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1
Forsyth, Hannah. "Post-war political economics and the growth of Australian university research, c.1945-1965". History of Education Review 46, nr 1 (5.06.2017): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/her-10-2015-0023.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to consider the national and international political-economic environment in which Australian university research grew. It considers the implications of the growing significance of knowledge to the government and capital, looking past institutional developments to also historicise the systems that fed and were fed by the universities. Design/methodology/approach The paper is based on the extensive archival research in the National Archives of Australia and the Australian War Memorial on the formation and funding of a wide range of research programmes in the immediate post-war period after the Second World War. These include the Australian Atomic Energy Commission, the NHMRC, the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation, the Australian Pacific Territories Research Council, the Commonwealth Office of Education, the Universities Commission and the Murray review. This research was conducted under the Margaret George Award for emerging scholars for a project entitled “Knowledge, Nation and Democracy in Post-War Australia”. Findings After the Second World War, the Australian Government invested heavily in research: funding that continued to expand in subsequent decades. In the USA, similar government expenditure affected the trajectory of capitalist democracy for the remainder of the twentieth century, leading to a “military-industrial complex”. The outcome in Australia looked quite different, though still connected to the structure and character of Australian political economics. Originality/value The discussion of the spectacular growth of universities after the Second World War ordinarily rests on the growth in enrolments. This paper draws on a very large literature review as well as primary research to offer new insights into the connections between research and post-war political and economic development, which also explain university growth.
2
Gosseye, Janina, i Alice Hampson. "Queensland making a splash: Memorial pools and the body politics of reconstruction". Queensland Review 23, nr 2 (grudzień 2016): 178–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/qre.2016.28.
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AbstractIn April 2015, The Pool emerged as the winning proposal for Australia's exhibition at the 2016 Venice Architecture Biennale.1 Creative directors Aileen Sage and Michelle Tabet explained that the pool was ‘a lens through which to explore Australian cultural identity’ and ‘aptly represents a distinctively Australian democratic and social space’.2 In Australia, the public pool was popularised in the post-war period, particularly in Queensland where it offered relief from the long, hot and humid summers. Although Brisbane already had several floating baths along the Brisbane River from the mid-nineteenth century, large-scale, in-ground pool construction in the state did not start in earnest until the mid-1950s, when the personal and social benefits of recreational time with family and friends became well established. In Queensland, as elsewhere in the country, the government encouraged the construction of swimming pools, and many became memorial pools, dedicated to those who had fought to defend an Australian ‘way of life’. Their design was to reflect the civic and social foundations of the initiative, and in Queensland architects took delight in all the opportunities it afforded. The result was a widely diverging collection of predominantly humble and economical structures that were rarely ordinary or dull. Analysing three key pools that were constructed in regional Queensland between 1955 and 1965 — in Rockhampton, Mackay and Miles — this article draws out some of the defining features of Queensland's modern memorial pools, and highlights how this typology became the quintessential ‘Australian democratic and social space’.3
3
Smith, Evan. "Keeping the Nazi Menace Out: George Lincoln Rockwell and the Border Control System in Australia and Britain in the Early 1960s". Social Sciences 9, nr 9 (11.09.2020): 158. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci9090158.
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In the early 1960s, the American Nazi Party leader George Lincoln Rockwell was invited by neo-Nazi groups in Australia and Britain to come to their respective countries. On both occasions, the minister for immigration in Australia and the home secretary in Britain sought to deny Rockwell entry to the country on the grounds that he was not conducive to the public good and threatened disorder. This was done using the border control and visa system that existed in both countries, which allowed the government to exclude from entry certain individuals that were proponents of extreme or “dangerous” political ideologies. In the post-war period, explicit neo-Nazism was seen as a dangerous ideology and was grounds for exclusion of foreigners, even though domestic political parties espousing the same ideology were allowed to exist. Rockwell never came to Australia, but illicitly entered Britain via Ireland in 1962 before being deported, which highlighted potential problems for the British controlling passage across the Irish Sea. Rockwell’s exclusion and deportation also became a touchpoint for future debates in British politics about the denial of entry and deportation of political figures. This article reveals that the Australian and British governments, while allowing far-right organisations to lawfully exist in their countries, also sought to ban the entry of foreign actors who espoused similar politics. This was due to concerns about potential public disorder and violence, but also allowed both governments to portray white supremacism and racial violence as foreign to their own countries.
4
Akers, H. F., M. A. Foley, P. J. Ford i L. P. Ryan. "Sugar in Mid-twentieth-century Australia: A Bittersweet Tale of Behaviour, Economics, Politics and Dental Health". Historical Records of Australian Science 26, nr 1 (2015): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/hr15001.
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History is replete with debates between health professionals with concerns about practices and products and others who either challenge scientific evidence or believe that the greatest public good is achieved through maintenance of the status quo. This paper provides a 1950s socio-scientific perspective on a recurring problem for health professionals. It analyses dentists' promotion of oral health by discouraging sugar consumption and the sugar industry's defence of its staple product. Despite scientific evidence in support of its case, the dental profession lacked influence with government and large sections of the Australian community. The division of powers within the Australian Constitution, together with the cause, nature and ubiquity of caries and Australians' tolerance of the disease, were relevant to the outcome. In contrast, the sugar industry was a powerful force. Sugar was a pillar of the Australian and Queensland economies. The industry contributed to the history of Queensland and to Queenslanders' collective psyche, and enjoyed access to centralized authority in decision-making. The timing of the debate was also relevant. Under Prime Minister Robert Menzies, the Australian Government was more concerned with promoting industry and initiative than oral health. This was a one-sided contest. Patterns of food consumption evolve from interactions between availability, culture and choice. Food and associated etiquettes provide far more than health, nutrients and enjoyment. They contribute to economic and social development, national and regional identity and the incidence of disease. The growing, milling and processing of sugarcane and the incorporation of sugar into the Australian diet is a case study that illuminates the interface between health professionals, corporations, society and the state. Today, for a variety of reasons, health professionals recommend limits for daily intake of sugar. Calls for dietary reform are not new and invariably arouse opposition. The issue came to the fore between 1945 and 1960, when dentists contended that the consumption of sugar either caused or contributed to a major health problem, namely dental caries (tooth decay). Representatives of the sugar industry defended their staple product against these claims, which emerged at a critical time for the industry. With hindsight, these exchanges can be seen as a precursor to more diverse and recurring debates relating to contemporary health campaigns. This paper documents and analyses the contemporaneous scientific and socio-political backgrounds underpinning these engagements
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Tsokhas, Kosmas. "Dedominionization: the Anglo-Australian experience, 1939–1945". Historical Journal 37, nr 4 (grudzień 1994): 861–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00015120.
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ABSTRACTThe role of decolonization in the decline of the British empire has received a great deal of attention. In comparison there has been little research or analysis of the process of dedominionization affecting Australia and the other dominions. During the Second World War economic ties were seriously weakened and there were substantial conflicts over economic policy between the British and Australian governments. Australia refused to reduce imports in order to conserve foreign exchange, thus contributing to the United Kingdom's debt burden. The Australian government insisted that the British guarantee Australia's sterling balances and refused to adopt the stringent fiscal policies requested by the Bank of England and the British treasury. Australia also took the opportunity to expand domestic manufacturing industry at the expense of British manufacturers. Economic separation and conflict were complemented by political and strategic differences. In particular, the Australian government realized that British military priorities made it impossible for the United Kingdom to defend Australia. This led the Australians towards a policy of cooperating with the British embargo on Japan, only to the extent that this would be unlikely to provoke Japanese military retaliation. In general, the Australians preferred a policy of compromise in the Far East to one of deterrence preferred by the British.
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Benvenuti, Andrea. "Australia, the ‘Marshall experiment’ and the decolonisation of Singapore, 1955–56". Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 43, nr 2 (20.04.2012): 257–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463412000057.
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As decolonisation gathered pace in Southeast Asia, Singapore became a source of considerable concern to the Robert Menzies government. Britain's hold on its colony appeared increasingly precarious as political turbulence gripped the island. With a predominantly Chinese population, Singapore was considered susceptible to communist China's propaganda and subversion. By relying on previously classified Australian and British diplomatic documents, this article sheds light on the Australian approach to Singapore's political and constitutional development between 1955 and 1956 and, in so doing, it hopes to make a contribution to a better understanding of Australia's policies in a rapidly decolonising Southeast Asia.
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Sato, Mai. "Politics of International Advocacy Against the Death Penalty: Governments as Anti–Death Penalty Crusaders". International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 11, nr 3 (1.09.2022): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.2471.
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Two-thirds of the countries worldwide have moved away from the death penalty in law or in practice, with global and regional organisations as well as individual governments working towards universal abolition. This article critically examines the narratives of these abolitionist governments that have abolished the death penalty in their country and have adopted the role of ‘moral crusaders’ (Becker 1963) in pursuit of global abolition. In 2018, the Australian Government, while being surrounded by retentionist states in Asia, joined the anti–death penalty enterprise along with the European Union, the United Kingdom and Norway. Using the concepts of ‘moral crusader’ (Becker 1963) and ‘performativity’ (Butler 1993), this article argues that advocacy must be acted on repeatedly for governments to be anti–death penalty advocates. Otherwise, these government efforts serve political ends in appearance but are simply a self-serving form of advocacy in practice.
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Maksum, Ali, i Try Sjahputra. "The Indonesia-Australia partnership to counter radicalism and terrorism in Indonesia". UNISCI Journal 20, nr 58 (15.01.2022): 57–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31439/unisci-133.
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Indonesia and Australia have always been helpful partners since Indonesian Independence in 1945. However, the relationship was worsened after Bali Bombings in 2002 and 2005 as well as Australian embassy bombing in 2004 that killed many Australians. Thus, using Australian perspective, this article attempts to examine the response of Australian government in dealing with terrorism problems in Indonesia as well as the feedback from Indonesia. The research reveals that given the fact that Australia has many interests in Indonesia added with the geographical proximity, it is naturally urged to resolve the terrorism issues in Indonesia. The study found out that Australia proposed some programs to Indonesia due to its domestic interest and international factors. At the same time, Indonesia was also the main beneficiary of Australian counter terrorism policy.
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Hollander, Robyn. "‘Every man's right’: Queensland Labor and Home Ownership 1915–1957". Queensland Review 2, nr 2 (wrzesień 1995): 56–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s132181660000088x.
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In 1990, the Queensland Government launched its now discredited Home Ownership Made Easy scheme. HOME provided financial assistance to ‘moderate’ income earners by offering fixed interest, low start loans, and was accompanied by HOME Shared and HOME Buy which targeted public housing tenants. While HOME differed from past programs in its detail, it can be seen as the most recent attempt by a State Labor Government to extend owner occupation in Queensland. Between 1915 and 1957, the Queensland Labor Party actively sought to promote home ownership through a range of programs including the Workers' Dwellings and Workers' Homes schemes. These programs were a reflection of a fundamental belief in home ownership as ‘every man's right’ and as an ‘essential’ element of the ‘Australian way of life’. Thus, Queensland Labor displayed none of the ambivalence which characterised Labor Party attitudes to home ownership elsewhere in Australia. Williams contends that the Australian Labor Party was trapped between its commitment to assisting the poor, its reluctance to play the role of landlord, and its support for home ownership. The Queensland Party experienced no such ideological quandary. While other Labor Governments tended to accept an obligation to provide public rental accommodation for those unable to buy homes of their own, Queensland Labor continued to display a distaste for ‘public landlordism’.
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Healy, Sianan. "Race, citizenship and national identity in The School Paper, 1946-1968". History of Education Review 44, nr 1 (1.06.2015): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/her-01-2015-0003.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore representations of Aboriginal people, in particular children, in the Victorian government’s school reader The School Paper, from the end of the Second World War until its publication ceased in 1968. The author interrogates these representations within the framework of pedagogies of citizenship training and the development of national identity, to reveal the role Aboriginal people and their culture were accorded within the “imagined community” of Australian nationhood and its heritage and history. Design/methodology/approach – The paper draws on the rich material available in the Victorian Department of Education’s school reader, The School Paper, from 1946 to 1968 (when the publication ceased), and on the Department’s annual reports. These are read within the context of scholarship on race, education and citizenship formation in the post-war years. Findings – State government policies of assimilation following the Second World War tied in with pedagogies and curricula regarding citizenship and belonging, which became a key focus of education departments following the Second World War. The informal pedagogies of The School Paper’s representations of Aboriginal children and their families, the author argues, excluded Aboriginal communities from understandings of Australian nationhood, and from conceptions of the ideal Australian citizen-in-formation. Instead, representations of Aboriginal people relegated them to the outdoors in ways that racialised Australian spaces: Aboriginal cultures are portrayed as historical yet timeless, linked with the natural/native rather than civic/political environment. Originality/value – This paper builds on scholarship on the relationship between education, reading pedagogies and citizenship formation in Australia in the post-war years to develop our knowledge of how conceptions of the ideal Australian citizen of the future – that is, Australian students – were inherently racialised. It makes a new contribution to scholarship on the assimilation project in Australia, through revealing the relationship between government policies towards Aboriginal people and the racial and cultural qualities being taught in Australian schools.
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Adams, Tony, i James A. Gillespie. "The Price of Health: Australian Governments and Medical Politics 1910-1960". Journal of Public Health Policy 13, nr 4 (1992): 537. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3342549.
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Albinski, Henry S., i James A. Gillespie. "The Price of Health: Australian Governments and Medical Politics, 1910-1960." American Historical Review 99, nr 2 (kwiecień 1994): 628. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2167435.
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Madison, Donald L., i James A. Gillespie. "The Price of Health: Australian Governments and Medical Politics, 1910-1960". Journal of Interdisciplinary History 24, nr 4 (1994): 773. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/205684.
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Crichton, Anne, i James A. Gillespie. "The Price of Health: Australian Governments and Medical Politics 1910-1960." Pacific Affairs 66, nr 3 (1993): 459. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2759658.
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Gross, Paul. "The price of health. Australian governments and medical politics 1910–1960". Health Policy 21, nr 3 (lipiec 1992): 281–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0168-8510(92)90023-5.
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Dickie, Brian, Brian Dickey i James A. Gillespie. "The Price of Health: Australian Governments and Medical Politics 1910-1960". Labour History, nr 64 (1993): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27509182.
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De Deckker, Paul. "Decolonisation Processes in the South Pacific Islands: A Comparative Analysis between Metropolitan Powers". Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 26, nr 2 (1.05.1996): 355. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v26i2.6172.
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The South Pacific islands came late, by comparison with Asia and Africa, to undertake the decolonising process. France was the first colonial power in the region to start off this process in accordance with the decision taken in Paris to pave the way to independence for African colonies. The Loi-cadre Defferre in 1957, voted in Parliament, was applied to French Polynesia and New Caledonia as it was to French Africa. Territorial governments were elected in both these Pacific colonies in 1957. They were abolished in 1963 after the return to power of General de Gaulle who decided to use Moruroa for French atomic testing. The status quo ante was then to prevail in New Caledonia and French Polynesia up to today amidst statutory crises. The political evolution of the French Pacific, including Wallis and Futuna, is analysed in this article. Great Britain, New Zealand and Australia were to conform to the 1960 United Nations' recommendations to either decolonise, integrate or provide to Pacific colonies self-government in free association with the metropolitan power. Great Britain granted constitutional independence to all of its colonies in the Pacific except Pitcairn. The facts underlying this drastic move are analysed in the British context of the 1970's, culminating in the difficult independence of Vanuatu in July 1980. New Zealand and Australia followed the UN recommendations and granted independence or self-government to their colonial territories. In the meantime, they reinforced their potential to dominate the South Pacific in the difficult geopolitical context of the 1980s. American Micronesia undertook statutory evolution within a strategic framework. What is at stake today within the Pacific Islands is no longer of a political nature; it is financial.
18
Benvenuti, Andrea, i David Martin Jones. "Myth and Misrepresentation in Australian Foreign Policy: Menzies and Engagement with Asia". Journal of Cold War Studies 13, nr 4 (październik 2011): 57–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00168.
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The prevailing orthodoxy in the academic literature devoted to the history of Australia's post-1945 international relations posits that a mixture of suspicion and condescension permeated the attitude of the governments headed by Robert Menzies (1949–1966) toward the Asia-Pacific region. Menzies's regional policies, according to this view, not only prevented Australia from engaging meaningfully with its Asian neighbors but also ended up antagonizing them. This article rejects the conventional view and instead shows that the prevailing left-Labor assessments of Menzies's regional policy are fundamentally marred by an anachronistic disregard of the diplomatic dynamics, political challenges, and economic realities of Cold War Asia.
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Gyford, John. "County government and labour politics in Essex, 1930–1965". Local Government Studies 15, nr 6 (listopad 1989): 37–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03003938908433498.
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O’Bonsawin, Christine. "From Black Power to Indigenous Activism: The Olympic Movement and the Marginalization of Oppressed Peoples (1968-2012)". Journal of Sport History 42, nr 2 (1.07.2015): 200–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jsporthistory.42.2.0200.
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Abstract During the 2012 London Olympic Summer Games, Indigenous boxer and member of the Australian national team Damien Hooper was nearly disqualified from Olympic competition for entering the ring wearing a shirt inscribed with the Aboriginal flag of Australia. National Olympic officials cited charter rule 50, which forbids political, religious, or racial demonstrations inside an Olympic venue, to immediately reprimand this Indigenous athlete for his actions. Using the Hooper example, this paper argues that Olympic principles and governing laws undoubtedly infringe on the fundamental human rights of marginalized and oppressed populations throughout the world. Specifically, Olympic Charter rule 50 categorically sustains the illegal missions of colonizing settler governments that attempt to rule over Indigenous people and their lands. Within the Olympic domain, Indigenous athletes are forced to assume the identity of the colonizing settler citizenry, thereby further validating the political authority of an illegally imposed governing structure.
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Jordens, Ann-Mari. "Not "Apocalypse Now": Government-Sponsored Australian Entertainers in Vietnam 1965-71". Labour History, nr 58 (1990): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27508983.
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McKnight, David. "‘Not Attributable to Official Sources’: Counter-Propaganda and the Mass Media". Media International Australia 128, nr 1 (sierpień 2008): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0812800103.
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During the Cold War in Australia, the political agenda was dominated by the threat of communism. One factor in building this agenda was the ‘counter-propaganda operations’ of the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO) which regularly released unattributable information to selected mass media outlets. In the period when these activities were most prevalent (1960–72), ASIO officers had regular contact with editors and with selected journalists on major newspapers and television. This formed part of a broader ‘cultural Cold War’ in which anti-communism was an organising principle. This article outlines new information on these activities, suggests that these operations were more extensive than previously thought, and discusses this relationship in terms of the scholarly work on media sources, government-sponsored intervention in the media and classical theories of propaganda. It suggests that one way to understand the controversial media role in counter-propaganda operations lies in the relationship between police and crime reporters.
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Constantine, Stephen. "The British government, child welfare, and child migration to Australia after 1945". Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 30, nr 1 (styczeń 2002): 99–132. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086530208583135.
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McAdam, Jane. "Self-determination and Self-governance for Communities Relocated across International Borders: The Quest for Banaban Independence". International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 24, nr 4 (3.11.2017): 428–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02404001.
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In 1945, the small Banaban community of Ocean Island (Banaba) in present-day Kiribati was relocated to Rabi Island in Fiji. The Balabans were ostensibly moved due to irreversible damage done to Ocean Island during Japanese occupation in the Second World War. However, this was largely a convenient excuse to facilitate the wholesale phosphate mining of the island by the British Phosphate Commission, a consortium of the British, Australian and New Zealand governments. The Banaban relocation provides a rare example of a whole community seeking to re-establish itself in another State. This article charts the Banabans’ bids for independence during the 1960–70s, revealing novel responses to complex questions of self-determination and governance, including legal status, nationality, political representation, and rights to land and resources. While their experience cannot be universalised, it is relevant to contemporary deliberations about the possible future relocation of Pacific communities impacted by climate change.
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Whitehead, Kay, i Bernard Hyams. "Colonial Rural Teachers: Isolation, Mobility and Government Policies in South Australia 1875‐1915". Journal of Educational Administration and History 23, nr 2 (lipiec 1991): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0022062910230201.
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HARRIS, AMANDA. "Representing Australia to the Commonwealth in 1965: Aborigiana and Indigenous Performance". Twentieth-Century Music 17, nr 1 (24.10.2019): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478572219000331.
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AbstractIn 1965, the Australian government and Australian Elizabethan Theatre Trust (AETT) debated which performing arts ensembles should represent Australia at the London Commonwealth Arts Festival. The AETT proposed the newly formed Aboriginal Theatre, comprising songmakers, musicians, and dancers from the Tiwi Islands, northeast Arnhem Land and the Daly River. The government declined, and instead sent the Sydney Symphony Orchestra performing works by John Antill and Peter Sculthorpe. In examining the historical context for these negotiations, I demonstrate the direct relationship between the historical promotion of ‘Australianist’ art music composition that claimed to represent Aboriginal culture, and the denial of the right of representation to Aboriginal performers as owners of their musical traditions. Within the framing of Wolfe's settler colonial theory and ‘logic of elimination’, I suggest that appropriative Australian art music has directly sought to replace performances of Aboriginal culture by Aboriginal people, even while Aboriginal people have resisted replacement.
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Gartshore, Heather. "Called to Serve, Shunned as Citizens: How the Australian Women’s Land Army Was Recruited and Abandoned by the Labor Government". Labour History: Volume 117, Issue 1 117, nr 1 (1.11.2019): 135–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jlh.2019.21.
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The establishment and contribution of the Australian Women’s Land Army (AWLA) during World War II was welcomed by farmers. At that time prime ministers and premiers, along with a range of politicians, labelled their work as a vital war service, applauding their efforts as enabling Australia’s victory. However, in 1945, and following the war, key political leaders turned their back on this appreciation, denying the AWLA access to post-war benefits and services. This paper documents the reasons for the work of the AWLA from 1942 to 1945 and traces how the Labor Government in 1945 dismissed their contribution. It argues that to a large extent, this responsibility for denying the women the recognition and benefits that had been promised was a betrayal of the women they had called in to service.
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Rosidi, Rosidi, i Irwan Setiadi. "Peranan Anggota DPRD Provinsi DKI Jakarta Komisi E Dalam Menyerap Aspirasi Masyarakat Di Bidang Pendidikan". Jurnal Wahana Bina Pemerintahan 4, nr 2 (20.11.2017): 198–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.55745/jwbp.v4i2.83.
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This research was conducted to analyze and describe the role of the members of the Regional Representative Council (DPRD) of the DKI Jakarta Province E Commission 2014-2019 in absorbing the aspirations of the community in the field of education. The research method uses qualitative methods with a descriptive approach.
Based on the results of the study that the role of the DKI Jakarta Provincial Parliament Member Commission E in absorbing community aspirations in the education sector still has to be optimized with efforts to intensify programs / activities carried out to the community intensively, so that the public can know the policies produced, and establish an information center and community service so that it can help facilitate the public in expressing their aspirations. School enrollment rates in Jakarta must be increased, the dropout rate at the Jakarta high school level is quite high. This large gap between regions indicates that there is still a need for encouragement for certain regions to be able to catch up with other regions. Because of the importance of the role of the DKI Jakarta Regional Representative Council (DPRD), especially Commission E in the field of community welfare, it is expected to be able to automate the use of IT technology in community management and services concerning community aspirations.
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B. Dokumen
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29
Jackson, Judge Hal. "Policy and Politics: Two recent examples in Western Australia". Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 29, nr 1 (marzec 1996): 58–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000486589602900105.
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In a state known for consistently high incarceration rates, especially of Aboriginal people, the Labor governments of the 1980s created two criminologically based research or advisory bodies. The paper looks at the background and history of each — the State Government Advisory Committee on Young Offenders and the Crime Research Centre (and the lessons learned therefrom in light of policy making decisions, both by the Labor Government which created them and its successor, the Liberal Government of Richard Court). The first was composed largely of high ranking judicial, police and bureaucratic members, high profile community members and skilled research staff. Its fate was sealed by its insistence on independence. The second is university-based with a statistical and research focus. Independently funded, it survives but what effect has it had? The author was at one time a member of the Committee and a member of the Advisory Board of the Centre.
30
Bean, Clive. "Party Politics, Political Leaders and Trust in Government in Australia". Political Science 53, nr 1 (czerwiec 2001): 17–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231870105300102.
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Gan, Irina. "The reluctant hosts: Soviet Antarctic expedition ships visit Australia and New Zealand in 1956". Polar Record 45, nr 1 (styczeń 2009): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247408007675.
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ABSTRACTRussian and Australian primary sources were examined in an attempt to reconstruct the voyage of the first composite Soviet Antarctic expedition to Antarctica and from thence to Leningrad [St Petersburg]. This expedition had the aim of constructing a base for the Soviet International Geophysical Year (IGY) commitment. In a time of cold war tension and unresolved Antarctic claims, the Australian and New Zealand governments were wary of Soviet intentions and barely tolerated visits by Soviet expeditions. However, in their interactions with Australians and New Zealanders, the Soviets were careful to underline the friendly nature of their visits and avoided any sensitive political questions. The two governments’ apparent lack of enthusiasm for Ob and Lena entering their ports after fulfilling their task in Antarctica is contrasted with the generally more enthusiastic attitude of the Australian and New Zealand scientists and expedition members, with whom the Soviet personnel came into contact, some of whom developed lasting scientific relationships with the visitors.
32
Strange, Carolyn. "Ambivalent Abolitionism in the 1920s: New South Wales, Australia". International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 11, nr 3 (1.09.2022): 33–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.2474.
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In the former penal colony of New South Wales (NSW), a Labor government attempted what its counterpart in Queensland had achieved in 1922: the abolition of the death penalty. Although NSW’s unelected Legislative Council scuttled Labor’s 1925 bill, the party’s prevarication over capital punishment and the government’s poor management of the campaign thwarted abolition for a further three decades. However, NSW’s failure must be analysed in light of ambivalent abolitionism that prevailed in Britain and the US in the postwar decade. In this wider context, Queensland, rather than NSW, was the abolitionist outlier.
33
Watts, Rob. "Family allowances in Canada and Australia 1940–1945: A comparative critical case study". Journal of Social Policy 16, nr 1 (styczeń 1987): 19–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279400015713.
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ABSTRACTWhilst quantitive and ‘positivist’ modes of comparative social policy can reveal significant structural factors involved in the making of welfare states, they too often ignore the role of human agency, intention and political processes. A critical-historical comparative case study of the introduction of ‘child endowment’ and of ‘family allowances’ respectively in Australia (1941) and in Canada (1944) reminds us of the interplay between structural constraints and human agency in the history of welfare states. Detailed analysis suggests that institutionalised arrangements in Australia after 1905 to resolve capital-labour conflict via arbitral and wage fixation mechanisms put the question of the adequacy of wages in meeting family needs and with it proposals for child endowment onto the public agenda as early as 1920. In Canada the absence of such mechanisms, and alternative welfare arrangements to deal with family welfare, combined to keep such proposals off the public agenda. After 1939 the development of ‘war economies’ in Australia and Canada created common contradictions for governments, trying to maintain both industrial peace and anti-inflation policies, which the introduction of family allowances in both countries were attempts to resolve. Consideration is also given to a range of political problems and contexts in both countries which this particular policy measure attempted to deal with.
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Ortmann, Stephan. "Singapore: The Politics of Inventing National Identity". Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 28, nr 4 (grudzień 2009): 23–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810340902800402.
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This study wants to shed new light on the politics of Singapore's national identity invention. Since independence in 1965, the Singaporean government has tried to generate a sense of national identity in Singapore. While at first, the priority was on pragmatic values to promote the economic development, this changed in the late 1980s when the government became concerned with the widespread materialism within the society. As an alternative, so-called Asian values sought to provide an ideological alternative and a new basis for a stronger national identity. At the same time, average Singaporeans have developed their own unique conceptions of the city-state's national identity, which sometimes contradict the official nation-building efforts and thus constitute a subtle form of opposition. Many Singaporeans demand greater participation in the negotiation of their Singaporean identity, which demonstrates the difficulty of constructing a sustainable authoritarian civic national identity.
35
Mayrl, Damon. "Administering Secularization: Religious Education in New South Wales since 1960". European Journal of Sociology 52, nr 1 (kwiecień 2011): 111–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000397561100004x.
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AbstractThis paper examines the development of religious education policy in the government schools of New South Wales (Australia) since 1960. The New South Wales religious education curriculum features three components: (1) teacher-led “general religious education” (gre); (2) right-of-entry denominational instruction provided by visiting clergy (“special religious education”, or sre); and (3) occasional additional devotional exercises such as hymns and prayers. Between 1960 and 1980, this system underwent a partial secularization. gre was transformed from a straightforward course in Christianity built around government-produced Scripture readers to a flexible curricular component built around the academic study of multiple religions. At the same time, sre was strengthened and had its position in the curriculum secured; and devotional exercises were allowed to continue only in those settings where they formed an “appropriate” match with the community. I find that “secularizing” reforms were most consistently driven by teachers and administrators with practical motives: avoiding controversy, improving working conditions, and facilitating class management. This finding both challenges and complements recent works that interpret secularization as a political process driven by politicians and professionals primarily interested in enhancing their power or prestige at the expense of religious actors.
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YUAN, Jingdong. "Australia–China Relations at 50". East Asian Policy 14, nr 02 (kwiecień 2022): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000149.
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Australia–China relations are at a turning point 50 years after diplomatic recognition. While the past five decades have witnessed extensive growth in economic exchanges, in recent years, bilateral ties have experienced serious deterioration. Australia’s alliance with the United States, domestic politics—in particular the two major parties’ approaches to foreign policy—and economic interdependence are important variables in Canberra’s approach to China. There will be no exception for the incoming Australian Labor Party government to deal with these.
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Korsmo, Fae L., i Michael P. Sfraga. "Churchill Peaks and the politics of naming". Polar Record 36, nr 197 (kwiecień 2000): 131–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247400016235.
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AbstractThe highest mountain in North America bears two official names. While most visitors to Denali National Park in Alaska are familiar with the mountain's official name ‘McKinley,’ and with the frequently used Athabaskan name ‘Denali,’ the mountain also has a second official name: Churchill Peaks. This article traces the history and politics of naming Alaska's famous mountain, including the events that led to the addition of Churchill Peaks. Those events began when President Lyndon Johnson was unable to attend Winston Churchill's funeral in January 1965. The resulting controversy surrounding the naming of the great mountain reflects the ambiguous and often troubled relations between the national government and the remote northern periphery of the country.
38
Hall, Richard. "The Politics of Industrial Relations in Australia in 2007". Journal of Industrial Relations 50, nr 3 (czerwiec 2008): 371–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185608089994.
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Industrial Relations proved to be one of the dominant issues in the 2007 federal election campaign with the Government at first defending, and then moderating, their Work Choices legislation. The Labor Opposition benefited greatly from the successful Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) campaign against Work Choices and established a significant electoral advantage on the issue. Labor introduced its own IR policy alternative under the banner `Forward with Fairness' and then spent a good deal of 2007 trying to sell its policy to business. The final policy adopted by Labor, and set to become law over the next few years, represents something of a calculated political compromise. When the detail of the policy is considered the influence of the Work Choices laws is still very much apparent.
39
Scholtz, Christa. "Federalism and Policy Change: An Analytic Narrative of Indigenous Land Rights Policy in Australia (1966–1978)". Canadian Journal of Political Science 46, nr 2 (czerwiec 2013): 397–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423913000437.
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Abstract. The paper argues that a direct causal role for federalism must link policy makers' actions to costs and uncertainties unique to federalism, those associated with maintaining jurisdictional autonomy. The paper develops a formal model of imperfect information between two government actors, one preferring policy change and the other the status quo. A government chooses to change policy (or not) in a context where two things are uncertain: the stomach for intergovernmental retaliation, and the jurisdictional bona fides of the government in the policy area. The model shows how policy change is endogenous to beliefs about whom courts will support during federalism review. The model is then used in a detailed analysis of Australian cabinet archives at the state and Commonwealth levels, pertaining to the issue of Indigenous land rights policy between 1966 and 1978.Résumé. Le présent document soutient qu'un rôle causal direct du fédéralisme doit lier les actions des décideurs aux coûts et aux incertitudes uniques du fédéralisme : ceux associés au maintien de l'autonomie juridictionnelle. Dans cet article, je développe un modèle formel d'information imparfaite entre deux acteurs gouvernementaux, l'un préférant un changement de politique et l'autre le statu quo. Un gouvernement choisit de changer (ou non) une politique dans un contexte où deux éléments sont incertains : la propension à entrer dans des représailles intergouvernementales, et la bonne foi juridictionnelle du gouvernement dans le domaine en question. Le modèle montre que le changement de politique est endogène avec la perception de qui les tribunaux soutiendront dans un jugement de partage des compétences. Le modèle est ensuite utilisé pour analyser en détail les archives du Cabinet australien au niveau des états et du Commonwealth, relativement à la question des droits territoriaux autochtones entre 1966 et 1978.
40
Londey, Peter. "Australia and Peacekeeping". Journal of International Peacekeeping 18, nr 3-4 (26.11.2014): 175–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-1804004.
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This article traces the history of Australian peacekeeping since its beginnings in September 1947. It shows that, while there have always been Australian peacekeepers in the field since 1947, the level of commitment in different periods has varied greatly. The article sets out to explain this phenomenon, chiefly in political terms. It argues that Australia’s early involvement in the invention of peacekeeping owed much to External Affairs Minister H.V. Evatt’s interest in multilateralism, but that under the subsequent conservative Menzies government a new focus on alliance politics produced mixed results in terms of peacekeeping commitments. By contrast, in the 1970s and early 1980s, for different reasons Prime Ministers Whitlam and Fraser pursued policies which raised Australia’s peacekeeping profile. After a lull in the early years of the Hawke Labor government, the arrival of internationalist Gareth Evans as Foreign Minister signalled a period of intense peacekeeping activity by Australia. For different, regionally-focused reasons, Australia was again active in peacekeeping in the late 1990s and early 2000s. In recent years, however, Australia’s heavy commitment to Middle East wars has reduced its peacekeeping contribution once again to a low level.
41
Fisher, Daniel T. "An Urban Frontier: Respatializing Government in Remote Northern Australia". Cultural Anthropology 30, nr 1 (9.02.2015): 139–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.14506/ca30.1.08.
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This essay draws on ethnographic research with Aboriginal Australians living in the parks and bush spaces of a Northern Australian city to analyze some new governmental measures by which remoteness comes to irrupt within urban space and to adhere to particular categories of people who live in and move through this space. To address this question in contemporary Northern Australia is also to address the changing character of the Australian government of Aboriginal people as it moves away from issues of redress and justice toward a state of emergency ostensibly built on settler Australian compassion and humanitarian concern. It also means engaging with the mediatization of politics and its relation to the broader, discursive shaping of such spatial categories as remote and urban. I suggest that remoteness forms part of the armory of recent political efforts to reshape Aboriginal policy in Northern Australia. These efforts leverage remoteness to diagnose the ills of contemporary Aboriginal society, while producing remoteness itself as a constitutive feature of urban space.
42
Hearn, June M. "Book Reviews : Australia in Accord: Politics and Industrial Relations Under the Hawke Government". Journal of Industrial Relations 31, nr 2 (czerwiec 1989): 265–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218568903100208.
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Ankit, Rakesh. "Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah of Kashmir, 1965–1975: From Externment to Enthronement". Studies in Indian Politics 6, nr 1 (4.04.2018): 88–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023018762820.
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Ousted as Premier, Jammu and Kashmir, in August 1953 and anointed as Chief Minister in February 1975, the so-called ‘Lion of Kashmir’ Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah was imprisoned, in between these years, ultimately on charges of treason, with brief intermissions. Much has been written about the politics of Kashmir dispute, less so about the Sheikh and his personal troubles especially after the death of his friend Jawaharlal Nehru in May 1964. This somewhat overshadowed decade of his life, in comparison with his hey-days of 1947–1953, shows the kind of settlement in Kashmir that the government of Indira Gandhi was willing to consider. More interestingly, it shows how Sheikh Abdullah was willing to agree to it and provides the context in which he moved from being in a conflictual relationship with New Delhi to becoming, once again, a collaborator in Srinagar in 1975, thereby showcasing the limits of Abdullah’s politics and popularity.
44
Choi, ByungSun. "The Politics of Financial Control and Reform in Korea". Korean Journal of Policy Studies 6 (31.12.1991): 41–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps06004.
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Government control over finance has been a persistent feature of the politco-economic structure of Korea. This paper first seeks to explain the process in which the government's control over finance had intensified by the late 1970s. with a focus on particular episodes such as the dramatic interest rate reform in 1965, Emergency Decree in August 1972, and several recurring "restructuring (in effect, bail-outs)" attempts, and in relation to the changing industrialization strategy and the consequent relationship between the government and chaebol. And then it will review critically the financial liberalization policies in the 1980s: the privatization of commercial banks, the conflict between the banks and the non-bankfinancial intermediaries (NBFI's) in the process of the restructuring the financial industry, and the freeing of interest rate and to "policy funds." The central argument of this paper is that a considerable progress of financial liberalization notwithstanding, the financial system of Korea still serves as the fulcrum of Korean industrial policy and as a fundamental tool with which Korean policymakers can induce business cooperation and compliance.
45
Round, Kerrie, i Martin P. Shanahan. "From Protection to Competition: The Politics of Trade Practices Reform in Australia and theTrade Practices Act 1965". Australian Journal of Politics & History 58, nr 4 (grudzień 2012): 497–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2012.01649.x.
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Bryant, Lisa. "Politics of care in the early years in Australia since the pandemic". Global Studies of Childhood 10, nr 4 (grudzień 2020): 395–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2043610620978509.
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Almost every part of human society have been impacted by COVID-19 and it has exposed our world’s economic and social fault lines. How each country cared for their youngest members rapidly became obvious as one of those fault lines. Many countries had inadequate early education and care systems that quickly started to buckle under the impact of lockdowns. What happened in Australia, although unique in the exact way it played out, was essentially replicated around the world. Education and care of our youngest citizens was realised to be essential, market based care systems began to crumble, the government poured more subsidies into the system, and educators and teachers watched as their roles were reduced in the public’s eye to childminders. Educators and teachers had to take on more work as they sought to engage with children at home, and sought to keep themselves safe. Eventually the government granted everybody that needed it, free ‘childcare’, a move that would see economists, feminists and families call for it to remain free once the country re-opened. The main opposition party has now joined that call and we may see a legacy of a re-imagined education and care system in Australia in the wake of the pandemic.
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Müller, Patrick, i Peter Slominski. "The Politics of Learning: Developing an Emissions Trading Scheme in Australia". Global Environmental Politics 17, nr 3 (sierpień 2017): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep_a_00415.
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The literature on policy transfer has paid little attention to how policy-makers strategically employ learning from abroad as a resource to advance their domestic policy preferences and successfully implement a policy program. Addressing this research gap, we further develop the concept of “political learning,” distinguishing three dimensions: “learning as an argumentative resource,” “selective learning,” and “learning about policy design.” Empirically, we illustrate the relevance of political learning from abroad for the case of developing an emissions trading system in Australia. In particular, we show how government policy-makers in Australia used political learning from abroad to promote emissions trading in the context of a polarized domestic climate of adversarial ideas and competing interests.
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Larsen, Ann-Claire, i Michael Crowley. "Government as usual: politics and law as structural couples governing counter-terrorism in Australia". Griffith Law Review 24, nr 4 (2.10.2015): 519–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10383441.2015.1130569.
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Chou, Mark, i Rachel Busbridge. "Culture Wars, Local Government, and the Australia Day Controversy: Insights from Urban Politics Research". Urban Policy and Research 37, nr 3 (24.06.2019): 367–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08111146.2019.1631786.
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Charlton, Roger. "The politics of elections in Botswana". Africa 63, nr 3 (lipiec 1993): 330–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161426.
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AbstractBotswana's history of uninterrupted competitive elections since 1965, and the extensive literature that these contests have engendered, are re-examined in order, first, to illuminate the developing views of Batswana on the purposes and meanings of these events, second, to examine the evolution of electoral processes in that state, and third, to elucidate the effects that elections have had on the institutionalisation of a stable polity. A principal finding is that elections are increasingly widely accepted by the electorate, and that electoral outcomes are perceived as materially important to a population that apparently now judges candidates and parties very instrumentally on the basis of their observed political achievements. Electoral competition, in turn, has become an increasingly important factor in shaping some central elements in Botswana's political processes, perhaps particularly since the competition between government and opposition has emerged primarily as a contest between the ruling BDP and the aspirant BNF. Overall, the extensive data generated by earlier election studies, notably the results of recent mass opinion surveys, permit the development of a perspective on Botswana's politics that accords elections a more central role than has hitherto been conventional.