Artykuły w czasopismach: „Athenian Vases”

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Mario Iozzo. "Hidden Inscriptions on Athenian Vases". American Journal of Archaeology 122, nr 3 (2018): 397. http://dx.doi.org/10.3764/aja.122.3.0397.

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Sheramy D. Bundrick. "Selling Sacrifice on Classical Athenian Vases". Hesperia: The Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens 83, nr 4 (2014): 653. http://dx.doi.org/10.2972/hesperia.83.4.0653.

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Ferrari, Gloria. "Myth and Genre on Athenian Vases". Classical Antiquity 22, nr 1 (1.04.2003): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2003.22.1.37.

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With the notable exceptions of Jan Bazˇˇant and Paul Harvey, most scholars subscribe to the idea that the representational scenes on Greek vases fall into one of two main categories: either myth (including epic subjects) or "genre," whose frame of reference is everyday life. This article challenges this distinction and makes a plea for its abandonment.

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Shapiro, H. A. "Attic Comedy and the ‘Comic Angels’ Krater in New York". Journal of Hellenic Studies 115 (listopad 1995): 173–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631658.

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The centerpiece of Oliver Taplin's recent monograph on Greek drama and South Italian vase-painting is an Apulian bell-krater of the early fourth century in a New York private collection (Plate IV). The vase belongs to the genre conventionally known as phlyax vases, though Taplin would reject that label, since it is the thesis of his book that many, if not most, of these vases reflect Athenian Old Comedy and not an indigenous Italic entertainment, the phlyax play.

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Jo Smith, Tyler. "Black-Figure vases in the collection of the British School at Athens". Annual of the British School at Athens 98 (listopad 2003): 347–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400016919.

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Although some of the black-figure vases presented here were studied by Beazley and others, many are published for the first time. This article provides a summary of the collection followed by a catalogue of the objects by fabric and shape, and an illustration of each piece. The fabrics include Athenian, Corinthian, Boeotian and Euboean. A wide range of shapes, styles and iconographic themes are represented. An appendix of largely unpublished Athenian black-figure from the site of Kynosarges, excavated by the BSA (1896–7), appears at the end.

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Bennett. "Targeted Advertising for Women in Athenian Vase-Painting of the Fifth Century BCE". Arts 8, nr 2 (11.04.2019): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts8020052.

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This paper analyzes the trends in depictions of women in Athenian vase-painting during the 5th century BCE through an examination of approximately 88,000 vases in the Beazley Archive Pottery Database. It found a 15% increase in depictions of women during the 5th century BCE and a diversification in subject matter in which women appear. By considering these trends within the historical context of the hegemonic position of Athens in the Delian League and its wars, this paper proposes that the changes in representations and subject matter denote an expanded marketability of vases to female viewers. As targeted imagery, the images give perceptible recognition to an increased valuation of women’s work and lives at a time when their roles in Athenian society were essential for the continued success of the city-state. This paper suggests that these changes also point to the fact that a greater share of the market was influenced by women, either directly or indirectly, and successful artists carefully crafted targeted advertisements on their wares to attract that group. This paper provides new insights into the relationships between vases and their intended audiences within the context of the cultural changes occurring in Athens itself.

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Laferrière, Carolyn M. "Dancing with Greek Vases". Greek and Roman Musical Studies 9, nr 1 (29.03.2021): 85–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22129758-12341378.

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Abstract As gods dance, women twirl in choruses, and men leap in kōmos revels on Athenian red-figure vases, their animate bodies must be made to conform to the rounded shape of the vessels. Occasionally, these vases are even included in the images themselves, particularly within the kōmos revel, where the participants incorporate vessels into their dance as props, markers of space, and tools to engage new dance partners. Positioning these scenes within their potential sympotic context, I analyze the vases held by the dancers according to the ancient viewer’s own possible use of these physical vessels. The symposiasts’ own dextrous interaction with the objects echoes the dancers’ behaviors, so that human and ceramic bodies come together in shared movement. The handling of vases thus suggests a tactile, embodied experience shared between dancers and viewers; by evoking viewers’ familiarity with handling similar vessels, the vase-paintings invite viewers to join in the dance.

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Da Costa, Natalia Borges. "REFLECTIONS FROM A GREEK VASE". Revista Contemporânea 3, nr 8 (18.08.2023): 12142–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.56083/rcv3n8-122.

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The theme proposed in this Article is: “Reflections from a greek vase”. The development of this Article took place under the qualitative methodology with bibliographic, qualitative, referential, interpretative, descriptive and critical-dialectical methods. Reflecting on a Greek Vase is the main objective of this Article, considering the importance of Greek Vases: the legacy of the attic vases helped greatly in building the knowledge of athenian society. Topic 1 will deal with the Power of the Image; Topic 2 will deal with Greek Vases and the 3rd Topic will analyze a Greek Vase. Then, the Final Considerations. I hope the academic environment will receive a good contribution, both practical and theoretical, by conducting my analyzes.

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Higbie, Carolyn. "The Bones of a Hero, the Ashes of a Politician: Athens, Salamis, and the Usable Past". Classical Antiquity 16, nr 2 (1.10.1997): 278–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25011066.

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This article uses one incident, the Athenian efforts to acquire Salamis from Megara during the sixth century B.C.E., to study what Greeks themselves believed about their own past and why the past was so powerful an argument for them. The nature of the evidence is an important part of the discussion, since the written sources (primarily Aristotle, Strabo, Plutarch, and Diogenes Laertius) date from long after the events and Greek authors' approaches to the past differ from our own. Although only brief fragments of any Megarian historians survive, they are useful in providing a counterbalance to Athenian sources, since their versions of mythological events and portraits of mythological heroes are very different. The archaeological evidence includes inscriptions, vases, and graves; with one possible exception, this material was not exploited either by Solon and the Athenians or by the ancient authors. Sources credited both Solon and Athens with having used five different kinds of arguments to make the Athenian case for Salamis, and this variety indicates that Greeks of later centuries did not really know what happened in the struggle over the island. Hampered by problems of chronography and influenced by cultural attitudes such as a belief in a culture hero, historians, biographers, and travelers wrote accounts which reveal the importance of the past, especially the Trojan War past, to Greeks.

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Bazant, Jan. "Cultural memory and recollections in Athenian vase paintings". Letras Clássicas, nr 8 (1.11.2004): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2358-3150.v0i8p11-26.

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<p><span>In this paper, I deal with the traditional division between myth and reality on ancient Athenian vases. I ask what happened in the late 6th century BC Athens that made classical archaeologists think that vase painters and their customers started to be interested in reality. There is no doubt that in the century or so around 500 BC iconography of Athenian vase underwent a radical change, but my point is that this makeover was misinterpreted. There was a revolution in storytelling, but the entirely new stories with which Athenian vase painters started to amuse their patrons were not genre scenes or depictions of everyday subjects, as scenes of reality are sometimes called. </span></p>

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Brennan, Maura. "LAME HEPHAISTOS". Annual of the British School at Athens 111 (10.05.2016): 163–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245415000131.

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The Return of Hephaistos to Olympus was a popular scene in Attic vase-painting from the beginning of the sixth century through the end of the fifth century bce, and it is found occasionally on other forms of pottery as well. According to myth, Hephaistos was lame, and this disability is sometimes depicted on painted pottery, almost always in scenes of his Return. The most well-known example is the François Vase, which is often the only vase cited when discussing instances of Hephaistos's lameness on Athenian pottery. Although three other Attic vases are occasionally cited as showing the disability, one of which does not show his Return, but instead the Birth of Athena, there are actually quite a number more Attic vases that depict his lameness than have previously been recognised. In this paper I present seven new Attic examples that clearly display his lameness, and consider both the different ways in which his disability is rendered and how they relate to the various epithets associated with him For example, he is often associated with the epithet ‘clubfoot’, and while there was an established iconography of clubfoot Corinthian komasts, the god's disability is never rendered in this manner on Attic vases. Instead, he is depicted in ways more similar to other epithets associated with him. Most notably, four vases represent the disability in a fashion that seems to be connected with Hephaistos's most common Homeric epithet, ἀμφιγυήεις, or ‘with both feet crooked’.

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Chevitarese, André Leonardo. "Woman and fruit harvest in the Athenian pólis: iconographic analisys of the Athenian black and red figure vases." Revista do Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia, nr 10 (22.12.2000): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2448-1750.revmae.2000.109385.

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Ao fazer um levantamento sistemático das cenas de colheita de frutas nos vasos áticos de figuras negras e vermelhas, constata-se uma relação direta entre o desempenho dessa atividade agrícola e as mulheres. Pretende-se com este trabalho estabelecer possíveis explicações dessa associação, a priori pouco comum para os padrões da cultura ateniense, a partir do exame dos vasos atenienses e da tradição literária.

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Baurain-Rebillard, Laurence. "Les vases «communicants» à Athènes, des offrandes de l’Acropole aux premiers banquets sur l’Agora". Ktèma : civilisations de l'Orient, de la Grèce et de Rome antiques 23, nr 1 (1998): 125–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ktema.1998.2722.

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This study, based on some inscribed Athenian vases, deals with Archaic behaviours which are midway between private and public. Two skyphoi from the Agora, bearing ‘owners’ marks’ and associated with an abundant set of dining ware from the seventh century BC, lead to propose a new interpretation of ‘Building A’ as the meeting place for a group of men prefiguring the prytaneis from the Classical period.

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Balachandran, Sanchita. "Bringing Back the (Ancient) Bodies: The Potters’ Sensory Experiences and the Firing of Red, Black and Purple Greek Vases". Arts 8, nr 2 (4.06.2019): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts8020070.

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The study of Athenian black-figure and red-figure ceramics is haunted by nearly a thousand “hands” of the artisans thought to be responsible for their painted images. But what of the bodies attached to those hands? Who were they? Given the limited archaeological and epigraphic evidence for these ancient makers, this study attempts to recover their physical bodies through the ceramics production process—specifically the firing of vessels—as a communal activity potentially including a large cast of participants including craftsmen and craftswomen, metics, freed people and slaves. Using an experimental archaeology approach, I argue that we can begin to approach the sensory experiences of ancient potters and painters as they produced all the colored surfaces (and not only images) that endure on Greek vases. I propose a four-stage sensory firing in combination with the three-stage chemical firing process known for the production of Athenian ceramics, suggesting that each stage—and the colors produced at each stage—had their own “sensory signatures.” Examining extant vases with this awareness of the bodily experience of their ancient makers has the potential to bring back these ancient bodies, moving us beyond the limiting narrative of a single hand wielding a paint brush.

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Muskett, Georgina. "Papers on Special Techniques in Athenian Vases. By Kenneth Lapatin." American Journal of Archaeology 113, nr 3 (1.07.2009): 487–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ajs20627606.

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McDonnell, Myles. "The introduction of athletic nudity: Thucydides, Plato, and the vases". Journal of Hellenic Studies 111 (listopad 1991): 182–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631899.

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A swell of recent books on Greek athletics has resurrected, often no higher than a footnote, an old question: when did Greek athletes begin to exercise nude? Bronze Age archaeology and the Homeric poems make it fairly certain that athletic nudity was not practiced before the late eighth century. The evidence for its introduction is, however, contradictory. A complex, confused, and predominantly late tradition crediting the innovation variously to the Olympic victor Orsippos of Megara (or of Sparta), Akanthos of Sparta, or to an unnamed Athenian athlete, places it in the eighth or seventh centuries. But both Thucydides and Plato report that it was only shortly before their time that Greeks stopped wearing the zoma and began to compete nude.

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Pritchard, David M. "Fool's Gold and Silver: Reflections on the Evidentiary Status of Finely Painted Attic Pottery". Antichthon 33 (listopad 1999): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400002318.

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The imagery of black and red figure pottery continues to be a valuable source of information for the social and ideological history of ancient Athens. These images have traditionally provided historians with insights into material culture, religion and daily life activities, and increasingly, in large part due to francophone archaeologists like François Lissarrague, they are also being employed as detailed evidence of the conceptual world of archaic and classical Athenians. It is striking though that in spite of the clear evidentiary value of finely painted Attic pottery, almost no sustained scholarly attention has been paid to the critical issue of whose lifestyle and ideological point of view were replicated in images by Athenian pottery painters. In light of this lacuna the recent research project of David Gill and Michael Vickers to isolate more exactly the status of red and black figure pots in Attic society would appear to be most promising. Their findings end up challenging two widely held but never fully substantiated articles of faith of classical archaeology, namely that this type of pottery was used extensively and valued highly by the Athenian elite, and that these ‘vases’ were an important and privileged medium for the development of Greek art. Gill and Vickers seek to demonstrate that the homes of upper class Athenians were crammed full of precious metal vessels and had no place for mere painted pots. They maintain instead that such fictile pieces were inexpensive, and slavishly imitated the shapes, colours and even imagery of the vastly more valuable vessels made of gold and silver. Consequently, Gill and Vickers argue that Attic finely painted pottery was entirely dependent on the artistry and inventiveness of the designers and smiths of precious metallic pieces.

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Adrienne Mayor, John Colarusso i David Saunders. "Making Sense of Nonsense Inscriptions Associated with Amazons and Scythians on Athenian Vases". Hesperia: The Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens 83, nr 3 (2014): 447. http://dx.doi.org/10.2972/hesperia.83.3.0447.

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Pevnick, Seth D. "ΣϒPIΣKOΣ EΓPΦΣEN: Loaded Names, Artistic Identity, and Reading an Athenian Vase". Classical Antiquity 29, nr 2 (1.10.2010): 222–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2010.29.2.222.

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This paper examines the importance of artist names and artistic identity, especially as expressed in artist signatures, to the interpretation of ancient Greek pottery. Attention is focused on a calyx krater signed ΣϒPIΣKOΣ EΓPΦΣEN [sic], and it is argued that the non-Greek ethnikon used as artist name encourages a non-Athenian reading of the iconography. The painted labels for all six figures on this vase, together with parallels from other Athenian red-figure vases—including others from the Syriskos workshop—all suggest the presentation of an alternative, un-Athenian world view. Okeanos, Dionysos, and Epaphos are read as representing faraway lands at the edges of the Ge Panteleia, or “entire earth,” while the central figure of Themis, Greek personification of divine right, is depicted pouring a libation to Balos, the Hellenized form of the Syrian supreme god Baal, thereby recognizing his status as a supreme deity. Other overtly political messages have been read elsewhere in the oeuvre of the Syriskos Workshop, where it seems that at least two distinct artistic identities were at play—the explicitly foreign “little Syrian,” and the more conventional Pistoxenos, or “trustworthy foreigner.” When explicitly signed on vessels, these artistic identities necessarily sway interpretation, whereas on the many unsigned pieces, the viewer is left to consider which identity is at play.

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Vickers, Michael. "Artful crafts: the influence of metalwork on Athenian painted pottery". Journal of Hellenic Studies 105 (listopad 1985): 108–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631525.

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Why did Athenian vase-painters choose the colours they did for the vases they decorated? Why did they choose black figures on red, or red figures on black; why were lekythoi often decorated on white ground? These are basic questions, but have rarely been asked. Many books and articles deal with the technical aspects of how these effects were achieved, but never seem to ask why. A few minutes' conversation with a modern potter will dispel any illusion that the colours so familiar from Attic pottery were the only ones compatible with the local clay. Even the orange of that clay was made more intense by the addition of a thin reddish slip, and white-ground can scarcely be accidental. It is legitimate to enquire why a particular range of colour schemes was adopted.

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O’Donovan, Shannon. "Athenian Vases and Heroes out of Context: Discovering what Theseus is doing in Etruria". Etruscan Studies 23, nr 1-2 (4.11.2020): 62–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/etst-2018-0024.

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GREEN, J. R. "COMIC CUTS: SNIPPETS OF ACTION ON THE GREEK COMIC STAGE". Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 45, nr 1 (1.12.2001): 37–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2001.tb00231.x.

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Abstract The article represents a preliminary attempt to distinguish aspects of performance style in Athenian comedy from the later fifth to the third quarter of the fourth century on the basis of depictions on contemporary vases. It examines issues of dress and deportment, the changing place of female roles in comedy of the period (or the popular perception of these roles), and what one can observe of the growing subtlety of presentation. These developments are set against some literary evidence for the norms of public behaviour and appearance at that period. It also looks at what one can judge of the appearance and height of the stage in the theatres of Athens, Taranto, and Syracuse.

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Meyer, Caspar. "Ancient vases in modern vitrines: the sensory dynamics and social implications of museum display". Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 63, nr 1 (1.06.2020): 91–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bics/qbaa009.

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Abstract This contribution explores the changing sensory priorities underpinning the display of Greek painted pottery in European collections. The focus is on the introduction of glass-fronted cabinets in the purpose-designed public museums of art and archaeology of the mid-nineteenth century. Contrary to expectations, the contemporaneous debates surrounding the use of gallery furniture show that the museum stakeholders were less worried about the safety of the objects than the prospect of middle- and working-class visitors being exposed to the sexualized imagery on Athenian pottery. A survey of the different traditions of display in Britain and continental Europe highlights the shift from the multisensory engagements in early modern elite collections with vases as evidence of ancient custom to the selective viewing of the objects’ painted decoration as works of art whose proper interpretation called for classical education.

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Tsirogiannis, Christos, i David W. J. Gill. "“A Fracture in Time”: A Cup Attributed to the Euaion Painter from the Bothmer Collection". International Journal of Cultural Property 21, nr 4 (listopad 2014): 465–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739114000289.

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Abstract:In February 2013 Christos Tsirogiannis linked a fragmentary Athenian red-figured cup from the collection formed by Dietrich von Bothmer, former chairman of Greek and Roman Art at New York’s Metropolitan Museum of Art, to a tondo in the Villa Giulia, Rome. The Rome fragment was attributed to the Euaion painter. Bothmer had acquired several fragments attributed to this same painter, and some had been donated to the Metropolitan Museum of Art as well as to the J. Paul Getty Museum. Other fragments from this hand were acquired by the San Antonio Museum of Art and the Princeton University Art Museum. In January 2012 it was announced that some fragments from the Bothmer collection would be returned to Italy, because they fitted vases that had already been repatriated from North American collections. The Euaion painter fragments are considered against the phenomenon of collecting and donating fractured pots.

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Margariti, Katia. "Painting early death. Deceased maidens on funerary vases in the National Archaeological Museum of Athens". Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 11 (listopad 2018): 127–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-11-07.

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The present paper studies the iconography of dead maidens depicted on a red-figured funerary loutrophoros and six white-ground lekythoi in the National Archaeological Museum of Athens, all of them dating to the 5th century BC. The scenes painted on the vases under consideration are representative of the iconography employed by Classical Athenian vase-painters for the depiction of deceased maidens, parthenoi. Dead maidens are not frequently seen on funerary clay loutrophoroi, but mostly appear in psychopompoi, tomb visit, and prothesis scenes of white lekythoi, where their premature death before marriage is often emphasized by the fact that they are shown as brides through the use of wedding iconography elements. They are never portrayed being carried by Hypnos and Thanatos, but are only taken to Hades by Hermes and Charon. Even though the loutrophoros is generally considered to be the symbol par excellence of death before marriage, it is not indispensable to the depiction of maiden figures on white lekythoi. However, in scenes on white lekythoi showing a loutrophoros-hydria set up over the tomb as a sema with the deceased maiden portrayed in close proximity to it, special emphasis is placed on the loutrophoros as a symbol of untimely death and eternal virginity.

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Hall, Edith. "How much did pottery workers know about classical art and civilisation?" Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 63, nr 1 (1.06.2020): 17–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bics/qbaa005.

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Abstract The voices of pottery workers across the British Isles during the heyday of the taste for classically themed ceramics are almost silent to us, since so few left memoirs or diaries. But other sources cumulatively build up a picture of skilled male, female, and child workers familiar with multifarious ancient artefacts and books visually reproducing them. At Etruria and Herculaneum, workers were encouraged to see themselves as participants in the rebirth of the ancient ceramic arts; they were trained in painstaking reproduction of details not only from ancient vases but from ancient gems, intaglios, ivories, coins, bas-reliefs, frescoes, friezes, statues, and sarcophagi. They were familiar with the stories of a substantial number of ancient mythical and historical figures, and the different aesthetic conventions of classical Athenian, Hellenistic, and Roman art. Some were even able to study antiquity at institutions of adult education, and had access to well-stocked workers’ libraries.

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Morgan, T. J. "Literate education in classical Athens". Classical Quarterly 49, nr 1 (maj 1999): 46–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/49.1.46.

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In the study of education, as in many more travelled regions of Classical scholarship, democratic Athens is something of a special case. The cautions formulation is appropriate: in the case of education, surprisingly few studies have sought to establish quite how special Athens was, and those which have, have often raised more questions than they answered. The subject itself is partly to blame. The history of education invites comparison with the present day, while those planning the future of education rarely fail to invoke the past. The place of Classical Athens in European culture has ensured a place for Athenian education in almost every debate from the relation between education and democracy to the value of education versus training, and as the original champion of causes as varied as mass education, co-education, and the national curriculum. Desirable as it is to be in demand, such treatment is not calculated to produce the most circumspect account of the subject. The study of education is further hampered by the fact that our knowledge of Athenian culture is so vibrant and diverse in some ways and so partial in others. Plato and Aristophanes present a vivid fictional picture of education in the late fifth century. If we add a few passages from Xenophon and Aristotle, a large number of vases depicting men, women, and children reading, playing the lyre, and doing athletics, and one or two archaeological finds of an educational appearance, it is tempting to take the result as a clear portrait of a society at school.

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Heuer, Keely. "Tenacious Tendrils: Replicating Nature in South Italian Vase Painting". Arts 8, nr 2 (6.06.2019): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts8020071.

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Elaborate floral tendrils are one of the most distinctive iconographic features of South Italian vase painting, the red-figure wares produced by Greek settlers in Magna Graecia and Sicily between ca. 440–300 B.C. They were a particular specialty of Apulian artisans and were later adopted by painters living in Paestum and Etruria. This lush vegetation is a stark contrast to the relatively meager interest of Archaic and Classical Athenian vase painters in mimetically depicting elements of the natural world. First appearing in the work of the Iliupersis Painter around 370 B.C., similar flowering vines appear in other contemporary media ranging from gold jewelry to pebble mosaics, perhaps influenced by the career of Pausias of Sicyon, who is credited in ancient sources with developing the art of flower painting. Through analysis of the types of flora depicted and the figures that inhabit these lush vegetal designs, this paper explores the blossoming tendrils on South Italian vases as an evocation of nature’s regenerative powers in the eschatological beliefs of peoples, Greek and Italic alike, occupying southern Italy.

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Shapiro, H. A. "Literacy and social status of archaic attic vase-painters." Revista do Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia, nr 5 (18.12.1995): 211. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2448-1750.revmae.1995.109236.

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In recent years, new evidence has led some scholars to question the traditional view of Athenian potters and painters as banausoi of low social status whose lives seldom if ever intersected with those of the aristocracy (Keuls, 1989: 149-67). The evidence pertains mainly to the generation of the red-figure pioneers, who are excepcional in their strong sense of identity and self-conscious reference to each other and to their patrons. Their meeting ground was the symposium. The presente paper focuses on an earlier period, the mid-sixth century, and on certain vase inscriptions that suggest not only a high degree of literacy on the part of the painter, but also a familiarity with several genres of sympotic and other poetry. These metrical inscriptions, some on otherwise modest vases and not previously collected, attest to the pervasiveness of the “song culture” of Archaic Greece described by J. Herington (1985). These and other examples imply that the social structure of Early Archaic Athens, in the wake of Solon’s reforms, was not a rigidly stratified one, but rather artisans mixed freely with aristocrats, often joined through their shared tastes for poetry and song.

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Gill, David W. J. "Pots and Trade: Spacefillers or Objets D'Art?" Journal of Hellenic Studies 111 (listopad 1991): 29–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631886.

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It is now a commonplace view that fine pottery may not have formed the major part of any cargo in antiquity. The archaeological evidence of shipwrecks seems to confirm the view held by most students of the ancient economy that pots—both fine and coarse—were merely ‘parasitic’ on the main items of trade, staples, metals and slaves. However there are some who plead a special case for the fine wares—especially the figure-decorated—during the archaic and classical periods. J. Boardman, for example, though in principle in agreement with the general view that pottery accompanied ‘more important materials’, still seems to hold the view (which he formulated in 1964) that ‘Corinthian vases were being carried for their own sakes, as objets d'art, or at least best plate’. This paper will examine the recent claim—in response to those who, it is maintained, have ‘demoted the consignments of Greek pottery, plain or decorated, to “space-fillers” or “profitable ballast”’—viz., that ‘Athenian decorated pottery was not cheap and … was as valuable and profitable a trade commodity as most that any classical ship took on board’.

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Spivey, Nigel. "Art and Archaeology". Greece and Rome 64, nr 1 (14.03.2017): 90–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383516000280.

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The nineteenth-century French painter Gustave Courbet famously declared that he did not paint angels because he had never seen one. If artists of classical antiquity were ever troubled by such scruples regarding depictions of the supernatural, it is not (so far as I know) documented. This is not to say that the question of how an artist could represent, say, an Olympian deity, went completely unheeded: Dio Chrysostom's Olympic Discourse of ad 97 is one serious attempt to address that topic, with significant implications for the status of an artist (in this case, Pheidias) famed for ‘imagining’ the divine. Yet evidently the task of visualizing spiritual phenomena devolved no less to humble ‘craftsmen’ – as Hélène Collard shows in her monograph, Montrer l'invisible. This gathers a catalogue of 164 Athenian vases, mostly of the fifth-century bc, as case studies of the various formulations devised to show religious experience – many of them images upon objects, such as white-ground lekythoi, that may once have been used in particular rites and observances. Graphic traditions of mythology, and an established series of personification (e.g. Nike, Eros, Hypnos), assisted the process. However, many of the scenes collected by Collard do not apparently attempt to ‘show the invisible’. They seem, rather, to evoke the realities of regular practice – processions, libations, sacrifice, adornment of a stele. Such scenes only become ‘paranormal’ when invested with some extra knowing detail: for example, a large owl alighting upon an altar (presumably indicating the favour of Athena). And sometimes we simply have to look a little closer to apprehend the signs of divine agency. So a herm-head appears to lean forwards – as if to sip at the kantharos held up in propitiation – while the phallus of another herm seems distinctly to elongate in the presence of two ecstatic women.

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Attula, Regina. "Athenian Vases - (B.) Cohen The Colors of Clay. Special Techniques in Athenian Vases. Pp. xii + 372, b/w & colour ills, map. Los Angeles: The J. Paul Getty Museum, 2006. Paper, US$44.95 (Cased. US$85). ISBN: 978-0-89236-942-3 (978-0-89236-571-5 hbk)." Classical Review 60, nr 1 (8.03.2010): 271–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x09991351.

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Billing, Christian M. "Representations of Greek Tragedy in Ancient Pottery: a Theatrical Perspective". New Theatre Quarterly 24, nr 3 (sierpień 2008): 229–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x08000298.

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In this article, Christian M. Billing considers the relationship between representations of mythic narratives found on ancient pottery (primarily found at sites relating to the Greek colonies of south Italy in the fourth century BC, but also to certain vases found in Attica) and the tragic theatre of the fifth century BC. The author argues against the current resurgence in critical accounts that seek to connect such ceramics directly to performance of tragedies by the major tragedians: Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides. Using five significant examples of what he considers to be errors of method in recent philologically inspired accounts of ancient pottery, Billing argues for a more nuanced approach to the interpretation of such artefacts – one that moves beyond an understanding of literary texts and art history towards a more performance-conscious approach, while also acknowledging that a multiplicity of spheres of artistic influence, drawn from a variety of artistic media, operated in the production and reception of such artefacts. Christian M. Billing is an academic and theatre practitioner working in the fields of ancient Athenian and early modern English and European drama. He has extensive experience as a director, designer, and actor, and has taught at a number of universities in the UK and the USA. He is currently Lecturer in Drama at the University of Hull.

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Sparkes, B. A. "(J.) Boardman Athenian red figure vases: the classical period. A handbook. (World of art.) London: Thames and Hudson, 1989. Pp.252, 566 illus. £5.95." Journal of Hellenic Studies 111 (listopad 1991): 249–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631946.

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Cook, R. M. "John Boardman: Athenian Red Figure Vases, the Classical Period: a Handbook. (World of Art.) Pp. 252; 429 figs. London: Thames & Hudson, 1989. Paper, £5.95." Classical Review 40, nr 2 (październik 1990): 515. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00255297.

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Orehowskyi, Wadym. "TRADE AND MONEY CIRCULATION OF ANCIENT GREECE". BULLETIN OF CHERNIVTSI INSTITUTE OF TRADE AND ECONOMICS II, nr 90 (28.06.2023): 8–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.34025/2310-8185-2023-2.90.01.

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The article is devoted to highlighting the main directions and features of trade and money circulation in Ancient Greece. In the introduction, the author notes that the Kingdom of Egypt and the state entities of Mesopotamia were the first centers of regional trade. A separate "branch" of the trade system of the Mediterranean was made up of numerous polises of Ancient Greece, which were essentially separate states. It was the sea spaces that played a major role in a Greek trade. The latter contributed to the formation, on the one hand, of a unique "Mediterranean world", and on the other - the Greeks became the creators of a universal civilization that had an extremely great influence on the formation of the future political, economic and cultural "face" of the world. Considering the main features of the economy of the inhabitants of Hellas, the author emphasizes that the main occupation of the Greeks was agriculture. The population was engaged in agriculture, sowing wheat and barley. But in the future, preference was given to viticulture, horticulture and olive growing. The further deepening of the division of labor is characteristic of craft manufacture. The main owner of the land was the polis (city-state), whose economic activity was based on the idea of autarky (self-sufficiency). Considering trade, the author of the article notes that the availability of convenient "access to the sea" of most of the polises contributed to the development of shipbuilding and navigation. The long coastal line facilitated cabotage transportation. Interpolis trade within the Aegean Sea was, to a large extent, under the control of the Athenian state. In addition, the Greeks conducted trade with other states of the Mediterranean world, and also sailed to the Black Sea. Grain remained the main import item during the existence of Greek civilization. It was mainly imported from: the Northern Black Sea region; the islands of Sicily, Cyprus and Euboea; Thrace and Egypt. Athens had to import wood as well as charcoal needed for silver ІСТОР ІЯ ЕКОНОМІКИ ТА ЕКОНОМІЧНОЇ ДУМКИ 10 Випуск IІ (90), 2023 smelting. Copper, gold, iron and tin were imported too. Among the export products, olive oil, marble, and painted vases prevailed. The most important Athenian resource was silver, which was exported in ingots or silver coins. Trade contributed to the development of money circulation and usury. The materials of the article can be useful for general and specialized courses on economic history, ancient history of international trade, for writing master's diploma, course theses.

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Sparkes, Brian A. "Art and Archaeology - (B.) Cohen The Colors of Clay. Special Techniques in Athenian Vases. Los Angeles: The J. Paul Getty Museum, 2006. Pp. xii + 371, col. illus., map. £55. 9780892365715." Journal of Hellenic Studies 127 (listopad 2007): 224–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s007542690000241x.

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Kratzmueller, Bettina. "‘Men who were the most beautiful, not only among their fellow citizens, but in all Hellas’ (Aeschines,Against Timarchus1.156): sports and athletics on Athenian vases of the sixth to fourth centurybce". World Archaeology 44, nr 2 (czerwiec 2012): 202–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00438243.2012.669607.

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Burn, Lucilla. "Athenian Red Figure Vases: the Classical Period. A Handbook. By John Boardman. 210 × 148mm. Pp. 252, 566 ills. London: Thames and Hudson, 1989. ISBN 0-500-20244-3. £5·95 (p/b)." Antiquaries Journal 69, nr 2 (wrzesień 1989): 351. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500085632.

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Vyhnal, Christopher R. "Curricular Materials on the Chemistry of Pottery, Including Thermodynamic Calculations for Redox Reactions in the 3-Stage Firing Process of Athenian Black- and Red-Figure Vases Produced from the Sixth–Fourth Centuries BCE". Journal of Chemical Education 99, nr 2 (3.12.2021): 768–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1021/acs.jchemed.1c00953.

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Burn, Lucilla. "Special Techniques - (K.) Lapatin (ed.) Papers on Special Techniques in Athenian Vases. Proceedings of a Symposium held in Connection with the Exhibition ‘The Colors of Clay: Special Techniques in Athenian Vases’, at the Getty Villa, June 15–17, 2006. Pp. xiv + 242, b/w & colour figs, b/w & colour ills, b/w & colour maps. Los Angeles: The J. Paul Getty Museum, 2008. Paper, £50, US$75. ISBN: 978-0-89236-901-0." Classical Review 61, nr 1 (11.03.2011): 263–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x10002854.

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Spivey, Nigel, Francois Lissarrague i Kim Allen. "Greek Vases: The Athenians and Their Images". American Journal of Archaeology 106, nr 2 (kwiecień 2002): 334. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4126263.

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Noble, Joseph Veach, i Toby Schreiber. "Athenian Vase Construction: A Potter's Analysis". American Journal of Archaeology 103, nr 4 (październik 1999): 716. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/507095.

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Lapatin, Kenneth D. S., i Toby Schreiber. "Athenian Vase Construction: A Potter's Analysis". Classical World 96, nr 2 (2003): 223. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352747.

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Rysiaieva, Maryna. "On Ancient Greek Thymiateria and Their Purpose". Text and Image: Essential Problems in Art History, nr 2 (2019): 5–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2519-4801.2019.2.01.

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The paper looks at the ancient Greek thymiateria and aims at finding data in literary, epigraphic and visual sources that would cast light on the use of thymiateria in private and public rituals of the VIІ th century BC – IVth century AD. Systematic collection of data and its comparative historical analysis were in the core of the methodology. Among the main methods of analysing the collected sources, one should mention empirical, analytical, structural-typological and iconographical methods. A thymiaterion (an incense burner) is firstly mentioned in the Vth century BC in Herodotus’ Historia. In centuries to come, the panhellenic name of thymiaterion would dominate and enter to Roman and Germanic languages. This device was used solely with fire, charcoal or heated pebbles to burn aromatic compounds, incense and aromatic plants and flowers in particular. Thymiateria didn’t have any fixed shapes or sizes. In narrative sources, they were also named bomiskos, libanotis (libanotris), escharis, tripodiskos etc. In this paper, I examine the basic constructive elements of thymiateria. As visual sources and lyric poetry suggest, they were used in the archaic period. The earliest instance of the use of thymiateria in the ritual practice date late to the VIth century BC in the Phanagoria of the Bosporus. The thymiateria is depicted on mostly in mythological scenes on the Athenian red-figure pottery late of the Vth – IVth centuries BC found in Panticapaeum and in the surrounding area. The Greek iconography of mythological scenes on the vases was clear for the locals. The majority of visual, numismatics and epigraphic sources that reveal the use of thymiateria on the Bosporus are dating to the IVth–ІІth centuries BC, when they were spread in Hellenistic Greece and, especially in sanctuaries of Delos. Although aroma was an essential part of thymiateria culture, only Orphic Hymns cast light on the use of particular incenses (in pure form or in compound) for each gods or heroes. One important question persists: which aromas were burnt in thymiateria and from which countries were they brought to Greece? From literary sources, we know that plant-based aromas, namely incense and myrrh were brought from South Arabia and Syria. Thymiateria were used during rituals in sanctuaries and temples, during religious processions, funerals, symposiums and wedding that were accompanied by aromatic smoke. The present essay should be regarded as a starting point for the further in-depth study of thymiateria from the Northern Black sea region and Olbia in particular.

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Scheffer, Charlotte. "Works dealing with questions concerning ancient Greek vases (books reviewed: Approaches to the study of Attic vases, by P. Rouet; The Theseus Painter, by O. Borgers; The late mannierists in Athenian vase-painting, by T. Mannack; Non-Attic Greek vase inscriptions, by R. Wachter; Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum. Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek 1, by T. Fischer-Hansen; Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum. Amsterdam 3, by W.D.J. van de Put; Essays in honor of Dietrich von Bothmer, by A.J. Clarc & J. Gaunt, eds.)". Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 1 (listopad 2008): 186–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-01-18.

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Topper, Kathryn. "(A.) Avramidou The Codrus Painter: Iconography and Reception of Athenian Vases in the Age of Pericles (Wisconsin Studies in Classics). Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 2011. Pp. xiii + 236, illus. £56.50/$65. 9780299247805 (hbk); 97802-99247836 (e-book)." Journal of Hellenic Studies 132 (17.09.2012): 253–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426912000808.

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Polowy, Barbara. "GREEK VASES: THE ATHENIANS AND THEIR IMAGES. François Lissarrague". Art Documentation: Journal of the Art Libraries Society of North America 21, nr 1 (kwiecień 2002): 44–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/adx.21.1.27949180.

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Boardman, John. "Beth Cohen, The Colors of Clay: Special Techniques in Athenian Vases, with contributions by Susan Lansing-Marsh, Kenneth Lapatin, Jeffrey Maish, Joan R. Mertens, Marie Svoboda, Marion True, and Dyfri Williams (Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Trust, 2006), XII + 371 pp." International Journal of the Classical Tradition 16, nr 1 (marzec 2009): 88–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12138-009-0093-7.

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Moignard, Elizabeth. "The Codrus Painter - (A.) Avramidou The Codrus Painter. Iconography and Reception of Athenian Vases in the Age of Pericles. Pp. xiv + 237, ills. Madison, WI and London: The University of Wisconsin Press, 2011. Cased, US$65. ISBN: 978-0-299-24780-5." Classical Review 62, nr 2 (12.09.2012): 633–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x12001394.

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