2 (maj 2019): 27–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00876.

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A generation of scholars has depicted the premiership of Labor Party leader Gough Whitlam as a watershed in Australian foreign policy. According to the prevailing consensus, Whitlam carved out a more independent and progressive role in international affairs without significantly endangering relations with Western-aligned states in East and Southeast Asia or with Australia's traditionally closest allies, the United States and the United Kingdom. This article takes issue with these views and offers a more skeptical assessment of Whitlam's diplomacy and questions his handling of Australia's alliance with the United States. In doing so, it shows that Whitlam, in his eagerness to embrace détente, reject containment, and project an image of an allegedly more progressive and independent Australia, in fact exacerbated tensions with Richard Nixon's Republican administration and caused disquiet among Southeast Asian countries that were aligned with or at least friendly toward the West.

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Ames, David. "The things that batter". International Psychogeriatrics 28, nr 6 (27.04.2016): 879. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1041610216000387.

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Over 20 years ago, the Australian Liberal/National Party Federal Opposition had a set of policies with which it hoped to persuade the Australian people to return it to government in the election due in 1996. This particular collection of proposed initiatives was called “The things that matter”. When the then leader of the opposition, Alexander Downer (later Australia's Foreign Minister 1996–2007 and now Australian High Commissioner in London), launched the Opposition's policy on family violence (the Coalition parties, like their Labor opponents, were and are against it in principle), his introductory line was: “From the things that matter to the things that batter”. Not long afterwards he lost his job as Opposition Leader, his engagement with what was and is a serious and troubling issue having been deemed too glib by half by the shapers of public opinion.

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Oliver, Damian. "Australian Unions in 2007". Journal of Industrial Relations 50, nr 3 (czerwiec 2008): 447–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185608089999.

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Australian unions will remember 2007 as the year that their `Your Rights at Work' campaign contributed to the defeat of the Coalition Government. Industrial relations dominated the election campaign and remained at the centre of public policy and media debates throughout the year. Employers used the Howard government's Work Choices legislation to refuse to bargain with unions and to prevent lawful industrial action. Union officials and members were prosecuted for unlawful industrial action. In response, unions conducted a highly resourced and professional campaign aimed at changing the government and repealing Work Choices. However, the Australian Labor Party under new leader Kevin Rudd announced it would keep certain contentious aspects of Work Choices. Notwithstanding the defeat of the Coalition, barriers remain to unions' future growth and strength.

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13

Pijovic, Nikola. "The Liberal National Coalition, Australian Labor Party and Africa: two decades of partisanship in Australia’s foreign policy". Australian Journal of International Affairs 70, nr 5 (18.05.2016): 541–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357718.2016.1167835.

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Robinson, Shirleene. "Queensland Labor and Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Intersex and Queer Policy". Queensland Review 18, nr 2 (2011): 207–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/qr.18.2.207.

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Since the Australian Labor Party came to power in Queensland in 1989, social attitudes towards the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex and queer (LGBTIQ) community have undergone significant change. In 1989, the decriminalisation of male-to-male homosexuality was the subject of intense debate, even within the ALP, which ultimately put forward the legislation. Today, policies have evolved considerably, with the Queensland ALP endorsing gay marriage and Anna Bligh, the current Queensland Labor Premier, releasing a YouTube video for the ‘It Gets Better’ campaign to give hope to LGBT youth experiencing harassment and perhaps contemplating suicide. During Labor's time in power, apart from the decriminalisation of male-to-male sexual activity, same-sex relationship laws have been reformed, altruistic surrogacy has been introduced and the presumption of lesbian parenthood has been extended. Some areas of LGBTIQ policy are still being contested, however, with debates surrounding civil unions, an equal age of consent and the existence of the ‘gay panic’ defence continuing. This article considers the progression and limits of these policies and areas of LGBTIQ reform that are still being disputed.

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15

Plumb, James. "‘Back to the Future' A review of Australian reservation and other natural gas export control policies". APPEA Journal 59, nr 2 (2019): 505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj18282.

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Despite record levels of domestic production, forecasters are predicting that the east coast Australian gas market will remain tight in 2019. The introduction of the Australian Domestic Gas Security Mechanism (ADGSM) by the Federal Government in 2017, and the proposal announced by the Australian Labour Party (ALP) to bolster the mechanism, have again thrust the issue of political intervention in the export gas market into sharp focus. This paper provides an overview of the current regulatory intervention at the state and federal level, and looks back at the history of controls imposed upon the Australian gas export market. The paper is divided into two parts: Part 1, which looks at current regulatory controls engaged by various State and Federal governments: (a) the development and implementation of the ADGSM; (b) the development and implementation of the Queensland Government’s Prospective Gas Production Land Reserve policy (PGPLR); and (c) the Government of Western Australia’s (WA Government) domestic gas policy. The paper also reviews policy announcements made by the ALP in the lead up to the 2019 Federal election. Part 2 provides a broad overview of the history of controls on gas exports in Australia, from the embargo on exports from the North West Shelf between 1973 and 1977, through the increasing liberalisation of Australian energy policy during the 1980s and 1990s (and the associated conflict with state concerns of ensuring sufficiency of the domestic supply of gas), up to the removal of federal controls on resources exports (including liquefied natural gas) in 1997.

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Russell, Cherie, Mark Lawrence, Katherine Cullerton i Phillip Baker. "The political construction of public health nutrition problems: a framing analysis of parliamentary debates on junk-food marketing to children in Australia". Public Health Nutrition 23, nr 11 (17.01.2020): 2041–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1368980019003628.

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AbstractObjective:Junk-food marketing contributes significantly to childhood obesity, which in turn imposes major health and economic burdens. Despite this, political priority for addressing junk-food marketing has been weak in many countries. Competing interests, worldviews and beliefs of stakeholders involved with the issue contribute to this political inertia. An integral group of actors for driving policy change are parliamentarians, who champion policy and enact legislation. However, how parliamentarians interpret and portray (i.e. frame) the causes and solutions of public health nutrition problems is poorly understood. The present study aimed to understand how Australian parliamentarians from different political parties frame the problem of junk-food marketing.Design:Framing analysis of transcripts from the Australian Government’s Parliamentary Hansard, involving development of a theoretical framework, data collection, coding transcripts and thematic synthesis of results.Settings:Australia.Participants:None.Results:Parliamentarian framing generally reflected political party ideology. Liberal parliamentarians called for minimal government regulation and greater personal responsibility, reflecting the party’s core values of liberalism and neoliberalism. Greens parliamentarians framed the issue as systemic, highlighting the need for government intervention and reflecting the core party value of social justice. Labor parliamentarians used both frames at varying times.Conclusions:Parliamentarians’ framing was generally consistent with their party ideology, though subject to changes over time. This project provides insights into the role of framing and ideology in shaping public health policy responses and may inform communication strategies for nutrition advocates. Advocates might consider using frames that resonate with the ideologies of different political parties and adapting these over time.

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Saunders, Malcolm, i Neil Lloyd. "Holding Australia to Ransom: The Colston Affair, 1996–2003". Queensland Review 17, nr 1 (styczeń 2010): 59–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600005262.

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Probably no one who has entered either federal or state Parliament in Australia departed from it as loathed and despised as Malcolm Arthur Colston. A Labor senator from Queensland between 1975 and 1996, he is remembered by that party as a ‘rat’ who betrayed it for the sake of personal advancement. Whereas many Labor parliamentarians – most notably Prime Minister ‘Billy’ Hughes in 1917 have left the party because they strongly disagreed with it over a major policy issue or a matter of principle, in the winter of 1996 Colston unashamedly left it to secure the deputy presidency of the Senate and the status, income and several other perquisites that went with it. Labor's bitterness towards Colston stems not merely from the fact that he showed extraordinary ingratitude towards a party that had allowed him a parliamentary career but more especially because, between his defection from the party in August 1996 and his retirement from Parliament in June 1999, his vote allowed the Liberal-National Party government led by John Howard to pass legislation through the Senate that might otherwise have been rejected.

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Pham, Tien Duc. "Tourism Productivity Theory and Measurement for Policy Implications: The Case of Australia". Journal of Travel Research 59, nr 2 (27.03.2019): 247–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047287519835972.

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Tourism productivity measures are quite diverse, not always compatible and usually based partly on labor productivity for hotels and restaurants. This article develops a holistic approach that integrates the principles of the growth accounting framework and tourism satellite account to measure multifactor productivity, labor productivity and capital productivity for the Australian tourism industry. This study shows that tourism has been identified as a reservoir for other industries through the ebbs and flows of labor demands. Compared with the rest of the economy, the average growth of labor productivity—that is, income per unit of labor—for tourism is stagnant, and has reached an unprecedented low, six times below the market sector average, mainly because of low multifactor productivity. The results are valuable for policy makers and the lobbying groups wanting to identify areas of need for policy changes to ensure the healthy long-term growth of tourism.

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Zihniah, Namirah. "The policy regime and shift of emissions trading scheme by Australian Labor Party and Emissions Reduction Fund by the coalition in Australia year 2013-2018". IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science 716, nr 1 (1.03.2021): 012002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1755-1315/716/1/012002.

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Reid, P. C. "RECENT CHANGES TO AUSTRALIA'S OFFSHORE PETROLEUM REGIME". APPEA Journal 26, nr 1 (1986): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj85011.

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Australia's offshore petroleum legislation is the product of a constitutional compromise enshrined in the Offshore Constitutional Settlement of 1979 between the Commonwealth and the States. Whilst it is current Federal Australian Labor Party policy to dismantle the Offshore Constitutional Settlement and re-assert exclusive Commonwealth jurisdiction from the low-water mark seawards, the Hawke Labor Government has been reluctant to implement this particular policy.A practical consequence of the Offshore Constitutional Settlement for the industry is that many offshore titles are now being split into two separate titles — one under State legislation within the three-mile territorial sea and the other under Commonwealth legislation for the Adjacent Area beyond the territorial sea. The Commonwealth proposal to introduce cash bonus bidding for highly prospective offshore exploration permits after being defeated in the Senate in the first half of 1985 was subsequently passed in November 1985.An APEA proposal for the introduction of a new form of title under the Petroleum (Submerged Lands) Act (PSLA) to protect currently non-commercial reserves has been adopted by legislation.Following the cash bidding debate the Commonwealth Minister has proposed a new set of guidelines for the award of offshore permits which will contain both a fixed dry-hole commitment plus a discretionary program in the event of technical encouragement.The paper concludes with some recommendations for establishing a more secure and certain system of title under the PSLA and to minimize the current administrative delays being experienced by industry. Finally it urges that the current level of consultation between Government and industry on matters of interest arising under the PSLA should be allowed to continue.

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21

Timo, Nils. "Future directions for workplace bargaining and aged care under a post 2005 Howard government". Australian Health Review 29, nr 3 (2005): 274. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah050274.

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ON THE 1ST OF JULY 2005, the Howard Government took control of both the House of Representatives and the Senate and substantial reform of the nation?s industrial relations framework is likely to proceed. In order to understand the implications of the proposed industrial relations (IR) reform agenda on aged care, it is necessary to briefly revisit the past. Historically, the ability of the Commonwealth Parliament to regulate industrial relations was construed in the context of Section 51 (xxxv) of the Australian Constitution Act 1900 (Cwlth) that enabled the Commonwealth to make laws concerning ?conciliation and arbitration and the prevention and settlement of industrial disputes extending beyond the limits of any one state?. Since 1904, the Commonwealth, with the states following shortly thereafter, established a regime of industrial tribunals responsible for third party independent conciliation and arbitration, overseeing a system of legally binding industrial awards covering wages and employment conditions. This system, in the words of one of its chief architects, Justice Higgins, ? . . . would substitute for the rude and barbarous processes of strike and lock-out?1 (page 2). By 1991, Australian wages policy gradually shifted from centralised arbitration, elevating workplace agreements to the status of government policy on both sides of politics.2 This process accelerated labour market deregulation, shifting industrial relations and human resource issues to the enterprise level.3 The shift towards workplace agreements post 1990?s was underpinned by a bold reinterpretation of Section 51 (xx) of the Constitution Act that enabled the Commonwealth to regulate the affairs of ?trading or financial corporations formed within the limits of the Commonwealth?, thus, by definition, including regulating employee relations of corporations. The use by the Commonwealth of these powers has extended the jurisdiction of the Australian Industrial Relations Commission (AIRC) to include the making and approving of certified agreements made by constitutional corporations or in settlement of an industrial dispute. Other types of employers such as sole traders, churches and charities, partnerships and unincorporated associations remained covered by state industrial jurisdictions. (On these powers of the Commonwealth, see State of

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Dawson, Emma. "The song remains the same: Media regulation a decade after the Finkelstein inquiry". Australian Journalism Review 44, nr 1 (1.06.2022): 11–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ajr_00085_7.

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This commentary draws on a keynote panel held (virtually) at the Journalism Education and Research Association of Australia’s (JEERA) annual conference, hosted by the University of Canberra between 30 November and 3 December 2021. The panel comprised four people who had been involved in the last major attempt to reform media regulation in Australia, in 2011‐12: Ray Finkelstein, who was appointed by the federal Labor government to inquire into the media and media regulation; Matthew Ricketson, then professor of journalism at the University of Canberra, who was appointed to assist Finkelstein; political scientist Rodney Tiffen who acted as a consultant to the inquiry, and Emma Dawson, who was the media policy adviser in the office of the Communications minister, Stephen Conroy. The government, which had already set up the Convergence Review, took the recommendations of both inquiries and introduced a package of bills to parliament in early 2013 that was strongly opposed by both the Liberal Party and the media industry. Most of the bills were withdrawn. The commentary summarizes the discussion and asks whether media regulation has improved in the intervening decade and if not, why not.

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Johns, Gary. "Clarke v Australian Labor Party". Australian Journal of Political Science 35, nr 1 (marzec 2000): 137–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361140050002908.

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Hayden, Jacqueline. "Available, Accessible, High Quality Child Care in Australia: Why we haven’t moved very far." Children Australia 17, nr 1 (1992): 10–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1035077200030091.

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In a recent article in Children Australia (16:2, 1991) Moore points out how our system of social services and community work reinforces traditional concepts of family (especially mother) responsibility for the care of children with disabilities. This same attitude reflects a fundamental ambivalence in our society towards the provision of state assisted child care. Like care for the disabled, out-of-home care for young children is assumed to rest within the private sphere, so that state assistance in any form becomes gratefully accepted as a generous gift.Child care in Australia moved into the political realm with the enactment of the Child Care Act in 1972. This legislation described the conditions under which the Commonwealth Government would distribute funds for capital expenses, and provide some wage supplements to non-profit groups delivering child care services in formal centre settings. Since that time, promises of increased Commonwealth funding to meet increasing demand have become more and more ambitious – 20,000 spaces were promised in 1984; 30,000 in 1988; and by 1990, the promise had expanded to 78,000 new child care spaces to be funded by the Labor Party. As it turned out, many of the 78,000 spaces promised during the 1990 election campaign were not ‘new’ at all, but represented already existing private spaces, now made eligible for funding by a change in policy. The bulk of the spaces meanwhile were targeted for after-school care (much less expensive to fund), when research clearly indicated the dearth of spaces and critical need for infant care (very expensive to fund).

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Leigh, Andrew. "Trade Liberalisation and the Australian Labor Party". Australian Journal of Politics & History 48, nr 4 (grudzień 2002): 487–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8497.00272.

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Wear, Rae. "The Australian Labor Party: Problems and Prospects". Australian Journal of Politics & History 60, nr 2 (czerwiec 2014): 257–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12058.

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Pierson, Chris. "The Labor Legacy: Looking Back with the Australian Labor Party". Government and Opposition 42, nr 4 (2007): 564–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2007.00236.x.

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AbstractThe Australian Labor Party (ALP) is sometimes taken to have been the real pioneer of many of the policies introduced by New Labour since 1997 under the general rubric of the ‘new social democracy’. This article considers the heritage of the ALP's 13 years in power (and its subsequent 10 years in opposition). The conclusion considers the lessons that may be learnt about the past (and the future) of Labour in the UK.

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ISHIMA, Hideo. "Party Unity and Intra-Party Coordination: The case of the Australian Labor Party". Annuals of Japanese Political Science Association 68, nr 1 (2017): 1_134–1_158. http://dx.doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.68.1_134.

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Ghazarian, Zareh. "A party reborn? The new Democratic Labor Party in Australian politics". Journal of Australian Studies 37, nr 4 (grudzień 2013): 451–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443058.2013.831113.

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Hall, Robert A. "War's End: How did the war affect Aborigines and Islanders?" Queensland Review 3, nr 1 (kwiecień 1996): 31–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600000660.

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In the 20 years before the Second World War the frontier war dragged to a close in remote parts of north Australia with the 1926 Daly River massacre and the 1928 Coniston massacre. There was a rapid decline in the Aboriginal population, giving rise to the idea of the ‘dying race’ which had found policy expression in the State ‘Protection’ Acts. Aboriginal and Islander labour was exploited under scandalous rates of pay and conditions in the struggling north Australian beef industry and the pearling industry. In south east Australia, Aborigines endured repressive white control on government reserves and mission stations described by some historians as being little better than prison farms. A largely ineffectual Aboriginal political movement with a myriad of organisations, none of which had a pan-Aboriginal identity, struggled to make headway against white prejudice. Finally, in 1939, John McEwen's ‘assimilation policy’ was introduced and, though doomed to failure, it at least recognised that Aborigines had a place in Australia in the long term.

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Junankar, P. N. "Comparing Australian Macroeconomic Management: Labor versus Coalition". Economic and Labour Relations Review 16, nr 1 (lipiec 2005): 43–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/103530460501600104.

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This paper attempts to assess the relative performance of the Australian Labor Party (ALP) and the Coalition governments in their management of the Australian macroeconomy. Given the problem of defining an appropriate counter/actual, we make comparisons using a number of different methods. Firstly we compare the averages of the key macroeconomic variables for the period of each government and then compare changes over the tenure of each government. Secondly, we use the method of ‘difference in differences’; that is, we compare the performance of the Australian economy with the US economy. This allows us to control for any features of the world economy that may be driving all the economies. A crude comparison suggests that the Labor party performed better on inflation and the real rate of interest while the Coalition performed better on growth and unemployment. However, there is no clear cut answer.

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Warhurst, John. "Transitional Hero: Gough Whitlam and the Australian Labor Party". Australian Journal of Political Science 31, nr 2 (lipiec 1996): 243–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361149651210.

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McKnight, David. "The Comintern's Seventh Congress and the Australian Labor Party". Journal of Contemporary History 32, nr 3 (lipiec 1997): 395–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002200949703200307.

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James, Leighton, Raymond Markey i Ray Markey. "Class and Labour: The British Labour Party and the Australian Labor Party Compared". Labour History, nr 90 (2006): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516112.

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Plibersek MP, The Hon Tanya. "Australian foreign policy: the Labor approach". Australian Journal of International Affairs 70, nr 5 (30.06.2016): 460–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357718.2016.1199657.

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Brereton, Laurie. "Australian foreign policy—a Labor perspective". Australian Journal of International Affairs 55, nr 3 (listopad 2001): 343–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357710120095207.

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Kefford, Glenn. "The Presidentialisation of Australian Politics? Kevin Rudd's Leadership of the Australian Labor Party". Australian Journal of Political Science 48, nr 2 (czerwiec 2013): 135–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2013.786676.

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Parkin, Andrew, i Vern Marshall. "Frustrated, reconciled or divided? The Australian labor party and federalism". Australian Journal of Political Science 29, nr 1 (marzec 1994): 18–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00323269408402278.

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Hollander, Robyn. "‘Every man's right’: Queensland Labor and Home Ownership 1915–1957". Queensland Review 2, nr 2 (wrzesień 1995): 56–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s132181660000088x.

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In 1990, the Queensland Government launched its now discredited Home Ownership Made Easy scheme. HOME provided financial assistance to ‘moderate’ income earners by offering fixed interest, low start loans, and was accompanied by HOME Shared and HOME Buy which targeted public housing tenants. While HOME differed from past programs in its detail, it can be seen as the most recent attempt by a State Labor Government to extend owner occupation in Queensland. Between 1915 and 1957, the Queensland Labor Party actively sought to promote home ownership through a range of programs including the Workers' Dwellings and Workers' Homes schemes. These programs were a reflection of a fundamental belief in home ownership as ‘every man's right’ and as an ‘essential’ element of the ‘Australian way of life’. Thus, Queensland Labor displayed none of the ambivalence which characterised Labor Party attitudes to home ownership elsewhere in Australia. Williams contends that the Australian Labor Party was trapped between its commitment to assisting the poor, its reluctance to play the role of landlord, and its support for home ownership. The Queensland Party experienced no such ideological quandary. While other Labor Governments tended to accept an obligation to provide public rental accommodation for those unable to buy homes of their own, Queensland Labor continued to display a distaste for ‘public landlordism’.

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潘淑滿, 潘淑滿, 鄭期緯鄭期緯, 黃筱芸黃筱芸 i 楊榮宗楊榮宗. "跨境遷移下的家庭與工作共容：以澳洲泛華裔女性移民為例". 社會工作與社會福利學刊 1, nr 1 (grudzień 2023): 33–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.53106/295861272022120001002.

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研究目的泛華裔女性移民跨境遷移，依然受到傳統家族主義影響，在家庭與工作中擺盪與尋求平衡。本研究探討來自不同國家、不同移民類型、在家庭生命週期不同階段的泛華裔女性移民，移居澳洲後，面對家庭－工作衝突的因應及其家庭性別權力關係。研究方法透過深度訪談法，在澳洲墨爾本訪問20位，來自台灣、香港、中國已婚女性移民，並運用主題分析法進行資料分析。研究結果受訪者的家庭－工作共容及其策略運用，受到家庭生命週期階段及傳統與澳洲文化交織影響，透過「三角」、「四角」協商，歸納三種「階段」因應模式，而次文化團體存在「同中存異」現象。次文化團體同樣受到傳統文化影響家庭－工作共容策略，而「面子文化」與「家族主義」對於中國受訪者的「婚姻關係」與「做生意」有較多影響。澳洲是多元文化國家，教育與勞動制度設計仍未考量移民家庭需要，反而強化移民家庭內部的性別不平等。泛華裔女性移民的家庭－工作共容策略，在不同家庭生命週期階段，受到傳統家庭主義與性別文化交織影響個人到家族內外系統的協商，形成三種動態的階段因應模式。研究建議本研究結果不僅具時代意義，亦可提供多元文化社會、移民政策、家庭社會工作實務的參考。Research Purpose: Chinese female immigrants, influenced by traditional Confucian familism, are often found to juggle between work and family, trying to seek a balance during the processes of migration and settlement. The purpose of this research was to explore the coping strategies for family-work conflict and the gender-family power relationship among Chinese female immigrants who are from different places, migrated under different types of Visa, and were in the different stages of the family life. Method: This research adopted qualitative design, using thematic analysis method. Twenty in-depth interviews were conducted with married, female immigrants from Taiwan (6 people), Hong Kong (5 people), and China (9 people) in Melbourne, Australia. Each in-depth interview took about 1.5 to 2 hours. The in-depth interview outline included: (1) participants’ migration status and post-migration life experiences; (2) post-migration work experiences, reconciliation of work and family life, and negotiating with the family; (3) the role of informal support system plays in work and family arrangements. Participants are aged between 37 and 62 years old, and the majority (16 people) holds a bachelor’s degree or higher qualifications. They came to Australia under various types of immigration visa, including, skilled immigrants (7 people), investment immigrants (4 people), spouses of international marriage (4 people), and international students (5 people). This research complies with research ethics and had been approved by a university research ethics committee (approval numbers 201705HS024). Results: The family life cycle of female immigrants in this research can be divided into four stages, including childless adults, post-migration childbearing, preschool-age children, and school-age children. For participants who never had a child, it’s evident that they didn’t experience conflict between work and family, and their work experiences were impacted by their individual social capital. Participants who had a child right after migration experienced greater challenges in work and family conflict due to lack of preparedness and adjustment. For participants who had preschool-age children at the time of migration, the majority chose to leave the job and focused on childcare. Some participants who had school-age children re-entered the workplace; however they still took childcare and household duties into consideration. is research found that reconciliation of work and family is subject to the stages of the family life cycle and determined by Chinese-speaking female immigrants’ negotiation with their husbands, informal support system (eg. extended family members), and formal support system (eg. paid childcare and parenting leave). Through the three- or four-party negotiation, three types of “stage” coping mode were adopted by participants. Female immigrant participants who adopted one-stage coping mode (short or no break in employment) were more likely to use both formal and informal resources to provide care and support to the family. They often have more equal gender division of labor in family. For participants who used two- or three-stage coping modes (not return to work or re-enter the workforce after a long break), there was a lack of family negotiation, and their male spouses were often absent from housework duties or childcare. This reached also found that Chinese-speaking female immigrants’ coping strategies were not differentiated by their places of origin. However, there were some differences within these three subcultural groups due to their informal support resources and employment experiences. This research found that participants from Taiwan and Hong Kong tend to negotiate with their husbands, while those from China were inclined to connect cross-broader resources (informal support from the extended family) to achieve family goals and personal development. This research also found that the influence of “Face culture” and “Familism” has the stronger impact on martial relationship and the choice of business investment among participants from China. Conclusion: Even though Australia is a multicultural society, this research suggested that gender inequality can be reinforced by Australian education systems and labor markets, due to its lacking consideration of the needs of immigrant family. This research, by focusing on the work and family compatibility of three Chines-speaking female communities, contributes to a better understanding of different “stage” coping modes of female immigrants. The findings of this research also provide implications for multicultural society, immigration policy, and family social work practice. Suggestion: 1.Australia and Taiwan have very different employment systems and labor markets. For people who plan to immigrate to Australia, it is a necessity that they understand local labor markets and skills required and prepare themselves for reskilling or upskilling if needed. This transition requires financial support and good mentality. 2.Taiwan is gradually becoming a multicultural society. Families from diverse cultural backgrounds bring new challenges to social work practice. When providing support to families with diverse cultural backgrounds, social workers need to be aware of challenges and needs of families have when they are in the different stages of the family life cycle. 3.The government shall actively develop a diversified and flexible immigration policy to attract professionals and skilled immigrants or encourage the international students staying in Taiwan after graduation. For immigrant family members, the government shall provide free Chinese learning courses via multiple learning channels. By organizing multicultural events and school activities, immigrant and local families can have a better understanding towards each other’s cultures and further reduce social barriers.

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Jupp, James, i Marian Sawer. "Building Coalitions: The Australian Labor Party and the 1993 General Election". Australian Journal of Political Science 29, sup1 (styczeń 1994): 10–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.1994.11733424.

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Bloomfield, Alan, i Kim Richard Nossal. "End of an Era? Anti-Americanism in the Australian Labor Party". Australian Journal of Politics & History 56, nr 4 (25.11.2010): 592–611. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2010.01573.x.

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Laurent, John, i Ross McMullin. "The Light on the Hill: The Australian Labor Party 1891-1991". Labour History, nr 63 (1992): 186. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27509151.

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Holbrook, Carolyn. "The Transformation of Labor Party Immigration Policy, 1901–1945". Journal of Australian Studies 40, nr 4 (październik 2016): 403–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443058.2016.1223152.

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Robertson, John, i Bede Nairn. "The "Big Fella": Jack Lang and the Australian Labor Party, 1891-1949". American Historical Review 94, nr 4 (październik 1989): 1158. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1906736.

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Griffin, Gerard, Chris Nyland i Anne O'Rourke. "Trade unions, the Australian Labor Party and the Trade–Labour Rights Debate". Australian Journal of Political Science 39, nr 1 (marzec 2004): 89–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1036114042000205669.

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Bramble, Tom, i Rick Kuhn. "Continuity or Discontinuity in the Recent History of the Australian Labor Party?" Australian Journal of Political Science 44, nr 2 (czerwiec 2009): 281–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361140902862792.

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Rawson, Don, i Bede Nairn. "The 'Big Fella'. Jack Lang and the Australian Labor Party 1891-1949". Labour History, nr 53 (1987): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27508873.

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Phillips, Dion E. "Defense Policy in Barbados, 1966-88". Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 32, nr 2 (1990): 69–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166009.

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When barbados became the fourth English-speaking Caribbean country to achieve its constitutional independence, in November 1966, one of its prime responsibilities was to assume defense of the new state. How Barbados approached this problem of defense planning and policy-making in its first 22 years of nationhood (1966-1988) will be the focus of this study. No previous study devoted exclusively to this subject has been published in all this time, a most surprising omission.Barbados defense policy may be divided into three phases which correspond, roughly, with the periods during which its two major parties — the Democratic Labor Party (DLP) and the Barbados Labor Party (BLP) — have alternated in power.

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Verwoert, Liesl. "Long-distance commuter workforce". APPEA Journal 53, nr 2 (2013): 467. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj12078.

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Australia’s resources industry has experienced record growth and a strong demand for labour during the past decade. Much of this demand is occurring in remote parts of Australia and is met by population growth of resident and non-resident long-distance-commuter (LDC) workers. LDC workers are defined as those who travel significant distances between where they usually live and work, and include fly-in/fly-out and drive-in/drive-out workers. While the LDC workforce is not new, the scale of this phenomenon and the shift in commuting patterns among this workforce to meet Australia’s evolving labour demands is unprecedented. KPMG have quantified the size and distribution of the LDC workforce by industry and region across Australia. This was part of a ground-breaking workforce mobility study commissioned by the Minerals Council of Australia (in conjunction with APPEA and Skills DMC). Findings from this study answer the following questions: To what extent has the size of the LDC workforce increased in the past five years up to 2011? How does the prevalence of long-distance commuting in the oil and gas industry compare with other industries? What are the top three resource regions that attract LDC workers and what do the commuter routes look like? This extended abstract contributes to our knowledge base about the geographic mobility of the Australian workforce. It reveals the LDC workforce facts and thereby helps guide industry and government policy to ensure the economic and social prosperity of Australia’s resource regions and their residents and workers.

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