Rozprawy doktorskie: „Australian Labor Party policy”

1

Faulkner, Xandra Madeleine, i n/a. "The Spirit of Accommodation: The Influence of the ALP's National Factions on Party Policy, 1996-2004". Griffith University. Griffith Business School, 2006. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20070216.133604.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

This thesis explores the influence of the Australian Labor Party's (ALP's) national factions on Party policy. The specific emphasis is on policy development during Labor's 1996-2004 period in opposition. Through a total of 88 interviews, predominantly with members of Caucus including Kim Beazley, Simon Crean and Mark Latham, this thesis has been able to examine not only the formal policy development processes but, significantly, also the informal processes within the Party. The thesis begins with an overview of the national factions' organisation and operations in relation to policy development in both the organisational and parliamentary wings. It concentrates on exploring how the informal processes of the faction system dominate the formal Party structures, and demonstrates how the factional elite control these decision-making forums. The thesis then concentrates on analysing in-depth the factional influences on policies developed within the Immigration, Trade and Family and Community Services portfolios. These case studies were selected because they provoked debate, to varying degrees, in the Party. An understanding of how consensus was reached among the diverse perspectives, particularly between the factions, within the Party is critical to exploring the relationship between the national factions and policy development. The case studies cover a range of policy development modes, and therefore provide ample opportunity to explore factional dynamics in relation to policy formulation under different circumstances throughout the 1996-2004 period. This thesis utilises Arend Lijphart's theory of the Politics of Accommodation, which was originally developed to explain inter-party negotiations within the Dutch coalition government during the twentieth century. This theory is relevant to the study of the ALP's modern factions because, similar to the Dutch political system, the faction system operates on the power-sharing principle of proportional representation (PR). By applying Lijphart's theoretical framework, this thesis provides a rigorous and comprehensive analysis of the ALP's factional dynamics in relation to policy. It gives an in-depth analysis of the elite control of the faction system in the domain of policy development. It demonstrates that faction leaders resolve contentious policy issues by negotiating in a 'spirit of accommodation' and when the factions adopt a policy position, the unwritten rules of the 'factional game' are applied to ensure the national factions reach a consensus on Party policy. Given that the national factions compete for power and sometimes pursue a different set of policy objectives, this 'spirit of accommodation' appears to be paradoxical; this palliative application of factional power is arguably in contrast to the general perception of faction politics. Through the presentation and analysis of original primary data this thesis makes a valuable contribution to the study of the ALP and factions in general, significantly advancing existing knowledge.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

2

Faulkner, Xandra Madeleine. "The Spirit of Accommodation: The Influence of the ALP's National Factions on Party Policy, 1996-2004". Thesis, Griffith University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366353.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

This thesis explores the influence of the Australian Labor Party's (ALP's) national factions on Party policy. The specific emphasis is on policy development during Labor's 1996-2004 period in opposition. Through a total of 88 interviews, predominantly with members of Caucus including Kim Beazley, Simon Crean and Mark Latham, this thesis has been able to examine not only the formal policy development processes but, significantly, also the informal processes within the Party. The thesis begins with an overview of the national factions' organisation and operations in relation to policy development in both the organisational and parliamentary wings. It concentrates on exploring how the informal processes of the faction system dominate the formal Party structures, and demonstrates how the factional elite control these decision-making forums. The thesis then concentrates on analysing in-depth the factional influences on policies developed within the Immigration, Trade and Family and Community Services portfolios. These case studies were selected because they provoked debate, to varying degrees, in the Party. An understanding of how consensus was reached among the diverse perspectives, particularly between the factions, within the Party is critical to exploring the relationship between the national factions and policy development. The case studies cover a range of policy development modes, and therefore provide ample opportunity to explore factional dynamics in relation to policy formulation under different circumstances throughout the 1996-2004 period. This thesis utilises Arend Lijphart's theory of the Politics of Accommodation, which was originally developed to explain inter-party negotiations within the Dutch coalition government during the twentieth century. This theory is relevant to the study of the ALP's modern factions because, similar to the Dutch political system, the faction system operates on the power-sharing principle of proportional representation (PR). By applying Lijphart's theoretical framework, this thesis provides a rigorous and comprehensive analysis of the ALP's factional dynamics in relation to policy. It gives an in-depth analysis of the elite control of the faction system in the domain of policy development. It demonstrates that faction leaders resolve contentious policy issues by negotiating in a 'spirit of accommodation' and when the factions adopt a policy position, the unwritten rules of the 'factional game' are applied to ensure the national factions reach a consensus on Party policy. Given that the national factions compete for power and sometimes pursue a different set of policy objectives, this 'spirit of accommodation' appears to be paradoxical; this palliative application of factional power is arguably in contrast to the general perception of faction politics. Through the presentation and analysis of original primary data this thesis makes a valuable contribution to the study of the ALP and factions in general, significantly advancing existing knowledge.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Griffith Business School
Griffith Business School
Full Text

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

3

Economou, Nicholas. "Greening the Commonwealth : the Australian Labor Party government's management of national environmental politics, 1983-1996 /". Connect to thesis, 1998. http://eprints.unimelb.edu.au/archive/00000333.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

4

Henehan, Kathleen. "Whose party? Whose interests? : childcare policy, electoral imperative and organisational reform within the US Democrats, Australian Labor Party and Britain's New Labour". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1070/.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

The US Democrats, Australian Labor Party and British Labour Party adopted the issue of childcare assistance for middle-income families as both a campaign and as a legislative issue decades apart from one and other, despite similar rates of female employment. The varied timing of parties’ policy adoption is also uncorrelated with labour shortages, union density and female trade union membership. However, it is correlated with two politically-charged factors: first, each party adopted childcare policy as their rate of ‘organised female labour mobilisation’ (union density interacted with female trade union membership) reached its country-level peak; second, each party adopted the issue within the broader context of post-industrial electoral change, when shifts in both class and gender-based party-voter linkages dictated that the centre-left could no longer win elections by focusing largely on a male, blue-collar base. Were these parties driven to promote childcare in response to the changing needs of their traditional affiliates (unions), or was policy adoption an outcome of autonomous party elites in search of a new electoral constituency? Using both qualitative and quantitative techniques, this research analyses the correlates of policy adoption and the specific mechanisms through which party position change on the issue took place (e.g. legislator conversion versus legislator turnover). It finds that parties largely adopted the issue as a means to make strategic electoral appeals to higher-educated, post-materialist and in particular, female voters. However, the speed in which they were able to make these appeals (and hence, the time at which they adopted the issue) was contingent on the speed in which elites were able to reform their party’s internal organisation and specifically, wrest power away from both the unions and rank-and-file members in order to centralise decision making power on election campaigns, executive appointments and candidate selection processes into the hands of the leadership.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

5

Orchard, Lionel. "Whitlam and the cities : urban and regional policy and social democratic reform". Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1987. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pho641.pdf.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

6

Kuhn, Rick. "Paradise on the instalment plan: the economic thought of the Australian labour movement between the depression and the long boom". Phd thesis, http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1271, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/7450.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

The period between the depression of the 1930s and the long post-war boom saw the development of the contemporary shape of the labour movement's economic thought, with its dichotomy between moderate and left nationalist currents. This development is examined in terms of the nature of the main organisations of the labour movement, economic conditions, the ideological proclivities of different classes and the levelof the class struggle. The main areas of economic thought examined are theories of Australia's place in the world economy, the class anatomy of Australian capitalism and of economic crises. During the late 1930s laborites continued to express a longstanding commitment to national development through tariff protection and wariness of overseas loans. Moderate ideas of the possibilities for overcoming class conflicts increasingly displaced radical Money Power theory after the depression. While monetary and real underconsumptionism continued to be the main explanations of economic crises offered by laborites, both ALP politicians and union officials became aware of Keynesian economics and the legitimacy it provided for longstanding Labor policies. The advent of the Popular Front period in the international communist movement saw the Communist Party of Australia move from a revolutionary internationalist towards a politically more conservative left nationalist position, sharing assumptions with Money Power theorists, despite the rise in the level of industrial struggle. The Communist conviction in radical underconsumptionist theory of inevitable economic crises began to weaken. World War II and the advent of the Curtin Government saw the leadership of the ALP embrace Keynesian economics and its priorities. This was expressed in both foreign economic and domestic policies, but was qualified by a keen appreciation of the requirements of the Australian economy for both protection and foreign markets and the level of the class struggle. The promotion of Keynesian ideas and divisions in the labour movement was successful after 1947 in countering working class militancy. While retaining a fervent nationalism the Communist Party's policies shifted after the War from strong support for the Government during the War to a very radical and anti-American position after 1947. Bolstered by a return to radical underconsumptionism and a focus on the conspiratorial role of the Collins House monopolists, the Party believed it could challenge the authority of the ALP and the Chifley Government, on the basis of working class industrial struggles. But the Communist Party made its attempt when the level of united struggle was already in decline. Between 1949 and 1952 the balance of class forces shifted sharply in favour of capital. Moderate laborites have continued to accept the main propositions of orthodox economics, while the bulk of the left in the labour movement has been nationalist and, after the Communist Party's break with Moscow, committed to a version of Keynesian economics. Although the adequacy of both approaches to working class interests is in doubt and they have not consistently promoted its struggles, their hegemony over the labour movement has not prevented the emergence of militant working class action.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

7

Robinson, Geoffrey 1963. "How Labor governed : social structures and the formation of public policy during the New South Wales Lang government of November 1930 to May 1932". Monash University, Dept. of History, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9164.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

8

Johnson, Carol. "Social harmony and Australian labor : the ideology of the Curtin, Chifley and Whitlam Labor governments /". Title page, contents and abstract only, 1986. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phj659.pdf.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

9

Pippos, Angela. "A century of subordination : women in the Australian Labor Party /". Title page and contents only, 1990. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arp665.pdf.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

10

Thornton, Harold James. "Socialism at work? : Queensland Labor in office, 1915-1957 /". Title page, abstract and contents only, 1986. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pht5135.pdf.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

11

Leach, Michael. "Discourses of identity in Australian socialism and labourism 1887-1901 /". St. Lucia, Qld, 2001. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe16511.pdf.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

12

Stevenson, Brian F. "Queensland's Cold War Warrior: The Turbulent Days of Vincent Clair Gair, 1901-1980". Thesis, Griffith University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367090.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

Vincent Gair (1901 – 1980) former Queensland Premier This thesis is a historiography of controversial Queensland politician Vincent Gair, detailing his career from railway clerk to Queensland Premier, Senator of the Democratic Labor Party and his controversial appointment as Ambassador to Ireland in 1974. Specific attention is paid to Gair’s premiership years between 1952 and 1957, in particular focus on the Labor split in Queensland and the breach between the organisational and parliamentary wings of the Labor party in Queensland. The thesis concludes with an assessment of Gair’s role in Queensland and Australian political history.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Department of Politics and Public Policy
Griffith Business School
Full Text

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

13

Camroux, David. "Changements sociaux et retentissements politiques le parti travailliste fédéral australien, 1972-84". Lille 3 : ANRT, 1986. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37596231b.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

14

Sundar, Aparna. "The state and labour : party regimes and state-labour relationships in three Indian states". Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=69604.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

The role of the political party in power in mediating the relationship between the state and labour was examined. The Indian states of Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal--each governed by a political party representing a different ideology and class coalition--were compared in terms of conditions for workers. Other factors likely to affect the position of workers in the state, such as its industrial profile, and the strength of its labour movement prior to the period under study, were also considered.
It was found that, although the nature of the party regime did significantly influence the state-labour relationship, workers were not necessarily better off under the most sympathetic and interventionist party. The nature of industry in the state was central in determining conditions for workers. Thus, the party in power influenced conditions for workers as much through policies not aimed specifically at workers, as through intervention in industrial relations.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

15

Kuhn, Rick. "Paradise on the instalment plan the economic thought of the Australian labour movement between the depression and the long boom /". Connect to full text, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1271.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

16

Raymond, Melanie. "Labour pains : working class women in employment, unions and the Labor party in Victoria, 1888-1914 /". Connect to thesis, 1987. http://eprints.unimelb.edu.au/archive/00000326.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

17

Lavelle, Ashley, i n/a. "In the Wilderness: Federal Labor in Opposition". Griffith University. School of Politics and Public Policy, 2004. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20040226.151930.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

This thesis is a study of the federal Australian Labor Party (ALP) in Opposition. It seeks to identify the various factors that shape the political direction of the party when it is out of office by examining three important periods of Labor Opposition. It is argued in the first period (1967-72) that the main factor in the partys move to the left was the radicalisation that occurred in Australian (and global) politics. Labor in Opposition is potentially more subject to influence by extra-parliamentary forces such as trade unions and social movements. This was true for this period in the case of the reinvigorated trade union movement and the Anti-Vietnam War Movement, whose policy impacts on the ALP under Gough Whitlam are examined in detail. While every one of the party's policies cannot be attributed to the tumult of the period, it is argued that Labor's Program embodied the mood for social change. The second period (1975-83) records a much different experience. After Labor's Dismissal from office in November 1975, the enduring conclusion drawn by the party was that it had failed in government as economic managers, and that in future it would need to embrace responsible economic management and to jettison programmatic-style reform. This conclusion was accepted and argued by both federal leaders during this time, Gough Whitlam (1975-77) and Bill Hayden (1977-83). The thesis argues that the key reason for Labor's abandonment of reformist politics was the dramatic shift in the economic context wrought by the collapse of the post-war boom in 1974, which undermined the economic basis of the Program. The degree to which 'economic responsibility' governed Labor's approach to policy-making is highlighted through case studies of uranium mining and the Prices-Incomes Accord. The final period of Opposition (1996-2001) commences with the partys landslide defeat at the 1996 Federal Election. Under the leadership of Kim Beazley, the party continued in the pro-free market policy tradition of Labor Prime Ministers Bob Hawke and Paul Keating. In conjunction with this, it employed a 'small-target' strategy that pitched its electoral success on community anger towards the government, rather than any alternative policies of the Opposition. The free-market policy continuity is set in the context of the ideological effects of the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the collapse of the Soviet Bloc, in the aftermath of which all political players accepted that there was no real alternative to the market. Furthermore, the overall state of the Australian and world economies was not conducive to a return to 'tax and spend' policies. The partys bipartisanship on globalisation and economic rationalism effectively robbed it of an alternative political approach to that of the Coalition. Thus, in a sense it was hemmed into the 'small-target' strategy. The thesis concludes by comparing and contrasting the three periods, and assigning weight to the various factors that shape Labor in Opposition.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

18

Lavelle, Ashley. "In the Wilderness: Federal Labor in Opposition". Thesis, Griffith University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366181.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

This thesis is a study of the federal Australian Labor Party (ALP) in Opposition. It seeks to identify the various factors that shape the political direction of the party when it is out of office by examining three important periods of Labor Opposition. It is argued in the first period (1967-72) that the main factor in the party’s move to the left was the radicalisation that occurred in Australian (and global) politics. Labor in Opposition is potentially more subject to influence by extra-parliamentary forces such as trade unions and social movements. This was true for this period in the case of the reinvigorated trade union movement and the Anti-Vietnam War Movement, whose policy impacts on the ALP under Gough Whitlam are examined in detail. While every one of the party's policies cannot be attributed to the tumult of the period, it is argued that Labor's Program embodied the mood for social change. The second period (1975-83) records a much different experience. After Labor's Dismissal from office in November 1975, the enduring conclusion drawn by the party was that it had failed in government as economic managers, and that in future it would need to embrace responsible economic management and to jettison programmatic-style reform. This conclusion was accepted and argued by both federal leaders during this time, Gough Whitlam (1975-77) and Bill Hayden (1977-83). The thesis argues that the key reason for Labor's abandonment of reformist politics was the dramatic shift in the economic context wrought by the collapse of the post-war boom in 1974, which undermined the economic basis of the Program. The degree to which 'economic responsibility' governed Labor's approach to policy-making is highlighted through case studies of uranium mining and the Prices-Incomes Accord. The final period of Opposition (1996-2001) commences with the party’s landslide defeat at the 1996 Federal Election. Under the leadership of Kim Beazley, the party continued in the pro-free market policy tradition of Labor Prime Ministers Bob Hawke and Paul Keating. In conjunction with this, it employed a 'small-target' strategy that pitched its electoral success on community anger towards the government, rather than any alternative policies of the Opposition. The free-market policy continuity is set in the context of the ideological effects of the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the collapse of the Soviet Bloc, in the aftermath of which all political players accepted that there was no real alternative to the market. Furthermore, the overall state of the Australian and world economies was not conducive to a return to 'tax and spend' policies. The party’s bipartisanship on globalisation and economic rationalism effectively robbed it of an alternative political approach to that of the Coalition. Thus, in a sense it was hemmed into the 'small-target' strategy. The thesis concludes by comparing and contrasting the three periods, and assigning weight to the various factors that shape Labor in Opposition.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Politics and Public Policy
Full Text

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

19

Ralston, Deborah Jane. "How to protect Australian workers within the APEC political-economy". Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1996.

Znajdź pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

This thesis develops options and strategies for Australian unions in protecting and advancing the interests of Australian workers within an internationally competitive environment. Analysis of the APEC arrangements as the trading regime in which Australian workers will be exposed is pivotal to developing these strategies. Economic liberalism and market mechanisms within Australia were adopted during the period 1983 to 1996. Features of this direction included the deregulation of trade and financial markets, and the shift toward a decentralised and deregulated labour market. This changed focus impacted on workers, in particular in regard to wage outcomes, cash income and wealth dispersion. Unions, and workers, who had traditionally operated within a national market, are required to develop a different approach to a decentralised and deregulated environment from an international perspective. Within an internationalised environment, a different set of responses are required. The capacity for unions to respond is hampered by the international deregulatory climate, and the conflicting views of APEC member countries to institutionalising labour issues. This requires unions to develop a broader range of strategies to mitigate against the effects that APEC will have on Australian workers. In considering these strategies, reference is made to the social clause, international unionism and collective bargaining, "good faith" arrangements such as Codes of Conduct, and tying environmental and labour standards to trade and investment restrictions. The ability to generate worker solidarity on an international basis is also discussed. The conclusion is that the combination of a decentralised labour market in Australia and the labour arrangements within APEC does not auger well for workers.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

20

Gardner, Mark J. "Restructuring social bargains : the politics of trade and labor policy in the US Democrats and British Labour /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10770.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

21

Cusack, Danny. "With an olive branch and a shillelagh: the political career of Senator Paddy Lynch (1867-1944)". Thesis, Cusack, Danny (2002) With an olive branch and a shillelagh: the political career of Senator Paddy Lynch (1867-1944). PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2002. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/32/.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

As a loyal Empire man and ardent conscriptionist, Irish born Senator Paddy Lynch swam against the prevailing Irish Catholic Labor political current. He was one of those MP's who followed Prime Minister W.M. Hughes out of the Federal Labor caucus in November 1916, serving out the rest of his political career in the Nationalist ranks. On the face of things, he represents something of a contradiction. A close examination of Lynch's youth in Ireland, his early years in Australia and his subsequent parliamentary career helps us to resolve this apparent paradox. It also enables us to build up a picture of Lynch the man and to explain his political odyssey. He emerges as representative of that early generation of conservative Laborites (notably J.C. Watson, W.G. Spence and George Pearce) who, once they had achieved their immediate goals of reform, saw their subsequent role as defending the prevailing social order. Like many of these men, Lynch's commitment to the labour movement's principles of solidarity and collective endeavour co-existed with a desire for material self advancement. More fundamentally, when Lynch accumulated property and was eventually able to take up the occupation which he had known in Ireland, farming, his evolving class interest inevitably occasioned a change in political outlook. Lynch is shown to have been an essentially conservative Meath farmer whose early involvement in the labour movement in Australia can be largely explained as a temporary phase consequent on emigration. A single-minded and robust politician, Lynch was able to reconcile first his Irish and then his Australian nationalist loyalties with the cause of the Empire as the best guarantee of Australia's future security and advancement. He both represented and reinforced the more conservative Irish Catholic political climate which prevailed in Western Australia, compared to the more populous eastern states. The relationship of the Catholic Irish to the early labour movement in Australia was more complex and problematical than orthodox thinking has allowed. As someone who straddled both political camps, Lynch encapsulated many of the inherent ambiguities of the immigrant Irish. A study of his career allows us to gain a deeper insight into the complexities of the Irish-Australian experience.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

22

Cusack, Danny. "With an olive branch and a shillelagh : the political career of Senator Paddy Lynch (1867-1944) /". Cusack, Danny (2002) With an olive branch and a shillelagh: the political career of Senator Paddy Lynch (1867-1944). PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2002. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/32/.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

As a loyal Empire man and ardent conscriptionist, Irish born Senator Paddy Lynch swam against the prevailing Irish Catholic Labor political current. He was one of those MP's who followed Prime Minister W.M. Hughes out of the Federal Labor caucus in November 1916, serving out the rest of his political career in the Nationalist ranks. On the face of things, he represents something of a contradiction. A close examination of Lynch's youth in Ireland, his early years in Australia and his subsequent parliamentary career helps us to resolve this apparent paradox. It also enables us to build up a picture of Lynch the man and to explain his political odyssey. He emerges as representative of that early generation of conservative Laborites (notably J.C. Watson, W.G. Spence and George Pearce) who, once they had achieved their immediate goals of reform, saw their subsequent role as defending the prevailing social order. Like many of these men, Lynch's commitment to the labour movement's principles of solidarity and collective endeavour co-existed with a desire for material self advancement. More fundamentally, when Lynch accumulated property and was eventually able to take up the occupation which he had known in Ireland, farming, his evolving class interest inevitably occasioned a change in political outlook. Lynch is shown to have been an essentially conservative Meath farmer whose early involvement in the labour movement in Australia can be largely explained as a temporary phase consequent on emigration. A single-minded and robust politician, Lynch was able to reconcile first his Irish and then his Australian nationalist loyalties with the cause of the Empire as the best guarantee of Australia's future security and advancement. He both represented and reinforced the more conservative Irish Catholic political climate which prevailed in Western Australia, compared to the more populous eastern states. The relationship of the Catholic Irish to the early labour movement in Australia was more complex and problematical than orthodox thinking has allowed. As someone who straddled both political camps, Lynch encapsulated many of the inherent ambiguities of the immigrant Irish. A study of his career allows us to gain a deeper insight into the complexities of the Irish-Australian experience.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

23

Hoyle, Maxwell Bruce, i mikewood@deakin edu au. "Australia and East Timor: elitism, pragmatism and the national interest". Deakin University, 2000. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20050915.110809.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

For over two decades the issue of East Timor's right to self-determination has been a prickly issue in Australian foreign policy. The invasion by Indonesian forces in 1975 was expected, as Australian policy-makers had been well informed of the events leading up to the punitive action being taken. Indeed, prior discussions involving the future of the territory were held between the Australian Prime Minister and the Indonesian President in 1974. In response to the events unfolding in the territory the Australian Labor Government at the time was presented with two policy options for dealing with the issue. The Department of Defence recommended the recognition of an independent East Timor; whereas the Department of Foreign Affairs proposed that Australia disengage itself as far as possible from the issue. The decision had ramifications for future policy considerations especially with changes in government. With the Department of Foreign Affairs option being the prevailing policy what were the essential ingredients that give explanation for the government's choice? It is important to note the existence of the continuity and cyclical nature of attitudes by Labor governments toward Indonesia before and after the invasion. To do so requires an analysis of the influence Doc Evatt had in shaping any possible Labor tradition in foreign policy articulation. The support given by Evatt for the decolonisation of the Netherlands East Indies (Indonesia) gave rise to the development of a special relationship-so defined. Evidence of the effect Evatt had on future Labor governments may be found in the opinions of Gough Whitlam. In 1975 when he was Prime Minister, Whitlam felt the East Timor issue was merely the finalisation of Indonesia's decolonisation honouring Evatt's long held anti-colonialist tradition existing in the Australian Labor Party. The early predisposition toward Indonesia's cohesiveness surfaced again in the Hawke and Keating Labor governments of later years. It did not vary a great deal with changes in government The on-going commitment to preserving and strengthening the bilateral relationship meant Indonesia's territorial integrity became the focus of the Australian political elites regional foreign policy determinations. The actions taken by policy-makers served to promote the desire for a stable region ahead of independence claims of the East Timorese. From a realist perspective, the security dilemma for Australian policy-makers was how to best promote regional order and stability in the South East Asian region. The desire for regional cohesiveness and stability continues to drive Australian political elites to promote policies that gives a priority to the territorial integrity of regional states. Indonesia, in spite of its diversity, was only ever thought of as a cohesive unitary state and changes to its construct have rarely been countenanced. Australia's political elite justifications for this stance vacillate between strategic and economic considerations, ideological (anti-colonialism) to one of being a pragmatic response to international politics. The political elite argues the projection of power into the region is in Australias national interest. The policies from one government to the next necessarily see the national interest as being an apparent fixed feature of foreign policy. The persistent fear of invasion from the north traditionally motivated Australia's political elite to adopt a strategic realist policy that sought to shore up the stability, strength and unity of Indonesia. The national interest was deemed to be at risk if support for East Timorese independence was given. The national interest though can involve more than just the security issue, and the political elite when dealing with East Timor assumed that they were acting in the common good. Questions that need to be addressed include determining what is the national interest in this context? What is the effect of a government invoking the national interest in debates over issues in foreign policy? And, who should participate in the debate? In an effort to answer these questions an analysis of how the ex-foreign affairs mandarin Richard Woolcott defines the national interest becomes crucial. Clearly, conflict in East Timor did have implications for the national interest. The invasion of East Timor by Indonesia had the potential to damage the relationship, but equally communist successes in 1975 in Indo-China raised Australia's regional security concerns. During the Cold War, the linking of communism to nationalism was driving the decision-making processes of the Australian policy-makers striving to come to grips with the strategic realities of a changing region. Because of this, did the constraints of world politics dominated by Cold War realities combined with domestic political disruption have anything to do with Australia's response? Certainly, Australia itself was experiencing a constitutional crisis in late 1975. The Senate had blocked supply and the Labor Government did not have the funds to govern. The Governor-General by dismissing the Labor Government finally resolved the impasse. What were the reactions of the two men charged with the responsibility of forming the caretaker government toward Indonesia's military action? And, could the crisis have prevented the Australian government from making a different response to the invasion? Importantly, and in terms of economic security, did the knowledge of oil and gas deposits thought to exist in the Timor Sea influence Australia's foreign policy? The search for oil and gas requires a stable political environment in which to operate. Therefore for exploration to continue in the Timor Sea Australia must have had a preferred political option and thoughts of with whom they preferred to negotiate. What was the extent of each government's cooperation and intervention in the oil and gas industry and could any involvement have influenced the Australian political elites attitude toward the prospect of an independent East Timor? Australia's subsequent de jure recognition that East Timor was part of Indonesia paved the way for the Timor Gap (Zone of Cooperation) Treaty signing in 1989. The signing underpinned Australia's acceptance of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor. The outcome of the analysis of the issues that shaped Australia's foreign policy toward East Timor showed that the political elite became locked into an integration model, which was defended by successive governments. Moreover, they formed an almost reflexive defence of Indonesia both at the domestic and international level.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

24

Wise, Bruce (Bruce Douglas) Carleton University Dissertation Canadian Studies. "Labour versus the state : the conflicting policy interests and ideas of the Canadian trade union movement and the Federal Conservative Government, 1984-1988". Ottawa, 1990.

Znajdź pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

25

Loreck, Thomas Victor. "An analysis of the origins and development of the educational policies of the Australian Labor Party in Western Australia between 1964 and 1982". Thesis, Loreck, Thomas Victor (1985) An analysis of the origins and development of the educational policies of the Australian Labor Party in Western Australia between 1964 and 1982. Honours thesis, Murdoch University, 1985. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/51473/.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

The study of the educational platforms of the major political parties in WA has been largely neglected. It is the aim of the following historical study to trace the evolution of the ALP's education policies and platforms in WA from 1964 to 1982 and the events, trends and issues which have given it its current shape. This process has been studied largely from the records of the ALP and via interviews with key participants. One of the more important trends has been the gradual erosion of community apathy towards education. From the earliest years of this century the WA Education Department assumed control over most aspects of education, including the formation of policy. The community. Parliament and Ministers for Education largely seemed content with this state of affairs. This situation remained almost unchanged until the late 1960s. At that time national events such as the increasing involvement of the Commonwealth Government in school funding and the state aid debate aroused community interest in education. Coupled with these political events were societal changes such as the effect of technology on employment, the growing demands of ethnic groups and the emergence of the women's movement. These changes placed new demands on education and political, as well as bureaucratic solutions, were sought. Groups with interests in education brought pressure to bear on Ministers for Education and their political parties in order to achieve their ends. The results of these events were threefold. Firstly, party platforms on education grew dramatically. Thus the 1967 platform comprising a mere one and a half pages grew to over twelve by 1984. Secondly, these platforms expanded largely because of pressure from the community and from lobby groups for more educational services. Thus the political parties had a vested interest in implementing their platforms. Finally, the implementation of these platforms resulted, in effect, in a challenge by the Ministers for Education to the de facto supremacy of the Education Department in the area of policy creation. The first two areas, the expansion of ALP platform and the reasons for its occurrence are the major concerns of this study. During the period under study (1964 - 1982) clashes between the Minister for Education, the Director General and his Education Department have increased. Smart and Alderson (1980) have documented these events. It remains to be seen whether the implementation of the Beazley Report (1984) will further erode the historically dominant position of the Director General as the chief actor in the policy formation process.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

26

Harris, Tony School of History UNSW. "Basket weavers and true believers : the middle class left and the ALP Leichhardt Municipality c. 1970-1990". Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of History, 2002. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/19325.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

In the two decades between 1970 and 1990, hundreds of people passed through the ALP branches of Leichhardt Municipality. These were predominantly members of what this thesis calls a 'middle class Left', employed in professions and para-professions like teaching or the public service and motivated, to one degree or another, by the social movements and politics of the late 1960's and early 1970's. This is a social history incorporating the life histories of a selection of these people. It is set against the backdrop of conflicts with incumbent, conservative, working class-based political machines and the political climate of the times. The thesis is in four parts. Part I, the introduction, establishes the point of view of the writer as it shapes what is also a 'participant history'. In this context, and that of the oral history interviews, the introduction addresses the relationship between memory and history. Parts II and III are the body of the thesis and each is lead by a 'photo-essay', recognising the complimentary importance of a visual narrative. Part II sets out the broad political topography of the 1970's and early 1980's. Chapter one describes the middle-classing of the ALP in Leichhardt Municipality, set against a review of the principal literature. It then moves through chapters two to four to examine the three loci of middle-classing: Annandale, Balmain and Glebe. Part III moves on into the 1980's when the middle class Left 'takes power'. It examines, in chapter five, the emerging, sharp, divisions among the Left on Leichhardt Council and in the contests for federal and state parliamentary seats. Chapter six examines the deepening of these divisions in the mid to late 1980's, concluding with the climactic struggle over the Mort Bay public housing project. Chapter seven looks at the diaspora of the Labor Left in Leichhardt at the end of the 1980's as the branch membership declined and many sought out political alternatives to the ALP. Part IV brings the thesis to its conclusion, focussing on the complexities and ambiguities of the middle class Left and drawing out the main socio-political themes of the two decades.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

27

Blissett, Edward. "Inside the unions : a comparative analysis of policy-making in Australian and British printing and telecommunication trade unions". Thesis, Cardiff University, 2013. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/45549/.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

This thesis consists of a comparative analysis of policy making in Australian and British telecommunications and printing trade unions. It tests empirically the validity of different models of union policy making and behaviour, whilst also assessing the strength of the research hypothesis, that informal micro-political influences inside unions - such as personal friendships, enmities and loyalties - affect union policy making to a greater extent than is acknowledged in the literature. In order to address the subject the following research questions were posed: How, and why, do unions adopt specific policies? What factors explain the different behaviour of similar unions, when faced with comparable policy choices? To ensure that policies of strategic significance were focused upon, three key areas were selected for study: recruitment, amalgamations and union efforts to influence the labour process. As a former senior union officer I realised that trade unions were often loathe to publically disclose those factors which informed their policy making processes. For this reason a qualitative, interview rich, methodology was adopted, which involved a longitudinal study, in which over 220 officers and staff, of the relevant unions were rviewed. The research revealed that policy making in all the featured unions was a rich and complex process, in which occupational, geographical, ideological and personality based factional groups all had a significant influence on policy makers, along with the institutional and political context within which the unions operated. The empirical evidence also showed that micro-political factors, in particular enmities and personal loyalties, along with the individual beliefs, values and ideologies of policy makers, profoundly influenced their policy choices. Finally the research corroborated the assertion that strategic policy choices, made by trade unions, have a significant affect on their success or failure as organisations.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

28

Sesay, Diana Margaret. "A socially just rationale for an Australian curriculum? : a critical thematic policy analysis of political speeches in education (2007-2010)". Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2013. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/62675/1/__qut.edu.au_Documents_StaffHome_StaffGroupH%24_halla_Desktop_Diana%20Sesay%20Thesis.pdf.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

In late 2007, newly elected Prime Minister Kevin Rudd placed education reform on centre stage as a key policy in the Labor Party's agenda for social reform in Australia. A major policy strategy within this 'Education Revolution' was the development of a national curriculum, the Australian Curriculum Within this political context, this study is an investigation into how social justice and equity have been used in political speeches to justify the need for, and the nature of, Australia's first official national curriculum. The aim is to provide understandings into what is said or not said; who is included or excluded, represented or misrepresented; for what purpose; and for whose benefit. The study investigates political speeches made by Education Ministers between 2008 and 201 0; that is, from the inception of the Australian Curriculum to the release of the Phase 1 F - 10 draft curriculum documents in English, mathematics, science and history. Curriculum development is defined here as an ongoing process of complex conversations. To contextualise the process of curriculum development within Australia, the thesis commences with an initial review of curriculum development in this nation over the past three decades. It then frames this review within contemporary curriculum theory; in particular it calls upon the work of William Pinar and the key notions of currere and reconceptualised curriculum. This contextualisation work is then used as a foundation to examine how social justice and equity have been represented in political speeches delivered by the respective Education Ministers Julia Gillard and Peter Garrett at key junctures of Australian Curriculum document releases. A critical thematic policy analysis is the approach used to examine selected official speech transcripts released by the ministerial media centre through the DEEWR website. This approach provides a way to enable insights and understandings of representations of social justice and equity issues in the policy agenda. Broader social implications are also discussed. The project develops an analytic framework that enables an investigation into the framing of social justice and equity issues such as inclusion, equality, quality education, sharing of resources and access to learning opportunities in political speeches aligned with the development of the Australian Curriculum Through this analysis, the study adopts a focus on constructions of educationally disadvantaged students and how the solutions of 'fixing' teachers and providing the 'right' curriculum are presented as resolutions to the perceived problem. In this way, it aims to work towards offering insights into political justifications for a national curriculum in Australia from a social justice perspective.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

29

Merkes, Monika, i monika@melbpc org au. "A longer working life for Australian women of the baby boom generation? � Women�s voices and the social policy implications of an ageing female workforce". La Trobe University. School of Public Health, 2003. http://www.lib.latrobe.edu.au./thesis/public/adt-LTU20051103.104704.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

With an increasing proportion of older people in the Australian population and increasing health and longevity, paid work after the age of 65 years may become an option or a necessity in the future. The focus of this research is on Australian women of the baby boom generation, their working futures, and the work-retirement decision. This is explored both from the viewpoint of women and from a social policy perspective. The research draws on Considine�s model of public policy, futures studies, and Beck�s concept of risk society. The research comprises three studies. Using focus group research, Study 1 explored the views of Australian women of the baby boom generation on work after the age of 65 years. Study 2 aimed to explore current thinking on the research topic in Australia and overseas. Computer-mediated communication involving an Internet website and four scenarios for the year 2020 were used for this study. Study 3 consists of the analysis of quantitative data from the Healthy Retirement Project, focusing on attitudes towards retirement, retirement plans, and the preferred and expected age of retirement. The importance of choice and a work � life balance emerged throughout the research. Women in high-status occupations were found to be more likely to be open to the option of continuing paid work beyond age 65 than women in low-status jobs. However, the women were equally likely to embrace future volunteering. The research findings suggest that policies for an ageing female workforce should be based on the values of inclusiveness, fairness, self-determination, and social justice, and address issues of workplace flexibility, equality in the workplace, recognition for unpaid community and caring work, opportunities for life-long learning, complexity and inequities of the superannuation system, and planning for retirement. Further, providing a guaranteed minimum income for all Australians should be explored as a viable alternative to the current social security system.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

30

Norton, Paul C. R., i n/a. "Accord, Discord, Discourse and Dialogue in the Search for Sustainable Development: Labour-Environmentalist Cooperation and Conflict in Australian Debates on Ecologically Sustainable Development and Economic Restructuring in the Period of the Federal Labor Government, 1983-96". Griffith University. Australian School of Environmental Studies, 2004. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20040924.093047.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

The thesis seeks to provide a deeper understanding of the dynamics of interaction between the environmental and labour movements, and the conditions under which they can cooperate and form alliances in pursuit of a sustainable development agenda which simultaneously promotes ecological and social justice goals. After developing an explanatory model of the labour-environmentalist relationship (LER) on the basis of a survey of theoretical and case-study literature, the thesis applies this model to three significant cases of labour-environmental interaction in Australia, each representing a different point on the spectrum from LER conflict to LER cooperation, during the period from 1983 to 1996. Commonly held views that there are inevitable tendencies to LER conflict, whether due to an irreconcilable "jobs versus environment" contradiction or due to the different class bases of the respective movements, are analysed and rejected. A model of the LER implicit in Siegmann (1985) is interrogated against more recent LER studies from six countries, and reworked into a new model (the Siegmann-Norton model) which explains tendencies to conflict and cooperation in the LER in terms of the respective ideologies of labour and environmentalism, their organisational forms and cultures, the national political-institutional framework and the respective places of labour and environmentalism therein, the political economy of specific sectors and regions in which LER interaction occurs, and sui generis sociological and demographic characteristics of labour and environmental actors. The thesis then discusses the major changes in the ideologies, organisational forms and political-institutional roles of the Australian labour movement which occurred during the period of the study, and their likely influence on the LER. The two processes of most importance in driving such changes were the corporatist Accord relationship between the trade union movement and Labor Party government from 1983 to 1996, and the strategic reorganisation of the trade union movement between 1988 and 1996 in response to challenges and opportunities in the wider political-economic environment. The research hypothesis is that the net effect of these changes would have been to foster tendencies towards LER conflict. The hypothesis is tested in three significant case studies, namely: (a) the interaction, often conflictual, between the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) and the environmental movement in debates around macroeconomic policy, economic restructuring and sustainable development from the mid-1980s onwards; (b) the complex interaction, involving elements of cooperation, disagreement and dialogue, between the environmental movement and the unions representing coal mining and energy workers in the formulation of Australia's climate change policies; and (c) the environmental policy and campaign initiatives of the Australian Manufacturing Workers Union to improve workplace environmental performance and promote worker environmental education. The case studies confirmed the research hypothesis in the sense that, whilst the LER tended overall towards greater cooperation in the period of the study, the Accord relationship and union restructuring process worked to slow the growth of cooperative tendencies and sustain conflict over particular issues beyond what might otherwise have been the case. The Accord relationship served to maintain conflict tendencies due to the dominance of productivist ideologies within the ACTU, and the union movement's perseverance with this relationship after the vitiation of its progressive potential by neo-liberal trends in public policy. The tripartite Accord processes institutionalised a "growth coalition" of labour, business and the state in opposition to excluded constituencies such as the environmental movement. This was partially overcome during the period of the Ecologically Sustainable Development (ESD) process, which temporarily included the environmental movement as an insider in the political-institutional framework. The long-run effects of union reorganisation on the LER are difficult to determine as the new organisational forms of unions were not in place until almost the end of the period of the study. However, in the short term the disruptive effects of the amalgamations process restricted unions' capacity to engage with environmental issues. Pro-environment initiatives by the AMWU, and cooperative aspects of the coal industry unions' relationship with environmentalists, reflected the social unionist ideology and internal democratic practices of those unions, and the influence of the ESD Working Group process, whilst LER conflict over greenhouse reflected the adverse political economy of the coal industry, but also the relevant unions' less developed capacity for independent research and membership education compared to the AMWU. The LER in all three cases can be satisfactorily explained, and important insights derived, through application of the Siegmann-Norton model. Conclusions drawn include suggestions for further research and proposals for steps to be taken by labour and environmental actors to improve cooperation.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

31

Norton, Paul C. R. "Accord, Discord, Discourse and Dialogue in the Search for Sustainable Development: Labour-Environmentalist Cooperation and Conflict in Australian Debates on Ecologically Sustainable Development and Economic Restructuring in the Period of the Federal Labor Government, 1983-96". Thesis, Griffith University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/368094.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

The thesis seeks to provide a deeper understanding of the dynamics of interaction between the environmental and labour movements, and the conditions under which they can cooperate and form alliances in pursuit of a sustainable development agenda which simultaneously promotes ecological and social justice goals. After developing an explanatory model of the labour-environmentalist relationship (LER) on the basis of a survey of theoretical and case-study literature, the thesis applies this model to three significant cases of labour-environmental interaction in Australia, each representing a different point on the spectrum from LER conflict to LER cooperation, during the period from 1983 to 1996. Commonly held views that there are inevitable tendencies to LER conflict, whether due to an irreconcilable "jobs versus environment" contradiction or due to the different class bases of the respective movements, are analysed and rejected. A model of the LER implicit in Siegmann (1985) is interrogated against more recent LER studies from six countries, and reworked into a new model (the Siegmann-Norton model) which explains tendencies to conflict and cooperation in the LER in terms of the respective ideologies of labour and environmentalism, their organisational forms and cultures, the national political-institutional framework and the respective places of labour and environmentalism therein, the political economy of specific sectors and regions in which LER interaction occurs, and sui generis sociological and demographic characteristics of labour and environmental actors. The thesis then discusses the major changes in the ideologies, organisational forms and political-institutional roles of the Australian labour movement which occurred during the period of the study, and their likely influence on the LER. The two processes of most importance in driving such changes were the corporatist Accord relationship between the trade union movement and Labor Party government from 1983 to 1996, and the strategic reorganisation of the trade union movement between 1988 and 1996 in response to challenges and opportunities in the wider political-economic environment. The research hypothesis is that the net effect of these changes would have been to foster tendencies towards LER conflict. The hypothesis is tested in three significant case studies, namely: (a) the interaction, often conflictual, between the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) and the environmental movement in debates around macroeconomic policy, economic restructuring and sustainable development from the mid-1980s onwards; (b) the complex interaction, involving elements of cooperation, disagreement and dialogue, between the environmental movement and the unions representing coal mining and energy workers in the formulation of Australia's climate change policies; and (c) the environmental policy and campaign initiatives of the Australian Manufacturing Workers Union to improve workplace environmental performance and promote worker environmental education. The case studies confirmed the research hypothesis in the sense that, whilst the LER tended overall towards greater cooperation in the period of the study, the Accord relationship and union restructuring process worked to slow the growth of cooperative tendencies and sustain conflict over particular issues beyond what might otherwise have been the case. The Accord relationship served to maintain conflict tendencies due to the dominance of productivist ideologies within the ACTU, and the union movement's perseverance with this relationship after the vitiation of its progressive potential by neo-liberal trends in public policy. The tripartite Accord processes institutionalised a "growth coalition" of labour, business and the state in opposition to excluded constituencies such as the environmental movement. This was partially overcome during the period of the Ecologically Sustainable Development (ESD) process, which temporarily included the environmental movement as an insider in the political-institutional framework. The long-run effects of union reorganisation on the LER are difficult to determine as the new organisational forms of unions were not in place until almost the end of the period of the study. However, in the short term the disruptive effects of the amalgamations process restricted unions' capacity to engage with environmental issues. Pro-environment initiatives by the AMWU, and cooperative aspects of the coal industry unions' relationship with environmentalists, reflected the social unionist ideology and internal democratic practices of those unions, and the influence of the ESD Working Group process, whilst LER conflict over greenhouse reflected the adverse political economy of the coal industry, but also the relevant unions' less developed capacity for independent research and membership education compared to the AMWU. The LER in all three cases can be satisfactorily explained, and important insights derived, through application of the Siegmann-Norton model. Conclusions drawn include suggestions for further research and proposals for steps to be taken by labour and environmental actors to improve cooperation.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Australian School of Environmental Studies
Full Text

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

32

Duffy, Gavan. "The groups". Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1999.

Znajdź pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

This thesis deals with the history of the Catholic Social Studies Movement (the Movement), the ALP Industrial Groups and the events leading up to the split in the Labor Party which occurred between 1955 and 1957. These events are portrayed and analysed from the perspective of the Movement and the Industrial Groups. The thesis challenges many of the conventional propositions as to the reasons for, and the facts surrounding the split. Directly challenged is the view that Herbert Vere Evatt was a principled champion of traditional Labor values who acted expeditiously to save the Australian Labor Party from being subverted by a Machiavellian Catholic layman, B.A. Santamaria, for the 'sinister' purposes of Catholic action. Also challenged is the suggestion that the ideology and policies of Movement activists within the Labor Party, were contrary to Labor's platform. It will be argued to the contrary, that Labor in the fifties was impeded by doctrinaire Marxist theory, and hence, the radicalism of the Movement did not sit easily with many of the older power brokers within the labor movement. It will also be argued that The Movement was formed on the initiative of the late B.A. Santamaria and a few associates only after repeated requests from Labour politicians and unionists, often motivated by quite selfish concerns, for assistance in the struggle against Communism in the trade unions. Emphasis will be placed in this thesis on the importance and the role of anti-Catholic sectarianism as a weapon of the Communists and the Extreme Left of the Labor movement against their opponents. An emphasis will be placed on the importance of anti-Catholic sectarianism in determining the outcome of the struggle within the Labor Party and the nature of the split. It will be suggested that Dr Evatt's attack on The Movement and the industrial groups of the 5 October 1954 could not have succeeded without the divisiveness of sectarianism, never far beneath the surface in Australian society of the 50s and 60s. The impact of the Petrov Affair on the internal politics of the Labor party is canvassed. In this regard startling new evidence is advanced by the writer that the ALP parliamentary leader, Dr. Herbert V. Evatt had, in October 1953, several months before the establishment of the Petrov Royal Commission, knowledge of, or at the very least strong grounds for suspicion that his press secretary Fergan O'Sullivan, was a source of information for the Communist party and Ergo, Soviet intelligence. It will also be stated that for reasons known only to himself and about which one can only surmise, Evatt failed to act on the intelligence provided to him concerning the activities of O'Sullivan. Historically speaking, the implications of this revelation concerning Dr Evatt and Fergan 0' Sullivan are considerable.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

33

Singleton, Gwynneth. "The Labour movement and incomes policy : origins and development of the accord". Phd thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/129771.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

The Hawke Labor government was elected for its third term of office in 1987. It owes much of this success to its Accord with the Australian Council of Trade Unions. The purpose of this thesis is to elucidate what consolidates and sustains the bargained bipartite relationship that is the core of the Accord and central to its viability as a cooperative incomes strategy for the industrial and political wings of the Australian labour movement. The thesis begins with an examination of what the Federal Parliamentary Labor Party and the ACTU each sought to achieve from a co-operative incomes policy. The following chapters trace the origins and development of the Accord, beginning with the difficulties that arose between the Whitlam Labor government and the ACTU that prevented any similar agreement. The post-Whitlam period brought about a change in attitude by both the unions and the FPLP that made the Accord possible. The thesis examines the reasons why Australian unions changed their approach from maintaining living standards primarily through nominal increases to the industrial wage to embrace a collective centralised incomes strategy that included the industrial wage, employment and the social wage. The effective point of wage negotiation then lay with the ACTU. This thesis examines the basis of ACTU wages policy and the reasons why the strategies that were pursued to gain its implementation failed. This failure led directly to the Accord with the FPLP. The following two chapters examine the reasons why and how the FPLP reached similar conclusions about the necessity for a collective incomes policy with the unions in 1979 and the subsequent negotiations that brought them to formal agreement on the Accord with the ACTU in 1983. The Accord has proved to be a flexible process that remains relevant nearly six years after its inception. The operations and renegotiations of the Accord that have occurred over this period are examined to determine why this has been possible. A discussion about the relevance of corporatism to the Accord follows. This concludes that, while there may be some aspects of corporatism that can be related to the Accord process, the imprecise nature of corporatist theory raises doubts about its utility as an explanation for the bargained bipartite relationship that is the essence of the Accord. It is suggested that it is more satisfactory to regard the Accord as a contemporary embodiment of traditional Australian labourism; that is, the balancing of economic, electoral and social objectives by the trade union movement and the ALP to achieve what is politically and economically possible through Labor in government.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

34

Robinson, Marcus Laurence. "Economists and politicians : the influence of economic ideas upon labor politicians and governments, 1931-1949". Phd thesis, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/109804.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

Throughout the period 1931-1949, the Australian Labor Party tended to be preoccupied with the role of money as a cause of, and cure for, economic instability. The party was very much influenced by a long tradition of economic thought which saw the business cycle as an essentially monetary phenomenon. In part, this tradition affected the A.L.P. through the influence of 'quack' writers in the 'monetary radical' tradition, who combined a monetary view of the business cycle with a fear of financial manipulation and a commitment to the abolition of interest. At least as significant as this unorthodox. influence was, however, the impact upon Labor thinking of the monetary views of the main school of expansionist economics of the 1920s. Labor's preoccupation with money was due in no small measure to the way in which much of the 'mainstream' economic debate focussed upon money in the 1920s and into the 1930s. Labor economic thinking was not suddenly transformed as a result of a 'Keynesian revolution' following the publication of the General Theory in 1936. The party had absorbed much of the 'Keynesian' policy message - in particular, about the centrality of counter-cyclical public works - well before 1936. Nevertheless, because of its long attachment to purely monetary theories of capitalist economic instability, Labor did not readily absorb the 'Keynesian' view of the way in which the economic mechanism operates. The party was, for example, inclined to view public works not so much as an instrument of 'fiscal' policy, as a conduit for monetary expansion. Even in the 1940s, the A.L.P. remained deeply imbued with the traditional view that monetary mechanisms played an all-important role in the economy. In government, Labor's ideological zeal was directed towards banking reform. By contrast, Labor politicians were not greatly interested in the issues (concerning the role of planning in normal peacetime economic management, and the form and social content of a full employment program) which were dividing economists and public servants at the time.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

35

O'Flaherty, Veronica Ann. "A very dim light, a very steep hill: women in the Victorian Branch of the Australian Labor Party". 2005. http://eprints.vu.edu.au/1481/1/OFlaherty.pdf.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

This thesis presents a contemporary approach to the problem of the lack of recognition of women in Australian society and politics using the Australian Labor Party (ALP) as background and the Victorian Branch of the Australian Labor Party as a test case. It examines the paradox that women have had the vote in Australia for over a hundred years yet, in the largest political party officially dedicated to social equality, they still fail to hold leadership positions with the exception of Jenny Macklin who is Deputy Leader of the Federal Parliamentary Labor Party (FPLP). Several writers have drawn attention to this puzzle of the lack of effective participation in general by women in Australian political life. Authors such as Joy Damousi, Anne Henderson, Marian Sawer and Marian Simms among others have begun the process of theoretical and historical analysis of women in politics in this country. Sawer and Simms are both prominent female academics in the field of Political Science. Their book, A Woman’s Place: Women and Politics in Australia (1993), is a good example of an emerging genre. Given my own particular academic interests, the thesis is based in the discipline of Political Science. It is not located primarily in the area of Women’s Studies, but feminist theories and ideas are applied, as are historical surveys and sociological perspectives to support my arguments and buttress conclusions. The aim of the work is to examine the Victorian Branch of the ALP between 1946 and 2005 and tests the hypothesis that a combination of societal and structural factors has been responsible for the exclusion of women for the most part from leadership positions in the Party. The Victorian Branch was chosen partly for reasons of access and manageable size, but also because it is representative of general trends in Australian politics. Essentially, this thesis is about the role of women in a major political party committed to the cause of working-class people. It does not deal with policy formulation or the dynamics of the parliamentary arena. Rather, it concentrates on the party’s culture and the structural and organisational factors which affect the participation rates and levels of influence of women. This thesis will contribute to knowledge by analysing the reasons for the exclusion of women from positions of power in the Victorian Branch of the ALP; it also draws lessons about the nature of politics in Australia. Indeed, it constitutes the first major study of the role of women in Victorian ALP politics—no such study currently exists. My own personal case studies will determine how and why and if male-dominated ‘traditions’ (patriarchy) are restricting the progress of women in the public sphere in this country. The research material from interviews with past and present female MPs (including former Victorian Premier Joan Kirner) and State Executive members will provide a great deal of invaluable information and opinion for other students of party politics. The thesis will give an opportunity for female ALP views to be expressed. A further contribution to knowledge will be to establish why injustices, inequalities and constraints have been placed on women which hinder their rise to power in the ALP and the Victorian Branch. It is significant to state that throughout Australia’s largely patriarchal history the nonrecognition, or misrecognition, of Australian women has been a form of exclusion resulting in their under- representation in leadership roles in the ALP and its Victorian Branch. Therefore, by studying the particular processes of how gender diversities are formed within a historical and ideological context, we can start to hypothesis on how and why women have been marginalised with the male-dominated ALP and the Victorian Branch. This thesis will examine why women in the Victorian Branch of the ALP have been largely excluded from decision-making positions. Has a combination of cultural, historical, sociological and structural reasons contributed to their exclusion until some thirty years ago when things began to appear to change? Are attempts to make the Branch more inclusive real or are they simply a form of Marcusian repressive tolerance? Therefore, in order to clarify specific aims of the project, one should ascertain why, despite the attainment of legal, political and social rights, there exists a significant inequality between the genders when it comes to achieving and exercising power and influence in the Federal ALP and the Victorian Branch. By researching those factors that create inequality, I hope to ascertain why women have been excluded from decision-making positions in the ALP and the Victorian Branch and document what changes have occurred and suggest future directional aims.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

36

King, Thomas Francis. "The Rise and Fall of Minor Political Parties in Australia". Master's thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/147961.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

This thesis contributes to the political science literature by exploring why minor parties arise and decline. This thesis explores the rise of Australian minor parties in Australia from the time of the Labor ‘Split’ in 1955 that led to the formation of the DLP through to the rise and continuing rise of the Australian Greens in the 1990s and beyond. In that time the Australian Democrats emerged in 1977 and in 1996 and 1997 Pauline Hanson’s One Nation first appeared. The thesis goes behind these parties to explore and analyses the underlying factors that caused these parties to be established in the first place and succeed electorally, before, in the case of three of the parties, meeting their decline. The Australian Greens have not declined to any significant degree and One Nation has experienced a political resurrection. The four parties considered in this thesis were the minor parties that were in the Federal parliament as at 1 January 2009 or had being in the Federal parliament and had lost all of their seats in parliament before that that date.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

37

O'Flaherty, Veronica Ann. "A very dim light, a very steep hill: women in the Victorian Branch of the Australian Labor Party". Thesis, 2005. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/1481/.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

This thesis presents a contemporary approach to the problem of the lack of recognition of women in Australian society and politics using the Australian Labor Party (ALP) as background and the Victorian Branch of the Australian Labor Party as a test case. It examines the paradox that women have had the vote in Australia for over a hundred years yet, in the largest political party officially dedicated to social equality, they still fail to hold leadership positions with the exception of Jenny Macklin who is Deputy Leader of the Federal Parliamentary Labor Party (FPLP). Several writers have drawn attention to this puzzle of the lack of effective participation in general by women in Australian political life. Authors such as Joy Damousi, Anne Henderson, Marian Sawer and Marian Simms among others have begun the process of theoretical and historical analysis of women in politics in this country. Sawer and Simms are both prominent female academics in the field of Political Science. Their book, A Woman’s Place: Women and Politics in Australia (1993), is a good example of an emerging genre. Given my own particular academic interests, the thesis is based in the discipline of Political Science. It is not located primarily in the area of Women’s Studies, but feminist theories and ideas are applied, as are historical surveys and sociological perspectives to support my arguments and buttress conclusions. The aim of the work is to examine the Victorian Branch of the ALP between 1946 and 2005 and tests the hypothesis that a combination of societal and structural factors has been responsible for the exclusion of women for the most part from leadership positions in the Party. The Victorian Branch was chosen partly for reasons of access and manageable size, but also because it is representative of general trends in Australian politics. Essentially, this thesis is about the role of women in a major political party committed to the cause of working-class people. It does not deal with policy formulation or the dynamics of the parliamentary arena. Rather, it concentrates on the party’s culture and the structural and organisational factors which affect the participation rates and levels of influence of women. This thesis will contribute to knowledge by analysing the reasons for the exclusion of women from positions of power in the Victorian Branch of the ALP; it also draws lessons about the nature of politics in Australia. Indeed, it constitutes the first major study of the role of women in Victorian ALP politics—no such study currently exists. My own personal case studies will determine how and why and if male-dominated ‘traditions’ (patriarchy) are restricting the progress of women in the public sphere in this country. The research material from interviews with past and present female MPs (including former Victorian Premier Joan Kirner) and State Executive members will provide a great deal of invaluable information and opinion for other students of party politics. The thesis will give an opportunity for female ALP views to be expressed. A further contribution to knowledge will be to establish why injustices, inequalities and constraints have been placed on women which hinder their rise to power in the ALP and the Victorian Branch. It is significant to state that throughout Australia’s largely patriarchal history the nonrecognition, or misrecognition, of Australian women has been a form of exclusion resulting in their under- representation in leadership roles in the ALP and its Victorian Branch. Therefore, by studying the particular processes of how gender diversities are formed within a historical and ideological context, we can start to hypothesis on how and why women have been marginalised with the male-dominated ALP and the Victorian Branch. This thesis will examine why women in the Victorian Branch of the ALP have been largely excluded from decision-making positions. Has a combination of cultural, historical, sociological and structural reasons contributed to their exclusion until some thirty years ago when things began to appear to change? Are attempts to make the Branch more inclusive real or are they simply a form of Marcusian repressive tolerance? Therefore, in order to clarify specific aims of the project, one should ascertain why, despite the attainment of legal, political and social rights, there exists a significant inequality between the genders when it comes to achieving and exercising power and influence in the Federal ALP and the Victorian Branch. By researching those factors that create inequality, I hope to ascertain why women have been excluded from decision-making positions in the ALP and the Victorian Branch and document what changes have occurred and suggest future directional aims.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

38

Orchard, Lionel. "Whitlam and the cities : urban and regional policy and social democratic reform / Lionel Orchard". Thesis, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/18575.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

39

Hackforth-Jones, Simary. "The ALP's foreign policy towards Indonesia 1983-1996 : cooperating for peace?" Master's thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151221.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

40

Encel, John Daniel. "National factions in the Australian Labor Party". Phd thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/148652.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

41

Johnson, Carol Ann. "Social harmony and Australian labor : the ideology of the Curtin, Chifley and Whitlam Labor governments / Carol Johnson". 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/20371.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

Bibliography: leaves 350-388
viii, 388 leaves ; 30 cm.
Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of Politics, 1986

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

42

O'Connell, Declan. "Post-mortem rituals and party reform: Australian Labor debates, 1963-1981". Phd thesis, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/109355.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

After election defeats, parties usually engage in post-mortem rituals. These can take a wide variety of forms. Committees of inquiry may be established. 'Rankand- file' members may be given opportunities to have their say about 'what went wrong'. Parliamentary leaders may attempt to convince voters that the party has mended its ways. Within the party, matters of organisational structure, programme and ideology may be debated, although post-mortems are often effectively confined to a narrow range of topics. Post-mortem ritual talk generally includes reference to more effective campaigning, intra-party democracy and 'adaptation' to 'social change'. 'Managerial' discourses, emphasising electoral success, efficiency and party professionalism jostle with the 'participatory' discourses embodying activists' aspirations (emphasising the party's mission, 'rank-and-file' rights and 'educating' the electorate). Commentators often dismiss these rituals as meaningless exercises, interesting only insofar as they provide a backdrop for vealpolit-ik power plays about who is to be 'blamed' for the defeat. However, if we analyse postmortem rituals seriously, we have a useful vantage point for examining what goes on within political parties. Both 'managerial' and 'participatory' forms of 'rationalistic idealism' may be little more than camouflage for realpolitik manoeuvre and machination. However, party reform involves the crystallisation of new meanings as well as factional struggles. 'Rationalistic idealism' may help new meanings to crystallise and a new self-understanding to emerge within a party. Of course, the connections between post-mortem rituals and party reform are contingent. Post-mortems may, or may not, lead to party reform. They take place at a time when party leaders have suffered a loss of confidence. The study of post-mortem rituals allows us to examine intraparty processes when, at least potentially, they are in a state of flux. By comparing different post-mortems in the same party over time, we can also address the vexed question of 'social change' and party 'response'. The literature on parties abounds with generalisations about the 'effects' of 'social change'. Such generalisations often rely on little more than hunches about what goes on within parties. This thesis explores post-mortem rituals in the Australian Labor Party in two periods, 1963-67 and 1977-81. In each of these periods, there were some connections between the postmortems and attempts at party reform. Comparison of the two cases can help us appreciate some of the complexities involved in the relationship between changes in Australian society and changes in the ALP. In contrast with previous arguments about the 'middle-classing' of the ALP in a 'middle-class' society, distinctions are drawn between the emergence of Australian Social Democracy, Mark 1 as a model for 'new' Labor practice in the 1960s and the conflicts between Australian Social Democracy, Mark 2 and Labor Managerialism in 1977-81. Changes in ALP practice cannot simply be derived from changes in Australian society. They require analysis in their own right.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

43

Abate, Tony. "A fight for Labor? The foundation of the Democratic Labor Party". Thesis, 1992. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/32987/.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

The following thesis is about the formation of the Democratic Labor Party(DLP). Its prime aim will be to show that ideology was the overriding factor which brought about the DLP's existence. In attempting to prove this contention the following thesis will be subdivided into three parts. Firstly, an emphasis will be placed on outlining the lack of historiographical consensus concerning the DLP's formation. Three main schools of thought will be identified. It is hoped the inconsistencies within each group will allow the reader to see the scope that exists for a new argument. Secondly, this thesis will argue that the DLP's existence was d i r e c t l y related to the Catholic Social Studies Movement (Movement) and ALP Industrial Groups. This connection will be highUghted by drawing together DLP policy, Movement/Industrial Group directives, populist ideals and views from contemporaries associated with Democratic Labor. Issues concerning the family, economics, social decentralisation and patriotism will all be used to illustrate and reinforce this link. Thirdly, this thesis will introduce some key Catholic activists and discuss their definition of "true" Labor ideals. By bringing forward this final point, the following thesis will seek to complete the argument that ideology was at the heart of the DLP's genesis and existence.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

44

Dafri. "The Australian Labor Government 1983-1993 : Strategies for maintaining office". Master's thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/125184.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

There has been much discussion and comment on the development of the Australian Labor Party in recent decades. From this there has emerged a basic agreement among commentators that the contemporary Labor Party is no longer the Labor Party in its original sense. The Labor Party today is even very different from the Labor Party, let us say, of the 1960s. Dean Jaensch (1989a: 21-22) insists that since the late 1960s the Labor Party has increasingly shifted to the model which Kirchheimer called a "catch-all" party. It is becoming progressively more pragmatic and responsive rather than expressive, and is placing much less emphasis on ideology, membership, organisational solidarity and expression. Since 1967, for instance, the Labor Party has been involved in considerable introspection and some changes, involving departures from traditional ideology and policy positions and fundamental changes to its internal structures and processes. These developments are still continuing. They received their initial momentum from the Whitlam government, which launched reforms in almost all sectors, and culminated in the period of the Hawke and Keating governments.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

45

Thornton, Harold James. "Socialism at work? : Queensland Labor in office, 1915-1957 / Harold James Thornton". Thesis, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/18520.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

46

Harris, Tony. "Basket weavers and true believers : the middle class left and the ALP, Leichhardt municipality c. 1970-1990 /". 2002. http://www.library.unsw.edu.au/~thesis/adt-NUN/public/adt-NUN20031029.144404/index.html.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

47

O'Flaherty, Veronica A. "A very dim light, a very steep hill women in the Victorian branch of the Australian Labor Party /". 2005. http://wallaby.vu.edu.au/adt-VVUT/public/adt-VVUT20070517.155054/index.html.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

48

Moore, Aidan. ""It was all about the working class” : Norm Gallagher, the BLF and the Australian Labor Movement". Thesis, 2013. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/22018/.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

The deregistration and dismemberment of the Builders Labourers’ Federation (BLF), which was executed by Federal and State Labor Governments, was one of the most significant events in Australian industrial relations history. The union and its general secretary, Norm Gallagher, continue to excite passionate debate whenever their names are invoked. Portrayed as the ugly face of trade unionism, Gallagher and the BLF provided national and state Labor Party reformers with a timely mechanism through which they could both assert their dominance over the Party and broaden its electoral appeal. This thesis incorporates BLF activities into the larger story of Labor Party transmutation that occurred between the 1960s and 1980s. By examining these shifts in the Labor Party through the prisms of Gallagher and the BLF, we can better understand Labor’s decision to deregister and ultimately destroy the union. The thesis argues that the trajectories taken by the BLF and the ALP were sufficiently divergent that conflict was inevitable. Drawing on a range of key sources, this thesis provides a new assessment of BLF deregistration, the schisms it opened up within both the Labor Party and Conservative interests, and the way in which destruction of a union represented a critical moment in Australian political and industrial history.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

49

Chen, Yao-kung, i 陳耀功. "German Social Democratic Party's development and changes in labor market policy as an example (1998-2005)". Thesis, 2010. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/98446684401185275206.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

碩士
東吳大學
德國文化學系
98
German Social Democratic Party won the Bundestag election in 1998 and with the Greens for the first time the Red-Green coalition government. Federal Chancellor Gerhard Schr?丼er accepted the British Prime Minister Tony Blair "The Third Way" concept, and proposed the German reforms that met the needs of the "die Neue Mitte", and in June 1999 with British Prime Minister Tony Blair jointly issued the "Schr?丼er-Blair Papier". The " Schr?丼er-Blair Papier" revealed the emergence of Germany for the direction of reform, and for the German Social Democratic Party itself was a breakthrough over the years. For the four years the first time the ruling Red-Green government (1998-2002), in the labor market policy reforms were not substantial, therefore, the most fundamental problem of unemployment had not improved. In September 2002 after the German Social Democratic Party re-election, the Federal Chancellor Gerhard Schr?丼er began his series of large-scale reforms, including the start of the Hartz concept and the subsequent Agenda 2010 before the election. Both for the German social welfare system and labor market reforms enacted, Chancellor Gerhard Schr?丼er looked forward to the two reform packages, to thoroughly address the problems facing Germany. This article aims to examine what the German Social Democratic Party have been done after ruling in 1998, and the party is the political party traditionally that focuses on the unemployment problem. Hartz concept and the Agenda 2010 were the German Social Democratic Party’s significant changes in the labor market policy, social policy, economic policy and other in power seven years (1998-2005);what kind of impact caused by these changes in the domestic environment, and the Social Democratic Party itself? In particular, the Agenda 2010 and the Hartz concept Ⅲ, Ⅳ, the whole line will completely get rid of the stereotype of the traditional Social Democratic Party, should be further explored. Keyword: German Social Democratic Party、Labor markt policy、Agenda 2010、Hartz concept

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

50

Holt, Stephen James. ""A veritable dynamo" : Lloyd Ross, the Australian Railways Union and left-wing politics in inter-war Australia". Phd thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/114476.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

This thesis examines the role played by the longterm labour activist Lloyd Ross (1901-1987) in the affairs of the Australian labour movement from his formative years in the opening decades of this century up until the consolidation of the Curtin government in 1942. By this time, although having years of service to the labour movement ahead of him, Lloyd Ross's once close association with left-wing politics (altogether a narrower cause) was at an end. The eldest son of the socialist agitator Bob Ross (1873-1931), Lloyd Ross inherited a commitment to radical politics, militant trade unionism and working-class cultural activities. He was eager to confront social and political problems head on. In 1935, after having served with the Workers' Educational Association for some ten years, he was elected secretary of the Australian Railways Union in New South Wales. In this capacity he soon became deeply involved in Labor Party factionalism and Communist anti-war agitation as well as formulating and pursuing the industrial demands of railway workers. Lloyd Ross enthusiastically accepted Communist Party policy in the era of the united front against fascism (1935 onwards). He preached the gospel of internationalism. However this alliance was sundered in 1940. Ever a 'broad left' man, Lloyd Ross came to reject the renewed sectarian emphasis in Communist thinking that accompanied the Russo- German treaty of 23 August 1939. Following the rupture he managed to stay on in the ARU but an attempt on his part to sustain his radical position was frustrated by the exigencies of his new factional situation. With the Communist Party now alienated, he was obliged to strengthen his links with the dominant moderate wing of the Australian Labor Party. By 1942 this process was fully evident. Lloyd Ross's subsequent involvement in anti-communist politics in the post-war era is surveyed in an epilogue. This connection culminated during the Labor split of 1955 following which Lloyd Ross gradually forsook factionalism, preferring to concentrate on industrial issues. The demise of Lloyd Ross's radicalism is related to structural instability in the inter-war labour movement. The most notable source of this instability is located in the tension between political and industrial forms of radicalism and in particular the divergence between old-style industrial unionism and the political priorities of the Communist Party. The inherent instability that arose with socialist trade union ideologues juxtaposed alongside a workforce containing a strong Catholic component is also highlighted, notably in relation to Lloyd Ross's dealings with the powerful Lang Labor faction. By succumbing to deradicalisation Lloyd Ross aligned himself with the mainstream of Australian labour history, notwithstanding the imprecations of his Communist detractors. After 1940, having rid themselves of left-wing dominance, the New South Wales Labor Party and the Labor Council in Sydney together went on to attain adamantine stability with consequent political dividends still evident today. In this regard Lloyd Ross undoubtedly played a key role in the ideological evolution of modern Australia.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

Rozprawy doktorskie na temat „Australian Labor Party policy”

Utwórz poprawne odniesienie w stylach APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard i wielu innych