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Featherstone, Kevin, i Dimitris Papadimitriou. "Manipulating Rules, Contesting Solutions: Europeanization and the Politics of Restructuring Olympic Airways". Government and Opposition 42, nr 1 (2007): 46–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2007.00212.x.
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AbstractIn recent years much debate has been generated over the reshaping of the European airline industry and the restructuring of many of the heavily indebted national flag-carriers across the European Union. The European Commission has sought to orchestrate this reform process by the gradual break up of monopolies in air travel and its associated services and a much tighter policing of state aid practices. The EU's liberalizing agenda in air transport, however, has met with strong domestic opposition in the member states. Nowhere else has the resistance to reform been stronger than in Greece, where for a decade successive attempts to restructure or privatize Olympic Airways have yielded very limited success. By focusing, in particular, on the initiative of the Greek government in 2003 to create a new ‘Olympic Airlines’, the article examines how domestic pressures prompted the Greek government to shift away from cooperation with the Commission and invite conflict. The Greek government lost an ECJ case and both Athens and the Commission were left with a sub-optimal outcome. By linking the narrative to the conceptual literature on Europeanization and compliance, the article addresses a number of themes including: the contestation of European competition rules and the ability of national governments to manipulate them, policy entrepreneurship and complex problem-solving, as well as the Commission's role as a stimulus, but potentially also an obstacle to domestic reform.
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Pritchard, Pritchard. "How do Democracy and War Affect Each Other? The Case Study of Ancient Athens". Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 24, nr 2 (2007): 328–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000120.
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This article considers the state of research on the two-way relationship of causation between politics and war in ancient Athens from the attempted coup of Cylon in 632 BC to the violent overthrow of its democracy by theMacedonians in 322. Also canvassed is how a closer integration of Ancient History and Political Science can enhance the research of each discipline into the important problem of democracy’s effect on war-making. Classical Athens is well known for its full development of popular politics and its cultural revolution, which clearly was a dependent variable of the democracy. By contrast, few are aware of its contemporaneous military revolution, which saw the classical Athenians intensify the waging of war and gain an unrivalled record of military success and innovation. Although a prima facie case exists for these military changes being due to popular government, ancient historians have conducted very little research on the impact of democracy on war. In the last decade our discipline has also witnessed the collapse of the longstanding understanding of the affect of military changes on political developments in ancient Greece, which means we can no longer explain why Athenian democracy emerged and was consolidated during the classical period. For the sake of ameliorating this situation the article proposes new directions and a social-science approach for research into the military and non-military causes of Athenian democratisation and the relative effect of Athenian democracy on warfare. At a time when established democracies face complex challenges of foreign policy such research into the case study of ancient Athens is of real contemporary relevancy.
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Aleksandrova, Anna. "The Echo of War: The Issue of World War II Reparations and Occupation Loan in Contemporary Greece". Contemporary Europe 103, nr 3 (30.06.2021): 167–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope32021167180.
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In World War II Greece suffered immense devastation; aside from the damage itself, the country was forced to provide the Third Reich with an occupation loan. After the war, Athens claimed reparations and repayment of the loan, but not all such claims were settled. The final solution was postponed until the eventual reunification of Germany and the signing of a peace treaty. All attempts of Greek diplomats to address the issue were met with the position that the issue has already been resolved diplomatically and in legal terms. The simmering conflict gained new prominence during the financial and economic crisis of 2010s. Greek citizens, frustrated over the strict austerity policies, blamed not only their own government, but also the “troika” of creditors, which forced Greece to adopt such measures. Since the financial assistance program was developed largely by Germany, the Greek collective memory provided a number of vivid negative images connected to Germany, the Nazi crimes in particular. In the public space of Greece the issues of reparations and the occupation credit were constantly discussed, putting further strain on Greek-German relations. These attitudes among the Greek public were used by Greek politicians who strived to shift the blame for the ongoing crisis onto the Germany. Stereotypes of the past became a tool ofGreek populists. During the crisis the issue of post-war payments reached a new level, and a desire for historic justice was accompanied by the blamegame against Germany.
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ΚΑΤΣΟΥΔΑΣ, ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΣ. "ΜΙΑ ΔΙΚΤΑΤΟΡΙΑ ΠΟΥ ΔΕΝ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΔΙΚΤΑΤΟΡΙΑ. ΟΙ ΙΣΠΑΝΟΙ ΕΘΝΙΚΙΣΤΕΣ ΚΑΙ Η 4η ΑΥΓΟΥΣΤΟΥ". Μνήμων 26 (1.01.2004): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/mnimon.837.
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<p>Konstantinos Katsoudas, "<em>A Dictatorship that is not a Dictatorship". Spanish Nationalists and the 4th of August</em></p> <p>The Spanish Civil War convulsed the international public opinion and prompted most foreign governments to take measures or even intervene in the conflict. Greek entanglement either in the form of smuggling war materiel or the participation of Greek volunteers in the International Brigades has already been investigated. However, little is known about a second dimension of this internationalization of the war: the peculiar forms that the antagonism between the two belligerent camps in foreign countries took. This paper, based mainly on Spanish archival sources, discusses some aspects of the activity developed in Greece by Franco's nationalists and the way Francoist diplomats and emissaries perceived the nature of an apparently similar regime, such as the dictatorship led by general Metaxas. The main objectives of the Francoist foreign policy were to avoid any escalation of the Spanish civil war into a world conflict, to secure international assistance for the right-wing forces and to undermine the legitimacy of the legal Republican government. In Greece, an informal diplomatic civil war broke out since Francoists occupied the Spanish Legation in Athens and Republicans took over the Consulate in Thessaloniki. The Francoists combined public and undercover activity: they worked hard to achieve an official recognition of their <em>Estado Nuevo, </em>while at the same time created rings of espionage and channels of anticommunist propaganda. The reason of their partial breakthroughs was that, contrary to their Republican enemies, the Nationalists enjoyed support by a significant part of the Greek political world, which was ideologically identified with their struggle. Francoist anti-communism had some interesting implications for Greek politics. An important issue was the Francoist effort to reveal a supposed Moscow-based conspiracy against Spain and Greece, both considered as hotbeds of revolution in the Mediterranean, in order to justify both Franco's extermination campaign and Metaxas' coup. Although this effort was based on fraudulent documents, forged by an anti-Bolshevik international organization, it became the cornerstone of Francoist and Metaxist propaganda. General Metaxas was the only European dictator to invoke the Spanish Civil War as a <em>raison d'etre </em>of his regime and often warned against the repetition of Spanish-like drama on Greek soil. Nevertheless he did not approve of Franco's methods and preferred Dr. Salazar's Portugal as an institutional model closer to his vision. For Spanish nationalist observers this was a sign of weakness. They interpreted events in Greece through the disfiguring mirror of their own historic experience: thus, although they never called in question Metaxas' authoritarian motives, the 4th of August regime was considered too mild and soft compared to Francoism (whose combativeness and fanaticism, as they suggested, the Greek General should have imitated); it reminded them the dictatorship founded in Spain by General Primo de Rivera in 1920s, whose inadequacy paved the way for the advent of the Republic and the emergence of sociopolitical radicalism. Incidents of the following years, as Greece moved towards a civil confrontation, seemed to strengthen their views.</p>
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Т., Kotenko. "The formation of human rights and freedoms in the teachings of philosophers of ancient Greece and Rome". Almanac of law: The role of legal doctrine in ensuring of human rights 11, nr 11 (sierpień 2020): 127–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.33663/2524-017x-2020-11-23.
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The article deals with the historical stages of the creation, development, and formation of a human rights institute. The ideological and theoretical heritage of Ancient Greece and Rome, which is the basis for the study of ideas about justice, social equality, and human freedom, is analyzed based on the analysis of the fundamental ideas of the most famous thinkers of antiquity. It was the philosophers of antiquity who initiated the concept of "natural law", which was formed over the centuries by the desire of man to understand the world, determine his place in society and politics. From the time of antiquity, the concept of human rights gradually began to emerge; Subsequently, the concept of equality, freedom of person, person, and citizen were formed. Ancient philosophers came up with the idea of law in general and the idea of human rights under the requirements of their time and conditions of social development. Over time, the ancient perception of social equality, justice, dignity, independence, and freedom of man became the starting point and benchmark of European political culture. The early period of the development of political and legal doctrines in ancient Greece is associated with the time of the formation of ancient Greek statehood. It was at this time that an attempt was made to give rationalist ideas about ethical and legal order in human affairs and relations instead of mythological ones. It should be noted that ancient Greek views on human rights were formed in mythological ideas about the origin of policies and divine justice. That is why rights come from the divine order of justice, which became the basis for the category equality. Only what corresponded to the concept of equality (within the concept of justice) was understood as right. In ancient Greek politics, customs and mono-norms gradually transformed towards protecting the dignity of citizens. The polite democracy gave impetus to the emergence of freedom, which promoted the emergence of equal political rights among the citizens of this policy. In the Greek city-state, the law first emerged as a specific phenomenon, and the life of the policy began to be compulsory for everyone. Subsequently, the Pythagoreans (VI –V centuries BC) formulated an important role in shaping the idea of legal equality and justice, using numerical proportions, that is, the ratio of certain parameters. The provision that "fair is to pay another equal" essentially introduces the coupon principle. Subsequently, this reflected Solon (7th-6th centuries BC) in his reforms. It eliminated debt slavery and, as a result of the compromise between nobility and demos, introduced a moderate censorship democracy in Athens. All citizens of the policy should equally be protected by the law and obey its mandatory rules (1). Recognized the law as a requirement of legal equality of free citizens of the policy, slaves did not apply the legal rules. Equality was considered in two respects: equality in law and equality before the law. Developed by Roman lawyers provisions in which a person acts as a subject of law, determine the legal status of a person, establish the freedom and formal equality of people under natural law, define Roman citizenship as a special legal status of a person, the distribution of the right to private and public, etc. contributed to the awareness of legal the importance of human rights in the context of the systematic doctrine of the legal nature of the relationship between the individual and the state. Roman law, extending to a state which it regarded as the object of its study along with positive law, ensured a legal relationship between the state and the individual, which was crucial for the development of the institution of the protection of individual rights in the world at that time (14, p. 119). In relation to individuals, the state was not above the rule of law, but directly its component part, which has all the basic properties of a law. The basis of a just and legal relationship between the individual and the state recognized the law, not the state. The individual and the state must be law-abiding subjects of legal relations, that is, act according to the rules of law. Conclusion. To sum up, we can point out that the first theoretical developments and statutory provisions of the law go back to ancient times. The thinkers of Ancient Greece and Rome initiated the basic concepts of justice, equality, autonomy. It was then that ideas about political rights, lawmaking, democracy, and the personal responsibility of citizens were formed. However, freedom was not universal, it did not belong to slaves, and they were not the subjects of relations in the policy. The population of the policies was divided into different social and ethnic groups and accordingly had different legal status. Such inequality was the norm, so the priority was given to a policy or state that was enshrined in legislation. However, in Ancient Greece, there were also certain individual rights of citizens such as the right to speak; private property rights; the right to participate in government; the right to hold office; to participate in national meetings; the right to participate in the administration of justice; the right to appeal against illegal acts, etc. In Ancient Rome, this list was supplemented by the right to bargain, freedom of movement, the right of the people's tribune to veto, the ban on torture, the adversarial process of the lawsuit, etc. Keywords: Antiquity period, city-policies, human rights, legal equality, society, justice.
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Arampatzi, Athina. "The spatiality of counter-austerity politics in Athens, Greece: Emergent ‘urban solidarity spaces’". Urban Studies 54, nr 9 (3.02.2016): 2155–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098016629311.
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Grassroots responses and alternatives to austerity that have emerged in Athens and Greece call for a re-thinking of the recent neoliberal crisis through articulations of contestation ‘from below’. This paper addresses this yet nascent theoretical debate through the notion of ‘urban solidarity spaces’, focusing on the spatiality of counter-austerity politics that emerges in and out of places and expands across urban space and beyond. From survival tactics grounded in Athenian neighbourhoods, such as local solidarity initiatives; to solidarity structures and cooperatives; and broader strategies of transformation and alternatives, such as the formation of a solidarity economy. These aim to constitute an empowering process of solidarity-making ‘from below’, and open up spaces for the practice of bottom-up democratic politics vis-à-vis austerity, a ‘politics of fear’ and crisis. The arguments raised here methodologically draw on activist ethnographic research in the ‘Athens of crisis’, between 2012 and 2013.
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Patiniotis, Manolis. "Review of Vassilios Bogiatzis, Μετέωρος μοντερνισμός: τεχνολογία, ιδεολογία της επιστήμης και πολιτική στην Ελλάδα του Mεσοπολέμου, 1922-1940". Historein 15, nr 2 (17.07.2016): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/historein.8592.
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<p>Vassilios Bogiatzis. Μετέωρος μοντερνισμός: τεχνολογία, ιδεολογία της επιστήμης και πολιτική στην Ελλάδα του μεσοπολέμου (1922–1940) [Suspending modernism: technology, the ideology of science and politics in interwar Greece, 1922–1940]. Athens: Eurasia. 2012. 496 pp</p>
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Kiddey, Rachael. "Reluctant Refuge: An Activist Archaeological Approach to Alternative Refugee Shelter in Athens (Greece)". Journal of Refugee Studies 33, nr 3 (28.01.2019): 599–621. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrs/fey061.
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AbstractThe effect of the mismatch between the numbers of forced migrants that host governments are prepared to deal with and the actual number of those seeking refuge is that many forced migrants must find what I term ‘reluctant’ refuge—precarious, unofficial shelter. In this article, I first theorize ‘reluctance’, before introducing the concept of archaeology of the contemporary world in order to establish what makes fieldwork drawn on explicitly archaeological. Following this, I offer a concise history of the current political situation in Athens before describing my methodology. I then provide three ‘portraits’ of sites of temporary refugee shelter in the city—a squat, a non-governmental organization-managed hotel and a co-operative day centre—and discuss how these inter-relate to form a landscape of reluctant refugee shelter. The article contributes an explicitly ‘translational’ (Zimmerman et al. 2010) view of how experiences of shelter affect and shape forced displacement in Athens.
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Vradis, Antonis. "Spatial politics and the spatial contract in Exarcheia, Athens, Greece (1974–2018)". Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 45, nr 3 (16.12.2019): 542–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/tran.12359.
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Hatzivassiliou, Evanthis. "Greece and the Arabs, 1956-1958". Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 16 (1992): 49–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307013100007540.
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In the second half of the 1950s, Greek foreign policy was dominated by the Cyprus question, while in the Middle East the same period was marked by a series of crises. The developments in the Middle East were important to the Greek government partly because Cyprus’s fate depended primarily on British decisions — and these decisions were connected to Britain’s position in the Middle East. Simultaneously, the turbulence in the region endangered the Greek communities in it, mainly the large community in Egypt. Yet, it may be said that Athens was rather slow in making an approach to the Arabs, on whose votes the United Nations debates on Cyprus largely depended: such approach took place only in Spring 1956, after the British had deported the Greek Cypriot leader, Archbishop Makarios, and after the new government of Constantinos Karamanlis had scored its first electoral victory.
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Kallianos, Yannis. "Infrastructural disorder: The politics of disruption, contingency, and normalcy in waste infrastructures in Athens". Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 36, nr 4 (9.11.2017): 758–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263775817740587.
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This paper considers infrastructure from the point of view of disorder. During the last few years, waste management controversies have proliferated in Greece, reflecting a generalized feeling of mistrust towards the authorities. In this context, and in relation to the socio-economic crisis that erupted there in 2010, a set of diverse and even antithetic practices, imaginations, and circulations of flows have (re)emerged around waste treatment processes. By looking at the intermingling of formal and informal practices around waste flows and landfill processes in Athens, the paper asks how uncertainty, contingency and instability shape the governance and everyday experience of waste infrastructures. Examining the ways in which the normalization of regular disruption and instability plays out in waste treatment in Athens, it makes the case for understanding disorder as inherent to infrastructure.
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Krasilnikoff, Jens. "Arbejde, køn og magt i Den græske Oldtid - eksempler fra Athen i den klassiske periode". Slagmark - Tidsskrift for idéhistorie, nr 76 (30.01.2018): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/slagmark.v0i76.124158.
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WORK, GENDER AND POWER IN ANCIENT GREECE - EXAMPLES FORM ATHENS IN THE CLASSICAL PERIODThis article asks how different forms of work were associated with varying forms of status, class and gender in Classical Athens (o. 500 – 300 B.C.). Moreover, the author seeks to clarify how the male citizen collective in particular controlled society by enforcement of general ideas about what types of work were suitable for citizens, metics (free foreigners) and slaves alike. Also, the article challenges the ideal (and male articulated) work discourse allocating farming, politics and warfare to male citizens, whereas female citizens confined to oversee the household and perform work to do with processing of food and wool.
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Konstantinakou, Despina-Georgia. "The Expulsion of the Italian Community of Greece and the Politics of Resettlement, 1944–52". Journal of Contemporary History 55, nr 2 (13.12.2018): 316–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009418815329.
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At the beginning of the twentieth century, there was a rapid development of Italian communities in Greece, with their members being regarded as integral parts of local societies, especially in the Ionian Islands and the Peloponnese. This changed after the fascist Italian attack against Greece in October 1940 and the subsequent Italian occupation. Members of the Italian community were deemed as de facto enemies, with the Greek authorities deciding to immediately expel them after Greece's liberation. The removal policy, however, would also be extended to the Italians of the Dodecanese after the islands were ceded in 1947. This article will document the Italians' expulsion from Greece after the end of the Second World War by examining the different ways in which mainly the Greek state, but also the authorities in Italy and the Great Allies, handled the Italian community's fate in the unfolding Cold War. At the same time, it will also explore the policy followed and the incentives that led Athens to accept the resettlement of a number of expelled Italians in Greece in 1949.
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Barboș, Ion Petre, i Alpár Nagy. "Religion, Politics and Mysticism in Ancient Sport". Studia Universitatis Babeş-Bolyai Educatio Artis Gymnasticae 69, nr 1 (10.05.2024): 97–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbeag.69(1).07.
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The history of ancient sports shows us that sports practice was not a secular one but was closely linked to religious faith. Whether we are talking about ancient Greece (Athens, Sparta, etc.), whether we are talking about Latin America or the Far East, the presence of homage and respect towards the gods is seen as something sacred and no one could dispute it. We have researched the religious phenomenon in sports for more than 30 years, and the result is like religion. politics and the arts of war decided the history of the world and civilization. (Barbos, 2015). It is proven by ancient writings, but also by archaeological traces, from ancient temples and stadiums dedicated to gods and legendary heroes, such as Hercules, the most famous demigod of the ancient world, who remained in legends as one of those who achieved the most successful sports. This article summarizes some ancient sports competitions, which were strictly related to the respect for the gods, which was rewarded with sports games, such as the Olympic Games of Greece. Keywords: Hylozoism, anthropological, animism, secular ritual, sacred ritual, oracle, Delphi, ecotheology, sumo, kyudo.
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Kaminis, Georgios, i Athanasios Tsiouras. "A Participatory Model of Government: The Municipality of Athens, Greece, 2011 to Today". Public Administration Review 75, nr 5 (21.07.2015): 643–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/puar.12425.
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Ristovic, Milan. "The December revolt in Athens British intervention and Yugoslav reaction: December 1944 - January 1945". Balcanica, nr 37 (2006): 271–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0637271r.
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The revolt that members and supporters of the leftist movement EAM-ELAS staged in Athens in early December 1944 against the Greek royal and British forces ushered into the second "round" of the civil war in Greece. The developments in the neighborhood draw much attention in Yugoslavia, where the war of liberation was in its final phases in parallel with the elimination of political rivals to the new government in which communists played a central role. This attention was not only a result of ideological solidarity, it also had to do with the "Macedonian Question", i.e. the position of Slavic Macedonian minority in northern Greece, an issue that had aroused a debate between Greek and Yugoslav communists in 1944. Difficulties in relations between the Yugoslav partisan leadership and the British, pressure from London, the passivity of the Soviet Union as regards the developments in Athens, a stalemate on the Srem Front, fights with the remaining collaborationist forces, compelled Yugoslavia to take a reserved position and avoid direct involvement in Greece. Appeals of Greek communists for aid in military supplies, promised on the eve of the revolt, failed to provoke a tangible response of the Yugoslav leadership. Once the revolt was crushed by the British and a truce between the EAM-ELAS and the royal government signed a wave of migration to Yugoslavia ensued of the borderland civilian Slavic Macedonian population but also of several thousand radical Greek leftists unwilling to accept the Varkiza agreement.
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Zavali, Maria, i Helen Theodoropoulou. "Investigating determinants of green consumption: evidence from Greece". Social Responsibility Journal 14, nr 4 (1.10.2018): 719–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/srj-03-2017-0042.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to outline the green consumer’s profile in Greece, during a period in which the country faces economic difficulties because of crisis. A further investigation of the respondents’ attitude toward environment is attempted. Finally, the role of several socio-demographic characteristics is analyzed, along with the environmental principles in green consuming behavior. Design/methodology/approach Primary data were collected through door-to-door interviews of 250 residents in the metropolitan area of Athens by using a structured questionnaire. Statistical analysis was performed using SPSS 20.0 and qualitative analysis through NVivo 11. Findings The present study confirms that although consumers became more price sensitive after crisis, they maintain their environmental values. High environmental principles lead to green purchases and several socio-demographic characteristics are closely related to green consumption. Research limitations/implications The sample strictly originated in the metropolitan area of Athens. Several variables as a measure of behavioral intention might be questionable. The empirical findings could have significant implications in green government policies and in relevant campaigns Originality/value The study provides important evidence toward consumers’ participation in certain green habits and also confirms that the environmental values, along with several socio- characteristics, are a consistent predictor of the green consuming attitude. The above findings could contribute to the redefinition of green campaigns and policies, to improve the penetration of green products in the markets.
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Papanikos, Gregory T. "Democracy and Politics: An Introduction to the Special Issue of the Athens Journal of Social Sciences". ATHENS JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES 9, nr 2 (2.01.2022): 89–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajss.9-2-0.
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This paper is an introduction to the special issue of the Athens Journal of Social Sciences on Politics. It includes six papers, which relate to various aspects of politics in today’s democracies. The first paper examines populism in selecting political parties of the European Union (EU); the second explains a political experiment performed in USA; the third discusses the prospects of the 2022 elections in Brazil; the fourth states that democracies need leaders as this is the case with Israel; the fifth looks at a real threat to democracy which is radicalism and violence using the case of the Slovakian youth; and the last paper examines a case of primary elections of a Greek political party (PASOK). Keywords: politics, democracy, elections, Brazil, Greece, Israel, Slovakia, USA, European Union, Latin America
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Abolafia, Jacob. "PLATO'S THEORY OF INCARCERATION". Ramus 50, nr 1-2 (grudzień 2021): 68–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rmu.2021.7.
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In addition to its many famous innovations in popular government, the Athenian democracy seems to have also experimented with another, more ambivalent political institution familiar to modern societies—penal incarceration. In recent years, there has been renewed debate over the precise role of imprisonment in Athens, as an increasing number of voices, including Marcus Folch in this volume, make the case that imprisonment was an important point of contact between criminal punishment and democratic politics and society in Athens.
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Arampatzi, Athina. "Contentious spatialities in an era of austerity: Everyday politics and ‘struggle communities’ in Athens, Greece". Political Geography 60 (wrzesień 2017): 47–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2017.03.010.
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Panourgiá, Neni. "Recognition: Exarcheia, mon amour". Journal of Greek Media & Culture 5, nr 2 (1.10.2019): 231–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jgmc.5.2.231_1.
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The human-scape of Europe has changed irrevocably since the intensification of extractive economies and the wars that they have engendered from the 1990s onwards. Greece, as a country, and Athens as its major city, have been caught in this web off-guard, even though any astute politician could have seen the changes coming. This altered human-scape comprises human subjects involved in a dynamic dialectic of recognition ‐ recognition of the self and the other, and recognition of the self by the self, in the process producing new subjectivities and hardening already existing ones. I am looking at three emblematic points in Athens ‐ Exarcheia, the Athenian Trilogy and Gerani ‐ through the eyes and the words of (primarily) anarchist and leftist activists, subjects who have been at the forefront of resistance both to hegemonic and authoritarian politics since the 1960s and to their extractive economies. Through raw material that I collected in the summer and winter of 2018 I examine the positions taken by these subjects as they try to re-negotiate their politics of recognition in a landscape that is constantly shifting.
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Karamagioli, Evika, Eleni-Revekka Staiou i Dimitris Gouscos. "Government Spending Transparency on the Internet". International Journal of Public Administration in the Digital Age 1, nr 1 (styczeń 2014): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijpada.2014010103.
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The objective of this article is to present four civil society initiatives that attempt to scrutinize government spending using open data from the Greek government OpenGov initiative Diavgeia project (“diavgeia”, in Greek, standing for lucidity). In a period of strong economic recession, Greece is facing one of the most intense social and political crisis of its history, with citizens characterized by substantial disenchantment with politics and a cynical stance about their government and representatives. The Diavgeia project was launched in 2010 by the Greek government with the objective to bring back transparency and trust in the political process, enabling online insights into government spending. By reviewing current bottom-up initiatives in Greece that are using data from Diavgeia in an effort to serve the principles of transparency, openness, and offering public data in a manner easy to understand, evaluate and re-use, we discuss the role of open government mechanisms in introducing a new relation between citizens and policy-makers, tackling contemporary political challenges of democratic societies and reconnecting ordinary people with politics and policy-making.
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Plantzos, Dimitris. "We owe ourselves to debt: Classical Greece, Athens in crisis, and the body as battlefield". Social Science Information 58, nr 3 (14.06.2019): 469–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018419857062.
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Since 2009, Greece has been hit by a severe economic recession followed by harsh austerity policies, gradual impoverishment, and ultimately social collapse. This article investigates the cultural landscape of the so-called ‘Greek crisis’, focusing on Athens, the nation’s capital, and the ways the crisis discourse employs biopolitical technologies of dispossession and displacement in order to generate an intensified breed of body-politics. The article’s main case study is documenta 14, a blockbuster exhibition of contemporary art organized in Athens in 2017, seemingly elaborating on the ideas of debt – classical and modern – though in fact promoting neoliberal approaches to public economy and life. The idea of ‘classical debt’, the article concludes, continuously reiterated by both Greece’s defenders as well as its most unforgiving critics, rather than acting as an emancipatory force, ends up producing a public consisting of silent bodies, trapped in highly romanticized discourses of the past and ultimately unable to defend themselves. This tension, however, also provokes narratives and gestures made of contradictions and ambiguity, difficult to map and monitor according to established research protocols.
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Iosifidis, Petros, i Stylianos Papathanassopoulos. "Media, politics and state broadcasting in Greece". European Journal of Communication 34, nr 4 (19.04.2019): 345–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323119844414.
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This article focuses on governmental control over state broadcasting media in Greece and analyses whether Hellenic Broadcasting Corporation can be considered as public or state broadcaster. The first part explores the interrelationship between media, politics and the state in Greece, and the ways the latter has affected the development of Hellenic Broadcasting Corporation. By doing so, it makes references to similar Southern European broadcasting models that are also characterised by clientist manners, ministerial censorship, a powerful state and a weak civil society. Furthermore, it looks at the devastating impact of haphazard deregulation and market liberalisation on Hellenic Broadcasting Corporation since the early 1990s, when the Hellenic Broadcasting Corporation lost much of its formerly loyal audience and advertising income to a number of newly launched commercial television channels. Part 2 assesses the degree of political, editorial and financial independence of Hellenic Broadcasting Corporation under the current SYRIZA-led administration. Hellenic Broadcasting Corporation was re-launched by the left-wing SYRIZA government after a temporary 2-year closure, but it is struggling to maintain a competitive advantage and a politically neutral output.
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Jakimowicz-Ostrowska, Iwona. "Mniej greckości w Grecji, czyli kto z kim ma kłopot?" Sprawy Narodowościowe, nr 40 (15.02.2022): 151–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2012.010.
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Less Greek Identity in Greece or Who Has a Problem with Whom?This article is one of many voices in the continuing debate about Greece as a nation and as a member of the European Union. It emphasises the following facts: characteristics of Greece’s relationship with the state and the citizen, understanding of the European Union and Greece’s role in the organisation, difficulties in the dialogue between Brussels and Athens. Due to the diversity and complexity of the issues presented, the troublesome relationship between Greece and its European partners has not been explored in full here.The aim of this article is to demonstrate the Greek point of view on current affairs as well as to show the difference in wider public opinion towards Greek politics. Consequently, this article invites discussion about Greek public affairs and allows the reader to acknowledge the very different Greek attitude towards political actions performed by the European Union institutions and politicians.
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NAFISSI, MOHAMMAD. "BETWEEN UTOPIA AND DYSTOPIA: MOSES FINLEY AND THE ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY VERSUS MOSES FINLEY AND THE ANCIENT ECONOMY". Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 58, nr 2 (1.12.2015): 107–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2015.12014.x.
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AbstractModern scholarly accounts of ancient Greece and more particularly the research programme which broadly frames Moses Finley's contributions are generally traced to George Grote's politically anchored History of Greece and re-evaluationof Athenian democracy. However, notwithstanding their far-reachinginfluence, Finley's writings display an exceptional complexity that has invited a wide spectrum of contradictory interpretations and evaluations. This article extends my previous study of Finley's Athens by locating and exploring an unresolved and still significant debate that he held with himself through the major political and economic writings of his last period (1973–85). It thereby discloses the normative, theoretical, and empirical demands that, on the one hand, informed his account of ‘the ancient economy’ and necessitated its overall incoherence, and, on the other, allowed for a coherently normative account of ‘ancient politics’. In the process, some notable claims about Finley's work and politics are clarified, and it is shown why ‘Finley's ghost is [still] everywhere’ even though the short twentieth century that spanned his life, posed its major questions and set the context and constraints of his answers, has long been over.
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ALLAN, DAVID. "THE AGE OF PERICLES IN THE MODERN ATHENS: GREEK HISTORY, SCOTTISH POLITICS, AND THE FADING OF ENLIGHTENMENT". Historical Journal 44, nr 2 (czerwiec 2001): 391–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x01001686.
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This article explores changing responses among late Georgian Scots towards Greek history in general and classical Athens in particular. Tracing the early study of Greece through some of the more innovative Scottish Enlightenment scholars, it argues that Periclean Athens long remained a difficult and controversial topic, mainly because eighteenth-century authors found it hard to offer a fully sympathetic treatment of a historical subject strongly associated with radical political democracy. With the defeat of Napoleon, however, and as new ways were sought to celebrate Scotland's own recent imperial, economic, and intellectual achievements, Athenianism gained in credibility, assisted by the rising tide of cultural Hellenism and political Hellenophilia throughout Britain. Plans were laid for a national monument in Edinburgh, modelled on the Athenian Parthenon. Nevertheless, insufficient support was forthcoming and by 1830 the project had stalled. Not least among the causes of this debacle – popularly known as ‘Scotland's Disgrace’ – were the contradictions involved in Athenian symbolism: the abandoned monument ultimately served to represent only the failings of Scotland's tory establishment.
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Carugati, Federica, Josiah Ober i Barry R. Weingast. "Development and Political Theory in Classical Athens". Polis 33, nr 1 (15.04.2016): 71–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340074.
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The birth of political thought has long been associated with the development of either the polis as a new form of political organization in Greece, or of democracy as a new form of government in Athens. This article suggests that this view ought to be expanded. Between the late 6th and 4th centuries bc, the Greek polis of Athens established large, participatory democratic institutions. But the transformation that the polis underwent did not merely affect political structures: in this period, Athens transitioned from an undeveloped, limited access, ‘natural state’ toward a developed open access society – a society characterized by impersonal, perpetual, and inclusive political, economic, legal and, social institutions. Those who witnessed this transformation first-hand attempted to grapple, often critically, with its implications. We show that Thucydides, Plato, and other Greek political thinkers devoted a considerable part of their work to analyzing the polis’ tendency toward not only political, but also economic, social, and legal inclusion. Without understanding this larger picture, we cannot adequately explain the development of Greek political thought.
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Kyrchanoff, M. V. "Problems of the Macedonian Orthodox Church in the modern Greek memorial politics". Гуманитарные и юридические исследования 10, nr 2 (2023): 212–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.37493/2409-1030.2023.2.4.
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Introduction. The purpose of the article is to analyse the perception of the problems of the history of the status of the Macedonian Orthodox Church in the politics of memory of modern Greece. Materials and Methods. The study is based on the analysis of texts that form the perception of the Macedonian church problem in the politics of memory in Greece. Analysis. The article analyses the perception of the Macedonian ecclesiastical problems in modern Greek memorial culture. The article also shows that the politics of memory forming the perception of the history of the Macedonian Church in modern Greek society simultaneously depends on the development of civic and ethnic nationalism, burdened by ties with the Orthodox Church. It is assumed that the mass media and political elites of modern Greece, as the main agents of historical politics, use the problems of the history of the Church in the territory of Macedonia to consolidate their own national identity and conduct a policy of memory aimed at promoting the narrative of territorial unity and the exclusively Greek character of the territory of Macedonia in modern Greece. Results. The results of the study suggest that the memorial culture of modern Greek society in contexts of the perception of the history of the Church on the territory of Macedonia is distinguished by a nationalistic character, and the perception of church history in the collective memory of Greece develops in contexts of moderate memorial contradictions with Macedonia. It is shown that the transformation of the viewpoint of the Greek memorial culture emerged as the result of consultations with the Macedonian elites and an agreement to change the name of the modern Macedonian state. It is assumed that the policy of the Patriarchate of Constantinople and the settlement of the formal status of the Macedonian Church significantly reduced the level of the memorial confrontation between Skopje and Athens.
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Scott-Smith, Tom, Matthew A. L. Gault, Joshua Falcon, Phaedra Douzina-Bakalaki i Bilal Nadeem. "Book Reviews". Cambridge Journal of Anthropology 41, nr 2 (1.09.2023): 112–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cja.2023.410209.
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Barbara Harrell-Bond, Imposing Aid: Emergency Assistance to Refugees, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 440 pp., 1986. Rosemary Harris, Prejudice and Tolerance in Ulster: A Study of Neighbours and ‘Strangers’ in a Border Community. Manchester: University Press, 234 pp., 1972. Allan D. Coult, Psychedelic Anthropology: The Study of Man Through the Manifestation of the Mind. Philadelphia: Dorrance & Company, 296 pp., 1977. Eirini Papadaki, The Politics of Kinship: Adoption in Contemporary Greece. Athens: Alexandria Publications, 196 pp, 2021. Christos Lynteris, Visual Plague: The Emergence of Epidemic Photography. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press, 2022. 322 pp., 6 × 9 in, 44 figures.
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Vlahadi, Maria, Roido Mitoula i Luca Salvati. "The Contribution of Immigrants to Urban Economies: Exploring Citizens' Opinions in Athens, Greece". Migration Letters 20, nr 3 (24.05.2023): 453–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.47059/ml.v20i3.2911.
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Migration processes pose important social problems and demand appropriate integration policies. With this perspective in mind, the present study investigates native residents’ opinion on the contribution of immigrants to urban economy in Athens, Greece, using a self-reported questionnaire submitted to a convenience sample of 446 native residents 18+ years old. In spite of the current economic crisis, mixed responses were recorded about the extent Greek government should allow new immigrants to come, live and work in the country. Conversely, citizens’ opinions were rather homogeneous and negative when speaking about the state benefits granted to immigrants. Respondents who believe that, in the near future, a high (and possibly increasing) number of immigrants should be allowed to live, and work in Greece, demonstrated to be fully aware of the importance of integration policies. By contrast, in line with the ‘secular’ role of families permeating the Greek society, married people were more inclined to refuse any policy of immigrants’ integration compared to single people. Future research should emphasize how institutions, national/local policies, and contextual aspects including ethnic networks, social capital, and labor market conditions, may influence immigrant integration in traditional, Mediterranean societies.
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Hamilakis, Yannis. "Museums of oblivion". Antiquity 85, nr 328 (maj 2011): 625–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00068010.
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The relationship between antiquity, archaeology and national imagination in Greece, the sacralisation of the Classical past, and the recasting of the Western Hellenism into an indigenous Hellenism have been extensively studied in the last 15 years or so (see e.g. Hamilakis 2007, 2009). In fact, Greece has proved a rich source of insights for other cases of nation-state heritage politics. The new Acropolis Museum project was bound to be shaped by the poetics of nationhood right from the start, given that its prime referent is the most sacred object of the Hellenic national imagination, the Acropolis of Athens. This site is at the same time, however, an object of veneration within the Western imagination (you only have to look at the UNESCO logo), a pilgrimage destination for millions of global tourists, with all its revenue implications, and an endlessly reproduced and modified global icon (in both senses of the word).
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Baird, Theodore. "Human smuggling and violence in the east Mediterranean". International Journal of Migration, Health and Social Care 10, nr 3 (9.09.2014): 121–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijmhsc-06-2013-0010.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to outline a typology of violent acts used against migrants using human smugglers. This paper relates the experiences of violence, coercion, and exploitation to migrants’ experiences of being smuggled across borders. Design/methodology/approach – Data were collected using participant observation and semi-structured interviews among undocumented migrants and refugees who used human smugglers to enter Turkey and Greece. Fieldwork was conducted in Athens, Greece and Istanbul, Turkey over spring and summer 2011 and 2012. Findings – This paper presents an adapted typology of violence using four categories of coercive violence: threats and pressure, physical force, deception and fraud, and coercion/advantage taking. Movement with human smugglers may involve the violation of consent and forms of exploitation resembling, but not equating to, human trafficking. Research limitations/implications – The findings are based on a non-probability snowball sample, and are not generalizable. Further research should engage with other methods such as respondent driven sampling to gain more accurate estimates of violent events among smuggled migrants. Practical implications – Governments must respond appropriately when apprehending or detaining migrants, as many of them have been victimized by violence and may remain vulnerable because of continued threats from human smugglers. Originality/value – This paper presents a typology of violent acts against migrants using human smugglers, and can be used to develop further research and improve professional practice.
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Tzelgov, Eitan. "Coalition oversight and blame avoidance in Greece". European Political Science Review 9, nr 1 (8.09.2015): 95–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773915000284.
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This article examines the behavior of Greek political parties before, as well as during, the recent austerity period. Drawing on coalition oversight and blame avoidance literature, it argues that the unpopularity of austerity governments leads to extreme levels of dissent within the coalition. I operationalize this ‘intra-coalition opposition’ behavior using parliamentary questions, a legislative institution that has not been studied in the context of coalition politics. The analysis demonstrates that junior members in unpopular austerity governments increase their use of parliamentary questions to a degree that matches or even exceeds the formal opposition. However, intra-coalition dissent is conditional on the type of unpopular government policies, and on the ideology of coalition members. Specifically, using a new method of text analysis, I show that while the socialist Panhellenic Socialist Movement uses its parliamentary questions to avoid or minimize the blame associated with austerity policies, the conservative New Democracy does not, because left-leaning parties are electorally vulnerable to austerity measures. The results have implications for studying dissent in coalition politics in general, and the politics of austerity in particular.
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Sidneva, S. A. "On “companions of joy”: the gender/ethnic composition of sex workers in modern Greece". Etnograficheskoe obozrenie, nr 3 (15.06.2023): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0869541523030028.
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The article examines the phenomenon of prostitution in Greece of the 20th-21st centuries, the attitudes toward it, and its role in the regulation of social relations with reference to tradition. Noticeable and interesting to study are the changes that took place during this period in the gender/ethnic composition of representatives of the sphere of intimate services. The turning points for change were economic crises and upsurges in the country, migration processes, as well as new directions in international politics and ideology of the European Union, which Greece joined in 1981. In the 1990s-2000s, for example, workers of foreign origin prevailed in the sphere of intimate services. The crisis of 2008 led to the increase in the percentage of Greek citizens in this sphere, according to studies conducted by sociologists at the Pandion University of Athens. With regard to the gender aspect, it is especially interesting to study the attitudes toward male prostitution in a patriarchal society, which modern Greece still essentially is. Particular attention in the article is paid to linguistic material shedding light on contemporary nominations of representatives of the most ancient profession.
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Tsingas, V. "Acropolis of Athens: Recording, Modeling and Visualising a Major Archaeological Site". International Journal of Heritage in the Digital Era 1, nr 2 (czerwiec 2012): 169–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1260/2047-4970.1.2.169.
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This paper presents the project “Development of Geographic Information Systems at the Acropolis of Athens”, financed by the European Union and the Government of Greece. The Acropolis of Athens is one of the major archaeological sites world-wide included in the UNESCO World Heritage list. The project started in June 2007 and finished in May 2009. The paper presents the project's aims and gives a description of the deliverables and the specifications, as well as the project difficulties. It was a complex project including a wide range of works, from classical geodetic and photogrammetric works to 3D modeling and GIS development. The main tasks of the project were the establishment of a polygonometric network, the production of DSM and orthophotomosaics of the top view of the hill and of the walls' facades, the terrestrial laser scanning and 3D modeling of the Acropolis rock, the walls and the Erehtheion, the development of a geospatial database and finally the development of GIS applications to access and manage the data.
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Chương, Đặng Văn. "THE PERFECT PERFORMANCE OF THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC GOVERNMENT IN ATHENS (GREEK) THROUGH REFORMS (VI CENTURY BC - V CENTURY BC)". Hue University Journal of Science: Social Sciences and Humanities 130, nr 6D (5.07.2021): 131–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.26459/hueunijssh.v130i6d.6304.
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In comparison with ancient Orient nations, the Greek state was born much later and they created a new state institution which was a republic. This state was different from the government of absolute monarchies in the Orient. The state of Athens (Athènes) - an important city-state in ancient Greece, was a democratic republic and was gradually improved through the reforms that took place from the sixth to the fifth century BC. This is the first democratic republic in world history and it had a profound influence on the model of republic and democratic states in the world, especially in Europe and North America in modern times.
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Chorianopoulos, Ioannis, i Naya Tselepi. "Austerity urbanism: Rescaling and collaborative governance policies in Athens". European Urban and Regional Studies 26, nr 1 (30.09.2017): 80–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969776417733309.
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This paper explores the urban politics of austerity in Greece, paying particular attention to ‘local collaboration’. It revisits the key austerity periods noted in the country since accession to the European Union (1981), and marks their impact in redefining central–local relations, amidst a broader rescaling endeavour. A direct link is identified between austerity-oriented pre-occupations and the introduction of territorial regulatory experimentations that rest heavily on local-level collaboration and competitiveness. The overall record of partnerships, however, has been appraised, up until recently, as underdeveloped. From this spectrum, we look at the latest re-organization of state spatial contour (2010). The influence of this rescaling attempt on local relational attributes is explored in Athens, in light of the emergent re-shuffling in the scalar balance of power rendering austerity pre-occupations a firm trait of the emerging regulatory arrangement. Examination focuses on key social policy programmes launched recently by the City in an attempt to ameliorate extreme poverty and social despair. In Athens, it is argued, a financially and regulatorily deprivileged local authority is opening up to the influence of corporate and third sector organizations. It adopts a partnership approach that is best understood as a form of ‘elite pluralism’, undermining local political agency and falling short in addressing social deprivation.
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Western, Tom. "Listening with Displacement". Migration and Society 3, nr 1 (1.06.2020): 194–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arms.2020.030128.
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This article puts sound at the center of migration. Auditory cultures develop in displacement, while sounds are enrolled in regimes of citizenship, playing a key—but unheard—role in debates about freedom of movement. These ideas are presented through research in Athens, Greece, where people assert sonic belonging in the face of denied asylum, racialized persecution, and EU border politics that play out in urban space. I argue for listening with displacement. Such practices can amplify the creativities of people crossing borders, disrupt normative narratives that present migration as a problem, and challenge representational practices that reify ideas of “refugee crisis.” Migration is a sonic process. Sounds are always moving, and can help us rethink society itself through movement.
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Smallwood, Frank. "Federal-provincial governance and the future status of Canadian cities". Ekistics and The New Habitat 71, nr 424-426 (1.06.2004): 138–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.53910/26531313-e200471424-426242.
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The author is the Nelson A. Rockefeller Professor of Government Emeritus and the past Chair of the Urban Studies Program at Dartmouth College, Hanover, New Hampshire, USA. He received his Masters and Ph. D degrees from Harvard University. In 1968 he worked with Constantinos A. Doxiadis and Panayis Psomopoulos in Athens, and he joined the World Society for Ekistics at that time. His publications include books on metropolitan government, as well as many studies of the Politics of Policy Implementation. He retired to Shelburne, Vermont, USA, in 2002.
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Wood, Luke. "The Bureaucratic Politics of Germany’s First Greek Bailout Package". German Politics and Society 34, nr 1 (1.03.2016): 26–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2016.340102.
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The bureaucratic politics of the German decision to bailout Greece reveal that policy proposals from the Office of the Federal Chancellery and the Federal Ministry of Finance to cope with the crisis in Greece stood to benefit those specific ministries. Centered on a national/supranational cleavage, policy debates in the second Angela Merkel government revolved around whether the European Union should be delegated more power in terms of broader Eurozone macroeconomic governance. Angela Merkel rejected broader treaty revisions insisting on strict adherence to the Stability and Growth Pact and the large-scale participation of the IMF. Conversely, Federal Finance Minister Wolfgang Schäuble opposed IMF involvement and advocated for increased EU competency including support for the French proposal to institutionalize the Eurogroup. The policy positions of these two organizational actors remained deeply conditioned by organizational interests, rather than partisan or ideological divides over conceptions of “European Unity.”
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Karanikola, Paraskevi, Evangelos Manolas, Stilianos Tampakis i Thomas Panagopoulos. "The Coexistence of Humans and Companion Animals in the City Parks of Xanthi: The Views of the Citizens". Urban Studies Research 2012 (10.12.2012): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2012/462025.
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Companion animals are very important to people of big cities. In Greece the families which own those animals take them for a walk in the parks and streets of their town but not always with care to not disturb other citizens. Laws and regulations for companion and stray animals are not respected in Greece, although as a result of the Athens Olympics in 2004 the Greek government started to provide funds for the collection, care, and sterilization of stray animals. This paper is a first attempt to record, through the aid of a structured questionnaire, the view of the citizens of the city of Xanthi in northern Greece regarding companion animals and what they do when animals become old. The paper also examines the extent to which the existence of stray and companion animals in parks disturbs the people who visit green areas looking for a place to get a rest or play on the grass. The majority preferred that stray animals are collected off the streets, recorded, treated from parasites, vaccinated, and sterilized and after that are available for adoption or are returned to the area they were found at.
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Vaiou, Dina. "Care and domestic work through crises. Juggling with space and time in Athens". Documents d'Anàlisi Geogràfica 69, nr 2 (22.05.2023): 247–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/dag.814.
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The paper discusses changing conditions of care and domestic work in Greece in the context of the ongoing health crisis, which follows a long period of successive and simultaneous crises (financial, social, pandemic, refugee, war) and extreme neoliberal policies implemented to control them. The focus is on the burden that women (have to) assume in conjunctures which reinstate care (and domestic work) as “women’s work”, with particular emphasis in the periods of “lockdown” adopted by the government in order to control the spread of the Covid-19 pandemic. The general overview is supported by research in Athens and material from interviews with women who juggle with space and time as they struggle to care for the self and for others while adhering to personal goals and aspirations, as well as to the “social benefits” of previous decades of relative prosperity.
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Kipourou, Antonia, Sofia Giannarou i Efthimios Zervas. "Evaluations of energy upgrading interventions in social housing neighbourhoods in Greece: An approach that takes into account residents’ views". E3S Web of Conferences 436 (2023): 01010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202343601010.
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The European Union (EU) has committed to actions aimed at the energy efficiency of buildings, with a focus on the domestic sector. Most residential buildings in Greece are classified in the lowest energy categories, while the government attempts to upgrade them energy wise, through state subsidy programs. This study aims to evaluate the energy upgrading interventions in social housing areas, built in the capital of Greece, Athens. For this purpose, energy audits are performed in social housing in three different neighborhoods, in order to find the current building stock and later suggest energy upgrading solutions. The study is followed by a questionnaire survey to citizens of the neighborhoods under study. The majority of respondents consider significantly beneficial the energy-saving upgrade programs that the Greek Government has run in recent years, as they demand to be easier for everyone to participate. At the same time, respondents seem to be positive for future energy upgrade interventions, such as external insulation, frame replacement and implementation of renewable energy systems. Through the implementation of energy upgrade scenarios in the official national software for energy audits (TEE KENAK), results show that dwellings can upgrade up to 7 energy categories, with short payback time, reducing CO2 and primary energy emissions.
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Kousi, Timokleia, Lefkothea-Christina Mitsi i Jean Simos. "The Early Stage of COVID-19 Outbreak in Greece: A Review of the National Response and the Socioeconomic Impact". International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18, nr 1 (4.01.2021): 322. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18010322.
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Greece is a European-Union country, of around 10 million people, located in the southeast part of Europe. The economy is recovering from a long period of deep recession, due to the economic crisis that started in 2008. The economic problems greatly influenced the structure and resources of the healthcare system of the country. In addition to the economic challenges, the country has been facing a refugee crisis, characterized by many overcrowded hotspots and tensions with neighboring Turkey. The COVID-19 outbreak arrived in Greece on 26 February 2020, at the time that Athens had declared a state of emergency at the Greek/Turkish border. From this point in time the government enforced a series of measurements, aiming to contain the epidemic and avoid the collapse of the healthcare system. The vast majority of the general population complied to the measures and consequently Greece’s death toll was low. The impacts of the outbreak are expected to be, as everywhere worldwide, multifaceted and to affect many parts of the economic, social and political life of the country.
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Drosos, Christos, Avraam Chatzopoulos, Michail Papoutsidakis i Eleni Simeonaki. "Electric Vehicle Infrastructure – Concepts and Challenges for Greece". International Journal of Electrical Engineering and Computer Science 4 (31.12.2022): 110–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.37394/232027.2022.4.16.
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Electric Vehicles (EVs) represent a self-evident solution to environmental issues. Particularly in urban areas, the inhabitants must cope with increasing air pollution from industry and traffic. Promoting the electrification of individual transport can be part of the solution not only to slow down climate change but also to improve the quality of life of city dwellers. Athens has one of the highest emission rates in Europe due to traffic. The Greek Government published the National Plan for Energy and Climate in late 2019. A key message of this plan is that by 2030, one in three vehicles sold in Greece should be equipped with an electric drive. Additionally, Renewable Energy Sources (RES) are about to be promoted, which shall lead to a more environmentally friendly electricity mix (29.2 % share of RES in 2020, aiming for 61 % share of RES in 2030). This is necessary for EVs to achieve a reasonably well-to-wheel CO2 and NOx balance, not only a reasonable tank-to-wheel balance. Government subsidies are intended to create incentives to buy an electric vehicle. Including tax benefits, these subsidies can support the purchase of an electric vehicle for up to 10,000 €. Considering the comparatively low purchasing power in Europe and the lacking Charging Infrastructure, this is an ambitious target. Declining prices for EVs and charging facilities also enable countries with lower GDP per capita to electrify their mobility. This paper’s purpose is to examine whether Greece’s above objective of transport electrification is achievable and in addition to highlighting the strategies and methods that must be utilized to electrify Greece’s private transport. Therefore, the methodology followed includes the calculation of the minimum number of Public Charging Points (PCPs) required and subsequent analysis of pioneer countries regarding EV Infrastructure that Greece should be adapt to electrify its private transport appropriately. Concluding this paper's results show, that Greece's objective is achievable.
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Kilian, Jürgen. "Krieg auf Kosten anderer. Wehrmachtfinanzierung in Griechenland während des Zweiten Weltkriegs / War at the Expence of Others Financing the „Wehrmacht“ in Greece during the Second World War". Südost-Forschungen 73, nr 1 (8.08.2014): 38–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sofo-2014-0104.
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Abstract After Greece had been conquered by the troops of the Axis Powers in spring 1941, they installed a rule of occupation existing until october 1944. The Government in Athens had to finance this occupation by making payments in advance and besides, making a forced credit available. This method led to an exorbitant overloading of the Greek economy and to a galloping inflation. The German Tax and Finance Ministry played an important, yet hardly noticed role as to the concrete implementation of the monetary exploitation. Almost unknown documents throw a light on the financing of the German Wehrmacht during WW II. Besides, the real burden on the Greek economy shall be estimated and connected with the general questions of war financing in the Third Reich.
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Tsekeris, Charalambos, i George Efthymiou. "Greek Government’s Communication Approach During the Covid-19 First Wave". HAPSc Policy Briefs Series 1, nr 2 (29.12.2020): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hapscpbs.26452.
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The present policy brief draws from an empirical dissertation research, which took place during the outburst of the Covid-19 pandemic, in Athens, Greece. The main assumption of this interdisciplinary work is that Greek government’s Covid-19 emergency communication and crisis management approach (during the first wave of the pandemic) can be described by the Pragmatic Complexity Communication Model (PCOM), according to which communication involves an emergent complexity of reciprocal relationships and levels of interaction. This assumption is examined and validated through a qualitative research process, using an online open-ended questionnaire and focusing on a group of government officials and a group of correspondent journalists. The subsequent analysis also highlights the intimate links between government’s emergency communication (and crisis management) approach and the so-called “reformist culture”, that is, an extrovert, pluralist and anti-populist way of government, emphasising preparedness, collaboration, consistency, coordination, trust and community. This results in specific policy considerations and recommendations regarding governmental Covid-19 response in general.
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Mustățea, Mihaela. "Italy's view on Turkey Joining the Atlantic Treaty (1949-1952)". Euro-Atlantic Studies, nr 1 (2018): 91–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.31178/eas.2018.1.7.
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This study aims to examine the difficult way in which Turkey and Greece negotiated their membership applications in the North-Atlantic Treaty and it analyzes the consequences of this foreign policy choice which placed these countries in one of the Cold War teams. Heavy emphasis was put on the reasons why the Italian administration considered and supported these states’ demands for security. Essentially, this study tried to redraw the diplomatic effort, using documents from the collections of the Italian diplomacy (I Documenti Diplomatici Italiani), mostly from the recently published 11th/XI series, which discuses Italy’s political and diplomatic view within NATO. It is also worth mentioning that this study also followed the attitudes and reactions of the government in Athens regarding the issue of the first expansion of the Atlantic Alliance, although the author placed emphasis on the more fleshed out policy of the Turkish Government, another reason being its influence in the Middle East and among the Arab states.
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Ogiermann, Eva, i Spyridoula Bella. "Disseminating risk communication". Interpersonal functions of public signs during the Covid-19 pandemic 14, nr 2 (6.07.2023): 334–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ps.22016.ogi.
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Abstract This paper investigates advice offered on closure signs displayed on businesses in Greece and the UK during the first lockdown of the Covid-19 pandemic. By scrutinising signs photographed in London and in Athens, as well as speeches delivered by the British and Greek prime ministers at the time of the closures, our analysis shows how business owners pass on government instructions to their customers. The study thus makes an original contribution to research on the effectiveness of risk communication, revealing that while businesses in both countries supported the implementation of containment measures, the Greek signs replicated governmental messages more closely. At the same time, the analysis of advice offered by business owners to their customers in an unprecedented context of a global health crisis provides new insights into research on this speech act.