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1
Ferranti, Richard de. "Evatt and the Manus Negotiations". Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112094.
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Most histories of Australian-American relations in
the period immediately after the war mention, at least in
passing, the curious phenomenon of Australia at tempting to
bargain with the United States over the US’ rights to use a
base which the Americans themselves had built on Australian
mandated territory in the process of beating back the
Japanese from Australian shores. Manus Island, previously shrouded in obscruity, became the focus of an extended debate both in parliament and in the press over the state of Australia's relations with the USA and whether or not Dr. Evatt's 'wheeling and dealing' on the matter had contributed to a perceived deterioration in the Australian-US relationship, considered to have been so close during the war.
2
Chartprasert, Kiattikhun. "Australia and the Kampuchean problem : Thai perspectives". Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112144.
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Throughout recorded history, Indochina has experienced conflict, turbulence and violence. One of the first recorded conflicts was in the first century A. D. when the Hung Sisters led a revolt in Northern Vietnam against Chinese domination. Ever since, relations with China have included long periods of peace and stability broken by conflict, invasion and resistance. But it was not until the United States directly participated in Vietnamese affairs following the French withdrawal after the battle of Dien Bien Phu and the Geneva Settlement of 1954 that the region has been the scene of "superpower rivalry". The wars which have engulfed the Indochina states over the past 30 years have brought untold human suffering and misery. When hostilities finally ceased as a result of the communist victories in Indochina in mid 1970s, the world looked forward hopefully to a long period of peace in which the well-being of the people of the region could be advanced and assured. Unfortunately, conflicts and instability have broken out anew.
3
Dann, Christine R. "From earth's last islands: The global origins of Green politics". Lincoln University, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10182/1905.
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Since World War Two the world has undergone a profound economic and political transformation, from an international economy and internationalist politics to a global economy and globalist politics. The Bretton Woods international financial institutions have 'structurally adjusted' Third World countries, and similar structural reforms have occurred in First World countries. The environmental consequences of globalising economic activity have been severe and also global; the social consequences of the structural reform process are equally severe. National sovereignty has been radically compromised by globalisation, and previous nationally-based initiatives to manage the activities of capital in order to mitigate its negative impacts on society and the environment, such as social democrat/labour politics, have ceded their authority to globalism. Green parties have arisen to contest the negative environmental and social consequences of the global expansion of capital, and are replacing socialist parties as a global antisystemic political force. Green politics had its origins in the world-wide 'new politics' of the New Left and the new social movements of the 1960s, and the world's first two Green parties were formed in Australia and New Zealand in 1972. A general history of the global forces which gave rise to Green politics, and a specific history of the first two Green parties, demonstrate the interplay of global and local political forces and themes, and provide an opportunity to redefine the core elements of Green politics.
4
Fischer, Nick 1972. "The savage within : anti-communism, anti-democracy and authoritarianism in the United States and Australia, 1917-1935". Monash University, School of Historical Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9124.
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Orchard, Lionel. "Whitlam and the cities : urban and regional policy and social democratic reform". Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1987. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pho641.pdf.
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Terrill, Gregston Charles. "Secrecy and openness, publicity and propaganda : the politics of Australian federal government communication". Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1996.
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Hayman, Christopher Charles Douglas School of Politics & International Relations UNSW. "The balance of power in Second World War Australia :the deliberative role of Coles and Wilson in the House of Representatives from 1940". Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Politics and International Relations, 2005. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/22446.
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The problem being investigated is the historical situation relating to two independent MPs holding the balance of power in the Australian House of Representatives in 1940 and 1941. The two MPs, Arthur Coles and Alex Wilson, supported the conservative Menzies and Fadden governments before shifting their support (on October 3 1941) to the Labor Party led by Curtin. The procedure followed is the examination, in the form of a historical narrative, of primary evidence in private papers (such as Coles???s), analysis of Hansard (CPD), local and metropolitan newspapers. Also examined are references to the two independents in secondary literature. The key focus of interest will be the idea that chance or serendipity played a major role in achieving all the key outcomes which many Australians (and historians like Hasluck) often otherwise depict as the triumph of good sense within a supposedly non-problematic twoparty political system which self-selected the best possible leadership during time of war. Coles took over the seat of a popular Cabinet minister who had died in an air disaster. Coles???s and Wilson???s holding the balance of power was another extreme aberration, as no House of Representatives from 1906 to 1940, and none since, has not had either of the two party blocs (Labor and anti-Labor) without a majority. Hasluck, the most influential historian of Australian politics during the 1939-1945 war, viewed the fact of Coles???s and Wilson???s serendipity as evidence, in itself, of their wider historical, ideological and political irrelevance. The general results obtained by pursuing a critical historical narrative approach is that a strong counter-argument has been developed that suggests that Hasluck (and wider historical memory) has insufficiently valued as historical factors Coles???s and Wilson???s ideological aims. Coles was a representative of business progressivism and Wilson of agrarian socialism. The major conclusion reached is that Coles???s and Wilson???s wider aims led them to adopt the tactic of timing their shift to Labor so as to maximize their ideological influence on the Labor administration that would result whenever they decided to exercise their entirely serendipitously attained balance of power.
8
Stanton, Richard. "Saga city : patterns of influence in politics, public relations and journalism : professional communicators in a regional city". Monash University, School of Political and Social Inquiry, 2003. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/6601.
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Sutley, Stewart K. "Losing a revolution : the PKI versus the army in Indonesia, 1949-1965". Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=64101.
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Cornell, Stephen. "Processes of Native Nationhood: The Indigenous Politics of Self-Government". UNIV WESTERN ONTARIO, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/621710.
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Over the last three decades, Indigenous peoples in the CANZUS countries (Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and the United States) have been reclaiming self-government as an Indigenous right and practice. In the process, they have been asserting various forms of Indigenous nationhood. This article argues that this development involves a common set of activities on the part of Indigenous peoples: (1) identifying as a nation or a people (determining who the appropriate collective "self " is in self-determination and self-government); (2) organizing as a political body (not just as a corporate holder of assets); and (3) acting on behalf of Indigenous goals (asserting and exercising practical decision-making power and responsibility, even in cases where central governments deny recognition). The article compares these activities in the four countries and argues that, while contexts and circumstances differ, the Indigenous politics of self-government show striking commonalities across the four. Among those commonalities: it is a positional as opposed to a distributional politics; while not ignoring individual welfare, it measures success in terms of collective power; and it focuses less on what central governments are willing to do in the way of recognition and rights than on what Indigenous nations or communities can do for themselves.
11
Bagshaw, Geoffrey. "Analysis of local government in a multi-clan community". Thesis, The University of Adelaide, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/273051.
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Castleman, Beverley Dawn, i mikewood@deakin edu au. "Changes in the Australian Commonwealth departmental machinery of government: 1928-1982". Deakin University, 1992. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20050815.095625.
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The Commonwealth departmental machinery of government is changed by using Orders in Council to create, abolish or change the name of departments. Since 1906 governments have utilised a particular form of Order in Council, the Administrative Arrangements Order (AAO), as the means to reallocate functions between departments for administration. After 1928 successive governments from Scullin to Fraser gradually streamlined and increasingly used the formal processes for the executive to change departmental arrangements and the practical role of Parliament, in the process of change, virtually disappeared.
From 1929 to 1982, 105 separate departments were brought into being, as new departments or through merger, and 91 were abolished, following the merger of their functions in one way or another with other departments. These figures exclude 6 situations where the change was simply that of name alone. Several hundred less substantial transfers of responsibilities were also made between departments.
This dissertation describes, documents and analyses all these changes. The above changes can be distilled down to 79 events termed primary decisions. Measures of the magnitude of change arising from the decisions are developed with 157.25 units of change identified as occurring during the period, most being in the Whitlam and Fraser periods.
The reasons for the changes were assessed and classified as occurring for reasons of policy, administrative logic or cabinet comfort. 47.2% of the units of change were attributed to policy, 34.9% to administrative logic, 17% to cabinet comfort. Further conclusions are drawn from more detailed analysis of the change and the reasons for the changes.
13
Brankovich, Jasmina. "Burning down the house? : feminism, politics and women's policy in Western Australia, 1972-1998". University of Western Australia. School of Humanities, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0122.
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This thesis examines the constraints and options inherent in placing feminist demands on the state, the limits of such interventions, and the subjective, intimate understandings of feminism among agents who have aimed to change the state from within. First, I describe the central element of a
14
Risely, Melissa. "The politics of precaution : an eco-political investigation of agricultural gene technology policy in Australia, 1992-2000". Title page, contents and abstract only, 2003. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phr5953.pdf.
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Manning, Elizabeth Sophie Mary. "Local content and related trade policy: Australian applications /". Title page, abstract and table of contents only, 2004. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phm2832.pdf.
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Trudinger, Dave. "The Comfort of Men: A Critical History of Managerial and Professional Men in Post-war Modernisation, Australia 1945-1965". University of Sydney. History, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/718.
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This thesis is a critical history of managerial and professional men in post-Second World War Australia. The attention that I have given managerial and professional men has been determined by my own political desire to problematise the continued accomplishment of hegemony. As subjects, these men and their discursive practices enable scrutiny of the regenerative labour necessary to sustain power and necessary to realise the material results that accrue to those performing such work. My thesis examines the practices of particular groups of managerial and professional men within four discrete social settings or terrain during the post-war period. I interrogate the operations of managerial and professional men in personnel management (the terrain of work), in market research (the terrain of the market), in parenting and marriage guidance (the terrain of the family) and in the service club Rotary (the terrain of the civic). In each of these terrains I find managerial and professional men framing problems and enacting solutions. A process or intervention that makes natural the connections of interest (of advantage or disadvantage) being constantly recreated; an intervention that expresses a comfort with the mechanics and entailments of hegemony. To enable my critical history I apply, in each terrain, a framework comprising three core elements. I historicize the accomplishment of hegemony; testing the emergence of government and positive expressions of power during post-war modernisation in the local contexts of managerial and professional men�s interventions. I people hegemony; identifying the practices of managerial and professional men as resources for doing social relations (in particular the relations of gender and class) and crucial to the operation of hegemony. And, thirdly, I demonstrate the interventions of these men to be interested; unravelling the possessive investments managerial and professional men make through their interventions. My scrutiny of managerial and profession men and their practices, my choice of terrains in which to study them, my analysis of the process enacted in these terrain and the sources that I have utilised are not intended to assemble a biography of men�s experiences or ideal masculinities. Rather, my thesis provides a biography of interventions in order to disassemble that which appears not to be anything in particular: the ordinary regeneration of hegemony by ordinary men doing ordinary things.
17
Smith, Beka. "Gay Bars, Vice, and Reform in Portland, 1948-1965". PDXScholar, 2002. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2961.
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The city of Portland adopted different policies toward gay bars between 1948 and 1965. Portland's conservative mayors, generally uninterested in changing the city or promoting growth, ignored gay bars. Reform mayors instigated campaigns against gay bars to gain public, political, and business support for their broader economic and social goals. They were able to use crackdowns on gay bars as popular components of their reform initiatives because Portland, in comparison to other cities, professed conservatism and morality and had little economic or cultural incentive to tolerate gay bars. Blaming Portland's vice on outsiders, reform mayors argued that their actions protected Portland's traditional reputability, despite the city's long history of tolerating vice and gay bars.
This thesis focuses on the reform mayoral administrations of Dorothy McCullough Lee and Terry Schrunk and their policies toward gay bars and vice. Chapter two discusses Lee's attack on all criminality in Portland, and deals briefly with why the previous administration, under Frank Riley, was rejected as corrupt. Terry Schrunk's later reform, centered in suppressing sexual deviance and promoting economic development downtown, is discussed in chapter four.
Chapter three describes growing awareness of queer communities, including changing definitions of queerness and perceived threats. These changes in popular beliefs about queerness, although not the direct cause of actions against gay bars in Portland, influenced the types of vice associated with gay bars, arguments used to justify anti-queer actions, and the level of priority placed on suppressing Portland's queer community.
This thesis incorporates primary and secondary sources on gay bars, Portland, and queer history. It relies heavily on city council minutes and newspaper articles, but also draws from sources including City Club Bulletins, letters from Schrunk's constituents, interviews, popular psychological works, and comparisons with articles about other cities, such as Miami, San Francisco, and New York.
18
Wisely, Karen S. ""When We Go to Deal with City Hall, We Put on a Shirt and Tie": Gay Rights Movement Done the Dallas Way, 1965-2003". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2018. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1404513/.
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This dissertation examines the gay rights movement occurring in Dallas, Texas, from the mid-twentieth century to present day by focusing on the work of the Dallas Gay and Lesbian Alliance (DGLA), previously known as the Dallas Gay Political Caucus and the Dallas Gay Alliance. Members of that group utilized a methodology they called "the Dallas Way" that minimized mass protests and rallies in favor of using backroom negotiations with the people who could make the changes sought by the movement. The fact that most of the members of the DGLA were white, professional men aided in the success of their methodology. Particularly useful in this type of effort is the use of legal action. The Dallas community supported several lawsuits that attempted to overthrow various versions of sodomy laws in the Texas Penal Code that criminalized an entire population of gay men and lesbians in the state.
19
Ward, Damen Andrew. "The politics of jurisdiction : 'British' law, indigenous peoples and colonial government in South Australia and New Zealand, c.1834-60". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.289016.
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Johnson, Stuart Buchanan School of History UNSW. "The shaping of colonial liberalism: John Fairfax and the Sydney Morning Herald, 1841-1877". Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of History, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/24321.
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The goal of this thesis is to examine the editorial position of the Sydney Morning Herald, Australia's oldest continually produced newspaper, as a way of examining the character of colonial liberalism. Analysis will proceed by way of close scrutiny of key issues dealt with by the Sydney Morning Herald, including: state-aid to churches; education policy; free trade; land reform; the antitransportation movement; issues surrounding political representation; and the treatment of Chinese workers. Such analysis includes an appraisal of the views of John Fairfax, proprietor from 1841 to his death in 1877, and the influences, particularly religious nonconformity, which shaped his early journalism in Britain. Another key figure in the thesis is John West, editor 1854-1873, and again his editorial stance will be related to the major political and religious movements in Britain and Australia. Part of this re-evaluation of the character of colonial liberalism in the thesis provides a critical study of the existing historiography and calls into question the widely held view that the Sydney Morning Herald was a force for conservatism. In doing so, the thesis questions some of the major assumptions of the existing historiography and, while doing justice to colonial context, attempts to contextualise colonial politics with the broader framework of mid nineteenth-century Western political thought.
21
Elder, Peter. "Charles Lydiard Aubrey Abbott : countryman or colonial governor?" Phd thesis, Northern Territory University, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/272368.
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Kesteloot, Chantal. "L'obstacle: entre fédéralisme et liberté linguistique. Le mouvement wallon et Bruxelles (1912-1965)". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211723.
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Brown, A. J. (Alexander Jonathan), i n/a. "The Frozen Continent: The Fall and Rise of Territory in Australian Constitutional Thought 1815-2003". Griffith University. Key Centre for Ethics, Law, Justice and Governance, 2003. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20041105.092443.
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Through the late 20th century, global society experienced waves of unprecedented political and institutional change, but Australia came to be identified as "constitutionally speaking... the frozen continent", unable or unprepared to comprehensively modernise its own fundamental laws (Sawer 1967). This thesis opens up a subject basic to, but largely unexplored in debate about constitutional change: the territorial foundations of Australian constitutional thought. Our conventional conclusions about territory are first, that Australia's federal system has settled around a 'natural' and presumably final territorial structure; and second, that this is because any federal system such as possessed by Australia since 1901 is more decentralised and therefore more suitable than any 'unitary' one. With federalism coming back into vogue internationally, we have no reason to believe our present structure is not already the best. Reviewing the concepts of territory underpinning colonial and federal political thought from 1815 to the present day, this thesis presents a new territorial story revealing both these conclusions to be flawed. For most of its history, Australian political experience has been based around a richer, more complex and still evolving range of territorial ideas. Federalism is fundamental to our political values, but Australians have known more types of federalism, emerging differently in time and place, than we customarily admit. Unitary values have supplied important symbols of centralisation, but for most of our history have also sought to supply far less centralised models of political institutions than those of our current federal experience. Since the 1930s, in addition to underutilising both federal and unitary lines of imported constitutional theory, Australian politics has underestimated the extent to which our institutional treatment of territory has itself become unique. Despite its recent fall from constitutional discourse, territory is also again on the rise. While political debate has been poorly placed to see it, Australia has experienced a recent resurgence in ideas about territorial reform, offering the promise of a better understanding of the full complexity of our constitutional theory and a new 'unfreezing' of the assumption that territorially, Australia will never change. This thesis seeks to inform these vital new debates.
24
Schindeler, Emily Martha. "A genealogy of the problematic of homelessness and the homeless in Australia". Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2010. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/32068/1/Emily_Schindeler_Thesis.pdf.
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The homeless have been subject to considerable scrutiny, historically and within current social, political and public discourse. The aetiology of homelessness has been the focus of a large body of economic, sociological, historical and political investigation. Importantly, efforts to conceptualise, explain and measure, the phenomenon of homelessness and homeless people has occurred largely within the context of defining “the problem of the homeless” and the generation of solutions to the ‘problem’. There has been little consideration of how and why homelessness has come to be seen, or understood, as a problem, or how this can change across time and/or place. This alternative stream of research has focused on tracing and analysing the relationship between how people experiencing homeless have become a matter of government concern and the manner in which homelessness itself has been problematised. With this in mind this study has analysed the discourses - political, social and economic rationalities and knowledges - which have provided the conditions of possibility for the identification of the homeless and homelessness as a problem needing to be governed and the means for translating these discourses into the applied domain. The aim of this thesis has been to contribute to current knowledge by developing a genealogy of the conditions and rationalities that have underpinned the problematisation of homelessness and the homeless. The outcome of this analysis has been to open up the opportunity to consider alternative governmental possibilities arising from the exposure of the way in which contemporary problematisation and responses have been influenced by the past. An understanding of this process creates an ability to appreciate the intended and unintended consequences for the future direction of public policy and contemporary research.
25
Lavelle, Ashley, i n/a. "In the Wilderness: Federal Labor in Opposition". Griffith University. School of Politics and Public Policy, 2004. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20040226.151930.
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This thesis is a study of the federal Australian Labor Party (ALP) in Opposition. It seeks to identify the various factors that shape the political direction of the party when it is out of office by examining three important periods of Labor Opposition. It is argued in the first period (1967-72) that the main factor in the partys move to the left was the radicalisation that occurred in Australian (and global) politics. Labor in Opposition is potentially more subject to influence by extra-parliamentary forces such as trade unions and social movements. This was true for this period in the case of the reinvigorated trade union movement and the Anti-Vietnam War Movement, whose policy impacts on the ALP under Gough Whitlam are examined in detail. While every one of the party's policies cannot be attributed to the tumult of the period, it is argued that Labor's Program embodied the mood for social change. The second period (1975-83) records a much different experience. After Labor's Dismissal from office in November 1975, the enduring conclusion drawn by the party was that it had failed in government as economic managers, and that in future it would need to embrace responsible economic management and to jettison programmatic-style reform. This conclusion was accepted and argued by both federal leaders during this time, Gough Whitlam (1975-77) and Bill Hayden (1977-83). The thesis argues that the key reason for Labor's abandonment of reformist politics was the dramatic shift in the economic context wrought by the collapse of the post-war boom in 1974, which undermined the economic basis of the Program. The degree to which 'economic responsibility' governed Labor's approach to policy-making is highlighted through case studies of uranium mining and the Prices-Incomes Accord. The final period of Opposition (1996-2001) commences with the partys landslide defeat at the 1996 Federal Election. Under the leadership of Kim Beazley, the party continued in the pro-free market policy tradition of Labor Prime Ministers Bob Hawke and Paul Keating. In conjunction with this, it employed a 'small-target' strategy that pitched its electoral success on community anger towards the government, rather than any alternative policies of the Opposition. The free-market policy continuity is set in the context of the ideological effects of the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the collapse of the Soviet Bloc, in the aftermath of which all political players accepted that there was no real alternative to the market. Furthermore, the overall state of the Australian and world economies was not conducive to a return to 'tax and spend' policies. The partys bipartisanship on globalisation and economic rationalism effectively robbed it of an alternative political approach to that of the Coalition. Thus, in a sense it was hemmed into the 'small-target' strategy. The thesis concludes by comparing and contrasting the three periods, and assigning weight to the various factors that shape Labor in Opposition.
26
Skagen, Kristin. "Liberation movements in Southern Africa : the ANC (South Africa) and ZANU (Zimbabwe) compared". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1984.
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Thesis MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008.Liberation movements came into being across the entire African continent as a political response to colonisation. However, Africa has in this field, as in so many others, been largely understudied, in comparison to revolutionary movements in South America and South East Asia. While many case studies on specific liberation movements exist, very few are comparative in nature. This study will do precisely that using the framework of Thomas H. Greene. The resistance movements in South Africa and Zimbabwe, then Rhodesia, consisted of several organisations, but the ones that emerged as the most powerful and significant in the two countries were the ANC and ZANU respectively. Although their situations were similar in many ways, there were other factors that necessarily led to two very different liberation struggles. This study looks closer at these factors, why they were so, and what this meant for the two movements. It focuses on the different characteristics of the movements, dividing these into leadership, support base, ideology, organisation, strategies and external support. All revolutionary movements rely on these factors to varying degrees, depending on the conditions they are operating under. The ANC and ZANU both had to fight under very difficult and different circumstances, with oppressive minority regimes severely restricting their actions. This meant that the non-violent protests that initially were a great influence for the leadership of both movements – especially with the successes of Mahatma Gandhi in South Africa and India, inevitably had to give way to the more effective strategies of sabotage and armed struggle. Like other African resistance movements, nationalism was used as the main mobilising tool within the populations. In South Africa the struggle against apartheid was more complex and multidimensional than in Zimbabwe. Ultimately successful in their efforts, the ANC and ZANU both became the political parties that assumed power after liberation. This study does not extend to post-liberation problems.
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Gavião, Fabio Pires. "A esquerda catolica e a Ação Popular (AP) na luta pelas reformas sociais (1960-1965)". [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279496.
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Orientador: Vavy Pacheco BorgesDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-08T18:37:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gaviao_FabioPires_M.pdf: 1278255 bytes, checksum: a3422d159af66fbf6ab63129862592e0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007
Restorno: Este texto busca analisar a construção e performance da ¿esquerda católica¿ e da organização Ação Popular (AP) na luta pelas reformas sociais no Brasil no período de 1960 a 1965; dentro do contexto político que vai do final do governo JK ao Golpe de 1964. Por meio de uma abordagem centrada principalmente numa análise do discurso político, segundo as sugestões teóricas do historiador J. G. A. Pocock, e na noção de campo político elaborada pelo sociólogo Pierre Bourdieu; essa pesquisa permitiu criticar algumas interpretações constantes na bibliografia especializada sobre o tema, principalmente no que toca as matrizes políticas e filosóficas dessa militância. Trabalhamos com documentos internos das organizações e com depoimentos de ex-militantes da ¿esquerda católica¿ (Juventude Universitária Católica ¿ JUC, AP, Partido Democrata Cristão ¿ PDC e o jornal Brasil, Urgente). Os depoimentos de alguns de seus principais dirigentes permitiram a composição de memórias da organização e consolidação da AP na cidade de São Paulo nos anos de 1961 e 1962 até o contexto imediatamente posterior ao Golpe de 1964. Nossa análise evidenciou a participação da ¿esquerda católica¿ e da AP ao lado de outras organizações e movimentos sociais que lutaram pela realização das chamadas reformas de base, no processo de polarização política que levou a supressão do regime democrático então vigente
Abstract: This text searches to analyze the construction and performance of the ¿left catholic¿ and the Ação Popular (AP) organization in the fight for the social reforms in Brazil in the period of 1960 the 1965, inside of the context politician who goes of the end of government JK to the Blow of 1964. By means of a boarding centered in an analysis of the speech politician, according to theoretical suggestions of historian J. G. A. Pocock, and in the notion of field politician elaborated for the sociologist Pierre Bourdieu; this research allowed to criticize some constant interpretations in the bibliography specialized on the subject, mainly in what it touches the matrices philosophical and politics of this militancy. We work with internal documents of the organizations and depositions of former-militant of the ¿left catholic¿ (Juventude Universitária Católica - JUC, AP, Partido Democrata Cristão - PDC and the periodical Brasil, Urgente). The depositions of some of its main militant controllers allowed to the composition of memories of the organization and consolidation of AP in the city of São Paulo in the years of 1961 and 1962 until the context subsequent to the Blow of 1964. Our analysis evidenced the participation of the ¿left catholic¿ and AP to the side of other organizations and social movements that had fought for the accomplishment of the calls base reforms, in the polarization process politics that took the suppression of the democratic system then in vigor
Mestrado
Politica, Memoria e Cidade
Mestre em História
28
Cooms, Valerie. "Free the blacks and smash the Act! : Aboriginal policy and resistance in Queensland between 1965 and 1975". Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/155752.
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This thesis focuses on both the State and Commonwealth Governments' involvement in Aboriginal affairs in Queensland from 1965 to 1975. It also examines the way in which the world anti-racism and decolonisation process was heavily influential not only upon the Australian Government's policy but also upon Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people's responses and methods of protest as well. Because Australia is a settler colony with an Aboriginal population estimated as only 1% between 1965 and 1975, this thesis observes how the United Nations remained particularly watchful over Australia. This occurred at a time when Australia was attempting to convince the international community that it was condemning racism and treating Aboriginal minority populations properly within a post-colonial climate of expectation. However, whatever label either Commonwealth or State Governments placed on newly formed Aboriginal policies, this thesis argues that they were merely more acceptable up-to-date methods of colonisation aimed predominantly at averting criticism. Given the overwhelming outcome of the 1967 referendum, the Commonwealth had to address Aboriginal affairs in Australian States, especially Queensland. Initially the Commonwealth provided much needed funding to the Queensland Government to provide health, education and housing on reserves. In the late 1960s, the Commonwealth had started to provide funding to the State Government for housing outside of reserves for Aboriginal families. By the early 1970s, the Commonwealth was funding Aboriginal community-based organisations direct (despite Queensland Government's objections), set up a national elected representative Aboriginal organisation, committed to remove discriminatory legislation from Australian statutes and introduced legislation to outlaw discrimination, attempted to address economic development and committed to the provision of Aboriginal land rights. Using mostly primary resources including speech notes, annual reports and cabinet submissions and other related papers and files from AIATSIS, National Australian and Queensland State archives, the State and Commonwealth Governments' tactics are examined. The examination of activism and resistance provides not only an overview of the workings of organisations in relation to challenging both the State and Commonwealth Governments, but more importantly, the use of the enhanced Australian public opinion together with the UN and international community as effective leverage at a time when the Australian Government was attempting to convince the world that it was committed to protecting the rights of Australia's Aboriginal peoples. The influx of vast numbers of Aboriginal people into Queensland towns and cities facilitated the politicisation of many and led to the emergence of more radical organisations like the Black Community Centre, Act Confrontation Committee, Black Panther Party, Aboriginal Legal Service and Black Community Housing Serves to name a few. Most of these organisations played a role notifying the world about the Queensland Government's tactics and embarrassed the Commonwealth. Aboriginal organisations used Australia's need to avert UN criticism as effective leverage in Queensland particularly between 1965 and 1975.
29
Evans, Case Rhonda Leann. "The politics and law of Anglo-American antidiscrimination regimes, 1945-1995". Thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/1313.
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30
Pokarier, Christopher James. "Politics of foreign direct investment in Australia, 1960-96". Phd thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110001.
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Foreign direct investment has played an important role in the Australian economy
yet despite frequent public controversy there is still no general study of the politics
of inward FDI in Australia. This thesis seeks to explain why Australia turned away
from a long-established 'open door' policy towards FDI in the late 1960s only to
liberalise policy again from the mid-1980s and why policy openness varied across
sectors. In doing so the thesis tests the explanatory power of both private and public
interest theories of FDI policy. Both accounts are grounded in a theory of political
markets characterised by information shortages and political entrepreneurialism.
This thesis concludes that Australia's FDI policy during 1960-96 principally
reflected government attempts to make politically optimal compromises between
competing conceptions of the public interest in relation to FDI. Yet rent seeking
was rife and, to some degree, influenced popular and elite perceptions of the public
interest. Liberal business constituencies and the imperative of growth-oriented
policy strategies usually outweighed private interest suppliers of restrictive FDI
policy although periodically the latter did find some influence. Private interests
seeking restrictive policy were helped by shortages of information about the real
costs and benefits of FDI, in the case of the mining industry in particular, and by
popular concern about the cultural consequences of FDI in the case of the mass
media. The public interest politics of FDI policy also proved to be inseparable from
the use of restrictions on FDI as a second best solution to poor regulatory design,
tariff policy and mismanagement of national resources. These findings about the
politics of FDI in Australia suggest that when confronted by a weak economy most
governments will deliver quite liberal policy in practice for all but the most
politically sensitive sectors. The economic costs of economic nationalism may
engender their own political momentum for the liberalisation of FDI policy. Yet the
Australian experience also suggests that governments will be very hesitant to give
up discretionary controls on FDI, such as the Foreign Investment Review Board.
This is because they provide a mechanism for managing politically resilient
economic nationalist sentiment in the electorate and for providing the odd favour to
an influential private interest.
31
O'Connell, Declan. "Post-mortem rituals and party reform: Australian Labor debates, 1963-1981". Phd thesis, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/109355.
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After election defeats, parties usually engage in
post-mortem rituals. These can take a wide variety of
forms. Committees of inquiry may be established. 'Rankand-
file' members may be given opportunities to have their
say about 'what went wrong'. Parliamentary leaders may
attempt to convince voters that the party has mended its
ways. Within the party, matters of organisational
structure, programme and ideology may be debated, although
post-mortems are often effectively confined to a narrow
range of topics. Post-mortem ritual talk generally includes
reference to more effective campaigning, intra-party
democracy and 'adaptation' to 'social change'. 'Managerial'
discourses, emphasising electoral success, efficiency and
party professionalism jostle with the 'participatory'
discourses embodying activists' aspirations (emphasising the
party's mission, 'rank-and-file' rights and 'educating' the
electorate). Commentators often dismiss these rituals as
meaningless exercises, interesting only insofar as they
provide a backdrop for vealpolit-ik power plays about who is
to be 'blamed' for the defeat. However, if we analyse postmortem
rituals seriously, we have a useful vantage point for
examining what goes on within political parties. Both
'managerial' and 'participatory' forms of 'rationalistic
idealism' may be little more than camouflage for realpolitik
manoeuvre and machination. However, party reform involves
the crystallisation of new meanings as well as factional
struggles. 'Rationalistic idealism' may help new meanings to crystallise and a new self-understanding to emerge within
a party. Of course, the connections between post-mortem
rituals and party reform are contingent. Post-mortems may,
or may not, lead to party reform. They take place at a time
when party leaders have suffered a loss of confidence. The
study of post-mortem rituals allows us to examine intraparty
processes when, at least potentially, they are in a
state of flux.
By comparing different post-mortems in the same
party over time, we can also address the vexed question of
'social change' and party 'response'. The literature on
parties abounds with generalisations about the 'effects' of
'social change'. Such generalisations often rely on little
more than hunches about what goes on within parties. This
thesis explores post-mortem rituals in the Australian Labor
Party in two periods, 1963-67 and 1977-81. In each of these
periods, there were some connections between the postmortems
and attempts at party reform. Comparison of the two
cases can help us appreciate some of the complexities
involved in the relationship between changes in Australian
society and changes in the ALP. In contrast with previous
arguments about the 'middle-classing' of the ALP in a
'middle-class' society, distinctions are drawn between the
emergence of Australian Social Democracy, Mark 1 as a model
for 'new' Labor practice in the 1960s and the conflicts
between Australian Social Democracy, Mark 2 and Labor
Managerialism in 1977-81. Changes in ALP practice cannot
simply be derived from changes in Australian society. They
require analysis in their own right.
32
Lee, David. "From fear of depression to fear of war: a reinterpretation of the political issues involved in the transition from the Chifley government to the Menzies government, 1945-1952". Phd thesis, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112060.
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In this thesis I attempt to trace the most important differences between the Chifley and
Menzies governments Without disagreeing with the view that the two governments
agreed on many things, such as the need for a large immigration programme,
Keynesian economic ideas, and the welfare state, I argue that there was a fundamental
difference between the two governments: their attitudes and policies to the threats of
depression and war. A Labor government afraid of depression but relatively confident
that another war would not break out, gave way to a Liberal-Country party
government which feared the outbreak of war but not a depression.
The Labor government hoped to protect Australia from depression by
participating in the new economic world order being built by the United States after
the second world war. However it tried to mould the American multilateral system into
one which would guarantee full employment throughout the world. America’s idea of
free trade defeated Australia's idea of full employment in the making of the new
economic world order. But multilateralism foundered because of the dollar shortage in
the world outside the United States. The United States wanted to dismantle the sterling
area and to incorporate it immediately into the multilateral world order. However the
United Kingdom found that she could not adopt multilateralism without massive
foreign aid from the United States. Instead of embracing multilateralism, the United
Kingdom resolved to shore up the sterling area, until some means of overcoming the
dollar shortage could be found. The Australian Labor government resolved to
cooperate with the United Kingdom in consolidating the sterling area as a
discriminatory economic bloc. Chifley made a deliberate decision to stick with the
United Kingdom rather than to seek a stronger economic relationship with the United
States.
The opposition Liberal and Country parties chafed at the restrictions and rationing caused by the Labor government’s pro-sterling area economic policies. They defeated the Labor government in 1949 by campaigning against its policy on the
sterling-dollar problem, its domestic economic policy, its handling of the coal strike,
and bank nationalisation. The issue of socialism was largely rhetorical.The
fundamental difference between the two governments was not about the degree of
government ownership of industry and banking. The Menzies’ government’s major
new initiative was to make serious defence preparations against the danger of war. It
abandoned Labor's internationalist foreign policy and regional defence policy and
substituted for them a policy of making Australia a partner in the western anticommunist
alliance being formed against the Soviet Union and the emergent
communist China.
Menzies expanded defence spending along with public and private investment in
a policy of ‘national development’. This was in stark contrast to Chifley’s fiscally
cautious anti-depression economic policy. It involved running a huge import surplus at
a time when the sterling-dollar problem was still serious and when Australia was
vulnerable to an economic downturn. Fortunately for Menzies, American
rearmament, the Korean war wool boom, and a dollar loan .from the United States
temporarily solved the dollar problem for Australia and the sterling area. Menzies
succeeded in being able to have both increased defence expenditure and increased
civilian investment. Moreover the Menzies government decided that Australia could
not be developed at the rate it wanted simply with British and Australian capital. Its
policy was that Australia had to forge a new political and economic relationship with
the United States. The Liberal-Country party government hoped that this policy would
free up the economy, enable Australia to borrow from America, increase the flow of
American capital into Australia, and allow the government to abolish the controls and
restrictions associated with Labor’s policy of protecting the sterling area.
33
Hamilton, Graeme Andrew. "New politics and old party persistence : party adaptation in Australia, Britain, and the United States". Phd thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/124497.
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Over the past three decades the notion that western party-systems remain frozen
has been challenged by the apparent onset of post-industrial trends which threaten
the support base of old political parties. In particular, scholars rejecting the
freezing proposition have identified a rise in aggregate electoral volatility, a decline
in group voting loyalties and the emergence of a New Politics. This study argues
that the party systems of Australia, Britain and the United States remain
characterised by aggregate electoral stability, despite a weakening in the extent to
which electoral choice is structured by long-term political predispositions. In
addition long-term electoral stability has occurred despite considerable social and
attitudinal changes with the potential to alter significantly the underlying balance
of party support. Through the use of national election studies collected between
the mid 1960s and early 1990s in each country, it is argued that the adaptive
strategies of political parties represent an intervening variable in the extent to
which societal change is translated into electoral change. The study concludes that
the so-called dealigning trends, such as the decline of group voting loyalties and the
emergence of a New Politics, are an outcome, in part, of the strategic decisionmaking
of old party leaders seeking to preserve their party's long-term persistence.
The extent to which parties succeed or fail is not a system determined factor, but
rather an outcome of the ability of a party organisation to adapt to societal changes
which threaten its traditional support base.
34
Robinson, Marcus Laurence. "Economists and politicians : the influence of economic ideas upon labor politicians and governments, 1931-1949". Phd thesis, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/109804.
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Throughout the period 1931-1949, the Australian Labor Party tended to be
preoccupied with the role of money as a cause of, and cure for, economic
instability. The party was very much influenced by a long tradition of economic
thought which saw the business cycle as an essentially monetary phenomenon. In
part, this tradition affected the A.L.P. through the influence of 'quack' writers in
the 'monetary radical' tradition, who combined a monetary view of the business
cycle with a fear of financial manipulation and a commitment to the abolition of
interest. At least as significant as this unorthodox. influence was, however, the
impact upon Labor thinking of the monetary views of the main school of
expansionist economics of the 1920s. Labor's preoccupation with money was due
in no small measure to the way in which much of the 'mainstream' economic
debate focussed upon money in the 1920s and into the 1930s.
Labor economic thinking was not suddenly transformed as a result of a
'Keynesian revolution' following the publication of the General Theory in 1936.
The party had absorbed much of the 'Keynesian' policy message - in particular,
about the centrality of counter-cyclical public works - well before 1936.
Nevertheless, because of its long attachment to purely monetary theories of
capitalist economic instability, Labor did not readily absorb the 'Keynesian' view
of the way in which the economic mechanism operates. The party was, for
example, inclined to view public works not so much as an instrument of 'fiscal'
policy, as a conduit for monetary expansion. Even in the 1940s, the A.L.P.
remained deeply imbued with the traditional view that monetary mechanisms
played an all-important role in the economy. In government, Labor's ideological
zeal was directed towards banking reform. By contrast, Labor politicians were
not greatly interested in the issues (concerning the role of planning in normal
peacetime economic management, and the form and social content of a full
employment program) which were dividing economists and public servants at the
time.
35
Bray, Barbara (Barbara Dorothee). "Chinese-Australian relations from 1969 to 1983, with special emphasis on the role played by the two major Australian parties". 1988. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phb8266.pdf.
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36
Henry, Adam. "Manufacturing Australian foreign policy 1950 - 1966". Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150822.
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The transition from the liberal foreign policy approach of the Chifley Labor Government to the more strident anti-communism of the conservative Menzies Government after 1949 is a significant event in 20th Century Australian history. During the period 1950-1966 the Menzies Government faced a range of challenges such as relations with the USA, responses to the USSR and China and the question of Indonesia and decolonisation in post-war Southeast Asia. In response the Menzies Government developed new foreign policies, encouraged a particular style of diplomacy and helped to establish a new Cold War attitude towards Australian international affairs. In the 1950s, the Cold War, the United Nations (UN) and the establishment of new overseas diplomatic missions (particularly in Asia) placed growing administrative and bureaucratic demands on the machinery of Australian diplomacy. From the mid 1950s the Department of External Affairs (DEA) was restructured in order to meet such demands. This process allowed the Department to establish what were considered to be the defining characteristics and attitudes of a new professional Australian diplomacy. The selection and training of new diplomatic recruits is one such area in which this occurred. This period saw growing interest from politicians, diplomats and academics for developing new types of foreign policy analysis about communism in South East Asia, or the Cold War in general. While some networks between politics, bureaucracy and academia linked to foreign policy analysis had existed in the 1930s and 1940s, from the 1950s new and more powerful relationships were being established. Various academics, many from the Australian Institute of International Affairs (AlIA) and the Australian National University (ANU) forged close and ongoing contacts with the DEA. The relationships between small groups of key individuals and institutions ultimately wielded significant influence on issues such as the Cold War and Australian foreign policy debates. By the 1960s this small foreign policy network had built a vital relationship with the Ford Foundation of New York. This relationship certainly helped to define dominant attitudes towards Australian foreign policy debates. The ANU, AIIA, DEA and Ford Foundation network established a style of foreign policy analysis that was openly (or at least cautiously) sympathetic to the policies of Canberra and Washington often accepting the official justifications at face value.
37
Holt, Stephen James. ""A veritable dynamo" : Lloyd Ross, the Australian Railways Union and left-wing politics in inter-war Australia". Phd thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/114476.
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This thesis examines the role played by the longterm
labour activist Lloyd Ross (1901-1987) in the affairs of the
Australian labour movement from his formative years in the
opening decades of this century up until the consolidation of
the Curtin government in 1942. By this time, although having
years of service to the labour movement ahead of him, Lloyd
Ross's once close association with left-wing politics
(altogether a narrower cause) was at an end.
The eldest son of the socialist agitator Bob Ross
(1873-1931), Lloyd Ross inherited a commitment to radical
politics, militant trade unionism and working-class cultural
activities. He was eager to confront social and political
problems head on. In 1935, after having served with the
Workers' Educational Association for some ten years, he was
elected secretary of the Australian Railways Union in New
South Wales. In this capacity he soon became deeply involved
in Labor Party factionalism and Communist anti-war agitation
as well as formulating and pursuing the industrial demands of
railway workers.
Lloyd Ross enthusiastically accepted Communist Party
policy in the era of the united front against fascism (1935 onwards). He preached the gospel of internationalism.
However this alliance was sundered in 1940. Ever a 'broad
left' man, Lloyd Ross came to reject the renewed sectarian
emphasis in Communist thinking that accompanied the Russo-
German treaty of 23 August 1939. Following the rupture he
managed to stay on in the ARU but an attempt on his part to
sustain his radical position was frustrated by the exigencies
of his new factional situation. With the Communist Party now
alienated, he was obliged to strengthen his links with the
dominant moderate wing of the Australian Labor Party. By 1942
this process was fully evident.
Lloyd Ross's subsequent involvement in anti-communist
politics in the post-war era is surveyed in an epilogue. This
connection culminated during the Labor split of 1955 following
which Lloyd Ross gradually forsook factionalism, preferring to
concentrate on industrial issues.
The demise of Lloyd Ross's radicalism is related to
structural instability in the inter-war labour movement. The
most notable source of this instability is located in the
tension between political and industrial forms of radicalism
and in particular the divergence between old-style industrial
unionism and the political priorities of the Communist Party.
The inherent instability that arose with socialist trade
union ideologues juxtaposed alongside a workforce containing a strong Catholic component is also highlighted, notably in
relation to Lloyd Ross's dealings with the powerful Lang
Labor faction.
By succumbing to deradicalisation Lloyd Ross aligned
himself with the mainstream of Australian labour history, notwithstanding
the imprecations of his Communist detractors.
After 1940, having rid themselves of left-wing dominance,
the New South Wales Labor Party and the Labor Council in
Sydney together went on to attain adamantine stability with
consequent political dividends still evident
today. In this regard Lloyd Ross undoubtedly played a key
role in the ideological evolution of modern Australia.
38
Love, Peter. "Frank Anstey : a political biography". Phd thesis, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112090.
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This biography of Francis George Anstey (1865-1940) is a study of a radical in
Labor politics. Although he did not achieve fame through high office, Anstey was one of the most
prominent and influential Labor politicians of his generation. He was a flamboyant and witty orator
who could enthral and delight his audiences on an impressive range of subjects. He was a prolific
journalist and occasional editor of a labour weekly he helped establish. His stirring account of
the Russian revolution and civil war was received enthusiastically by radicals in Australia and
abroad. But his greatest influence was as a popular theorist. It was he more than anyone else who
defined and elaborated a radical political economy of finance capital which not only helped sustain
pressure for public control over the monetary system, but was at the centre of a tradition which
inspited the Chifley government s attempt to nationalise the private banks. He was a publicist, a
theorist and, on matters of loyalty to its working class origins, a conscience of the Labor party.
Anstey, however, could be a difficult colleague. He was a man of prodigious, if erratic, energy
whose extravagant moods could change quickly from elation to despondency. His gently ironic wit
could switch suddenly to savage satire and, occasionally, vitriolic abuse. He was also a man of
strong principles which often brought him into conflict with his party colleagues who were more
willing to accept the limitations which parliamentary politics imposed on the exercise of power,
and to make the necessary compromises. Anstey had no taste nor talent for that. He was impatient
for Labor to implement its policies and advance the cause of working class emancipation.
The thesis argues that the very qualities which brought him to prominence as a romantic, populist
radical were ill-suited to the steady, cautious reform which has characterised the work of the
parliamentary Labor party. It suggests that the tension between his ideas, principles and
personality, and the constraints imposed by liberal
parliamentary democracy in a capitalist economy finally condemned him to failure. It further argues
that his somewhat romantic vision of the potential for the working class to transform society, in
the end, turned his disappointment into an embittered fatalism The tragedy of Anstey's career, it
is suggested, was not just the destruction of his faith, but its apparent inevitability,
39
Popple, Jeff. "'The Bolshevik element must be stamped out' : returned soldiers and Queensland politics, 1918-1925". Master's thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/113874.
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The First World War was not a unifying experience for
Australian society. The demands and traumas produced by the
war played on and exacerbated long existing tensions and
divisions in Australian society. The descent from a facade of
near unanimity of purpose at the beginning of the war to the
open and bitter racial, religious and class confrontations at
its end is now well documented. Marilyn Lake and Raymond
Evans have provided accounts of the impact of the war upon the
homefront in Tasmania and Queensland between 1914 and 1918,
while L.L. Robson in his excellent study has charted the
decline of unity by focussing on responses to one issue,
enlistment.(2) Other historians have also provided sweeping
accounts or narrow specialist studies which chronicle the
degree of disunity and social conflict during the war
years.(3) Heated industrial disputes, falling wages and rising prices and two emotive conscription referenda all
helped to aggravate and extend the societal divisions caused
by religious suspicions, racial persecution and class conflict
over the inequality of wartime sacrifices. These divisions
were deepened by two overseas events; Britain’s brutal
suppression of the Irish Easter rebellion, and the Bolshevik
revolution in Russia. As a result of the trauma of war
Australian society in 1918 was a cauldron of turmoil into
which one more divisive ingredient was yet to be added, the
returned soldier.
40
Saunders, Jane E. "Between surfaces a psychodynamic approach to cultural identity, cultural difference and reconciliation in Australia /". 2006. http://wallaby.vu.edu.au/adt-VVUT/public/adt-VVUT20071129.092250/index.html.
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41
Thompson, Laura. "The Australian Government, the US alliance, and the Cuban Missile Crisis: A history and policy analysis". Thesis, 2017. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/35980/.
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In October 1962, the world was brought to the brink of nuclear catastrophe. The Cuban
Missile Crisis marked the closest the United States (US) and the Soviet Union came to
military conflict that might have led to nuclear annihilation during the Cold War. This
thesis investigates the Australian Government’s policy response to the crisis. In doing
so, it makes an original contribution to Australian Cold War history and to the extensive
literature on the crisis.
The Australian Government’s policy response to the crisis is examined in the context of
the Australia-US alliance. A diplomatic history, this thesis relies heavily on declassified
government records from Australian and American archives. Additionally, oral history
interview transcripts, audio-visual materials, Hansard, newspapers, and private
collections, were consulted in order to reconstruct comprehensively Australia’s policy
on this matter and the factors that shaped it.
This thesis examines: Australia’s awareness of the Cuban situation; the Menzies
Government’s policy on the crisis, specifically, factors it considered—and did not
consider—in formulating its policy; and the Government’s immediate implementation
of that policy, including the reactions of some sections of the Australian community to
that policy. It demonstrates that despite limited advance notice and awareness of the
Cuban situation, the Government swiftly declared support for the US in the crisis,
specifically, its resolution to be presented to the United Nations Security Council. It reveals that certain politicians, diplomats, and public servants were concerned about:
Australia’s obligations under the Australia New Zealand United States Security Treaty;
the legality of the US response; the precedent set by the quarantine; the implications of
US policy on the crisis regarding Australian nuclear ambitions; Australia maintaining its
trade relationship with Cuba; and the repercussions the crisis could have on collective
defence arrangements, which Australia relied on for its security. Despite these concerns
and challenges, the Government considered the successful management of the US
alliance paramount in formulating and implementing its policy on the crisis.
42
Davis, Edward R. "Ethnicity and diversity : politics and the Aboriginal community / Edward R. Davis". Thesis, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/19654.
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43
Childs, Fiona. "Government communication in the new millenium : accountability and the government departmental spokesperson in Australia, Britain and America". Phd thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150858.
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44
Collard, Jacques R. "Class struggle "from above" "down under" : the politics of antipodean syndical satisfactions". Phd thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/144347.
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45
Gray, Ian. "Local politics in Cowra Shire : structure, ideology and resources". Phd thesis, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/129545.
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The thesis offers explanation for the maintenance of local power relations in a rural
community in terms of ideologies and the ways in which they are reflected,
responded to and reconstructed in and around a local political system. It does so
by developing concepts useful to the study of power processes and using them in
analysis of observation of local politics and the ideological climate in which
politics are enacted. A history of the locality and discussion of institutional
apparatuses of local government move analysis towards political processes, in
particular those processes in which the content of politics becomes constrained.
That constraint is accounted for in terms of the values and beliefs of local people
and their politicians, rather than conscious and intentional individual action. The
thesis concludes that beliefs about the nature of local politics and the locality itself
structure local politics in such a way that they favour farmers and business people
over other identifiable groups.
46
Najjarine, Karim, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College i School of Humanities. "Australian diplomacy towards Indonesia 1965-1972 : an examination from the Australian archival record". 2005. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/12424.
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Australia’s relationship with Indonesia has been a topic in diplomatic, academic, defence and intelligence circles in Australia for over fifty years. Australian diplomacy towards Indonesia in the period from the attempted coup in October 1965 until the fall of the Liberal – Country Party coalition in 1972, remains relatively overlooked by Australian researchers. There is virtually no research of this period drawn from Australian archival sources. This thesis seeks to rectify this gap in our knowledge. The study suggests that Australian diplomacy towards Indonesia from 1965 to 1972 was dominated by a fear which contradicted Australian intelligence and defence assessments of Indonesia’s threat potential to Australia. This study will examine how this fear contributed to, and was also reinforced by, a lack of a clear working definition of what constituted ‘security’ in an Australian context. It bred a sense of insecurity and vulnerability by which Australian policy makers departed from a course of rationality. This is reflected in Australian relations with the New Order Government which were dominated by strategic concerns. Although Australia desired an informal closeness to the New Order Government, Jakarta’s increasing repression exposed Australia to international and domestic opprobrium with regard to the more salient abuses of the New Order Government.Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
47
Martin, John F. "Reorienting a nation : consultants and Australian public policy". Phd thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/144377.
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48
Jones, Benjamin Thomas. "Commonwealth of republics : the lost republican history of Australia and Canada". Phd thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150428.
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This thesis is a history of ideas and seeks to provide the first study of civic republican ideas and their impact on Britain's Australian and Canadian colonies in the mid-nineteenth century. In particular, the way in which civic republican ideas manifested themselves during the debates over responsible government is explored. The period between 1837 and 1855 is the primary focus of the thesis. Beginning with the Canadian rebellions and finishing with the Eureka rebellion, those eighteen years saw a fundamental shift in British policy towards the colonies and the birth of Lord Durham's second empire.
The principle argument here is that civic republican ideas made a significant impact on the reform leaders who petitioned for greater democracy. Australian and Canadian historiography has tended to view the granting of responsible government as a triumph of liberal politics. This thesis examines the language of reform leaders and contends that the calls to end the corruption of the ruling tory cabals and to encourage widespread political participation by virtuous citizens are reflective of the civic republican tradition which can be traced back to Sidney, Harrington, Milton, Cromwell and ultimately, Machiavelli, Cicero and Aristotle. While acknowledging the place of Lockean liberalism, this thesis concludes that for many reform leaders and papers, the emphasis was on collectivism and communalism not the advancement of personal rights and individualism. Although not a contemporary word, this thesis contends that civic republicanism was a major political ideology and one which has been missing from the historical orthodoxies of Australia and Canada.
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"Pauline, Politics and psychoanalysis theorising racism in australia". Click here for electronic access to document, 1999. http://dtl.unimelb.edu.au/R/YCAQJ6UBK36DL42KGQRLQVUR1K1LUAKHESSBL31TJGJG8UJAHV-04847?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=66997&pds_handle=GUEST.
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Tshifure, Ntevhedzeni Patrick. "The role of bishop Abel Muzorewa in the independence struggle in Zimbabwe, 1971-1980". Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/11715.
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