Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Assyrian and Babylonian Incantations”
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1
George, A. R., Junko Taniguchi i M. J. Geller. "The Dogs of Ninkilim, part two: Babylonian rituals to counter field pests". Iraq 72 (2010): 79–148. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900000607.
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This article presents editions of all the extant Babylonian incantations against field pests. The sources date to the first millennium BC and many have not been published before. They are mostly tablets of the Neo-Assyrian period, from Ashurbanipal's library at Nineveh, but the corpus also contains some Neo-Babylonian fragments from Nineveh, as well as a tablet from Sultantepe (ancient Huzirina) and two Late Babylonian tablets from southern Mesopotamia. Some of the pieces certainly belong to a series called in antiquity Zu-buru-dabbeda “To Seize the Locust-Tooth”, a compendium of incantations and rituals designed to combat by magic means the destruction of crops by locusts, insect larvae and other pests; other pieces are parts of related and similar texts. Some of the rituals require the observation of the Goat-star rising above the eastern horizon, which suggests they were performed at night as a precautionary measure during the winter months of the barley-growing season.
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Kouwenberg, N. J. C. "Nathan Wasserman and Elyze Zomer: Akkadian Magic Literature. Old Babylonian and Old Assyrian Incantations: Corpus – Context – Praxis. (Leipziger Altorientalistische Studien 12). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz 2022. XXXII, 450 S., 2 Ill., 2 Tf., 12 Tab., 17 × 24 cm. ISBN 978-3-447-11765–4. Preis: € 89,– (D)." Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archäologie 113, nr 1 (6.06.2023): 129–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/za-2023-0007.
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Geller, M. J. "CT 58, no. 70. A Middle Babylonian eršahunga". Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 55, nr 3 (październik 1992): 528–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00003694.
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Stefan Maul has presented Assyriology with a model study of an important genre of liturgical texts, the so-called eršahunga-prayers designed to still the heart of an angry god. The texts appear in autograph copies and transliterations, with lucid translations, useful philological notes, and a comprehensive glossary. The present reviewer has not checked the copies, since M.-C. Ludwig has collated the British Museum tablets for her own review of this volume.Maul's introduction to the eršahunga-prayers offers a brief survey of the genre, although the discussion is somewhat too specialized for the general reader unfamiliar with Assyriology. There is a need for a review of both Sumerian and Akkadian prayer which addresses the relationship between prayer and incantation, since both genres can appear together in certain types of apotropaic rituals. The problem of appeasing an angry god, for instance, was a theme common to both liturgy and incantations. The eršahunga, ‘lament to still the heart’, is paralleled by incantations known as dingir-šà-dib-ba gur-ru-da ‘(incantations) to appease the angry god’, composed as a confessional of unwitting sins. It is not clear when one would recite an eršahunga-prayer or a dingir-šà-dib-ba incantation, since both types of texts attempt to appease a god who is angered by some unspecified or unknown transgression. The eršahunga is typically composed in the Emesal dialect of Sumerian associated primarily (but not exclusively) with prayer and cultic texts, while exorcistic incantations are composed in the main Sumerian dialect (Emegir) of literary texts; both of these genres appear in the first millennium with Akkadian translations. It is possible that the distinction between prayer and incantation simply represents professional divisions between the kalû (lamentation priest) and the āšipu (exorcist), but it is not easy to define the conditions in which the various types of prayers and incantations were employed.
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Zaia, Shana. "GOING NATIVE: ŠAMAŠ-ŠUMA-UKĪN, ASSYRIAN KING OF BABYLON". Iraq 81 (19.07.2019): 247–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2019.1.
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Šamaš-šuma-ukīn is a unique case in the Neo-Assyrian Empire: he was a member of the Assyrian royal family who was installed as king of Babylonia but never of Assyria. Previous Assyrian rulers who had control over Babylonia were recognized as kings of both polities, but Šamaš-šuma-ukīn's father, Esarhaddon, had decided to split the empire between two of his sons, giving Ashurbanipal kingship over Assyria and Šamaš-šuma-ukīn the throne of Babylonia. As a result, Šamaš-šuma-ukīn is an intriguing case-study for how political, familial, and cultural identities were constructed in texts and interacted with each other as part of royal self-presentation. This paper shows that, despite Šamaš-šuma-ukīn's familial and cultural identity as an Assyrian, he presents himself as a quintessentially Babylonian king to a greater extent than any of his predecessors. To do so successfully, Šamaš-šuma-ukīn uses Babylonian motifs and titles while ignoring the Assyrian tropes his brother Ashurbanipal retains even in his Babylonian royal inscriptions.
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Worthington, Martin. "Dialect admixture of Babylonian and Assyrian inSAAVIII, X, XII, XVII and XVIII". Iraq 68 (2006): 59–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001169.
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Studies of language contact in Mesopotamia have tended to concern themselves principally with lexical borrowing and structural influence, and to focus on the interaction of Akkadian with Sumerian and (in later times) Aramaic. This paper attempts to innovate on the field in two respects. First, studies of language contact in Mesopotamia largely neglect the sociolinguistic aspects of the phenomenon, which have been problematized with rewarding results in a large and ever-growing body of sociolinguistic literature. A masterly study by Adams has recently shown that sociolinguistic methods can successfully be applied to corpus languages, in his case Latin. Sociolinguistic aspects of language contact are the primary focus of this paper. Second, instead of the interaction between Akkadian and another language (Sumerian, Aramaic), we shall be concerned with that between dialects of Akkadian itself, which can be distinguished through phonology, morphology and, to a lesser extent, lexicon: Neo-Assyrian and two dialects of Babylonian. The Babylonian dialects, respectively vernacular Neo-Babylonian and so-called “Standard Babylonian” (GermanJungbabylonisch), appear in different epistolary contexts. As the language of scholarship andbelles lettres, Standard Babylonian occurs in learned citations, and was used to elevate one's language. We will encounter it frequently in letters written to the king by Neo-Assyrian scholars. Vernacular Neo-Babylonian was the base dialect of numerous letters by and to Babylonians. Characteristically Neo- (as opposed to Standard) Babylonian forms are usually not found in Assyrian letters.
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Jas, R. M., i Simo Parpola. "Letters from Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars". Journal of the American Oriental Society 118, nr 3 (lipiec 1998): 447. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/606098.
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Llop-Raduà, Jaume. "Presents in the Palace during the Middle Assyrian Period (1500–1000 BC)". Altorientalische Forschungen 48, nr 1 (8.06.2021): 92–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2021-0006.
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Abstract This paper analyses the terminology for “present” and “giving a present” in the context of Middle Assyrian documents related to the palace. This terminology is specific to the genres of these texts and to the languages (Babylonian and Assyrian) used in them.
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Spielman, Andrew I., i Judith Forrai. "History of halitosis". Kaleidoscope history 13, nr 26 (2023): 436–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17107/kh.2023.26.29.
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Among the 660 tablets with cuneiform writing discovered by Henry Layard, a British archeologist at Nineveh, the capital of the Assyro-Babylonian empire, some contained medical recipes with curative incantations for diseases of the mouth, including halitosis. This is one chapter of the Encyclopedia of the History of Dentistry.
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Nielsen, John. "Kings of Chaldea and Sons of Nobodies: Assyrian Engagement with Chaldea and the Emergence of Chaldean Power in Babylonia". Studia Orientalia Electronica 9, nr 2 (30.12.2021): 108–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.23993/store.89456.
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From the ninth century until the last quarter of the seventh century BCE, the Assyrian Empire first extended its power over Babylonia and then engaged in a prolonged effort to retain control. The patchwork nature of Babylonian society—divided as it was between the traditional urban centers, territories controlled by five distinct Chaldean tribes, and regions inhabited by Aramaean tribes—presented opportunities and challenges for Assyria as it sought to assert its dominance. Assyrian interactions with the Chaldean tribes of Babylonia redefined the Chaldeans’ place within power relationships in southern Mesopotamia. Starting in 878, Assyria first perceived Chaldean territory as distinct from what they defined as Karduniaš, the land ruled by the king of Babylon. Shalmaneser III exploited and accentuated this division by recognizing the Chaldean leaders as kings and accepting their tribute even as he concluded a treaty with the Babylonian king, Marduk-zakir-shumi I. By decentralizing power in Babylonia, Assyria was able to assert indirect control over Babylonia. However, periods of Assyrian weakness created opportunities for several Chaldeans—drawing upon the economic and military power they could muster—to claim the title of king of Babylon with all the accompanying ideological power. These new developments prompted Assyria under the Sargonids to create counter-narratives that questioned the legitimacy of Chaldeans as kings of Babylon by presenting them as strange and inimical to the Assyrian order even as Assyrian interactions with the Chaldeans improved Assyrian familiarity with them.
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Weaver, Ann M. "The “Sin of Sargon” and Esarhaddon's Reconception of Sennacherib: A study in divine will, human politics and royal ideology". Iraq 66 (2004): 61–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001649.
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According to his inscriptions, Sennacherib, king of Assyria, conquered and razed the city of Babylon in 689 BCE. Previous Neo-Assyrian monarchs had employed a variety of strategies while attempting to deal with what Machinist has dubbed their “Babylonian Problem”. None of these previous tactics, however, approached the level of violence and destruction evidenced in Sennacherib's own descriptions of this campaign. Indeed, as elaborated by Brinkman, the Neo-Assyrian court traditionally venerated Babylonian culture.Machinist's interpretation, while not dismissing the unprecedented destructiveness of Sennacherib's actions, positions these actions in the context of a larger struggle faced by all the Sargonid monarchs, the struggle of maintaining sovreignty over Babylonia while honoring its religious and cultural traditions. However, such an utter devastation of Babylon, its treatment as one of Assyria's many other de-cultured vassals, is disparate enough from the actions of Sennacherib's predecessors so as to place his son and successor, Esarhaddon, in a difficult position with respect to Babylon and the Babylonian population.Esarhaddon's decision to abandon his father's extreme tactics and adopt a primarily peaceful policy, comparable in aspects to those of the earlier Neo-Assyrian monarchs, was therefore a risky one. It is, however, a decision he stands by and justifies through many of the compositions produced during his reign. In the wake of the destruction and de-culturation in the service of Assyrian hegemony wreaked by his father, Esarhaddon designs a policy toward Babylonia based on construction and acculturation that influences and affects the cultures of both Assyria and Babylonia.
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Wasserman, Nathan. "On Leeches, Dogs, and Gods in Old Babylonian Medical Incantations". Revue d'assyriologie et d'archéologie orientale 102, nr 1 (2008): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/assy.102.0071.
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Biggs, Robert D. "Letters from Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars. Simo Parpola". Journal of Near Eastern Studies 56, nr 1 (styczeń 1997): 63–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/468511.
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Gabbay, Uri. "A Fragment of a Sumerian Lament: BM 65463, Tablet XI of the balaĝ úru àm-ma-ir-ra-bi". Iraq 73 (2011): 161–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900000139.
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The text of úru àm-ma-ir-ra-bi, the longest extant Sumerian balaĝ-lament, is in the process of recovery and reconstruction from Babylonian and Assyrian cuneiform tablets. This article presents a previously unpublished Babylonian tablet fragment that holds part of the composition's hitherto unknown eleventh tablet. The fragment also contains part of the catchline to the twelfth tablet, also unidentified until now, and is thus an important source for the reconstruction of úru àm-ma-ir-ra-bi.
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Iwaniszewski, Stanisław. "Archaeoastronomical Analysis of Assyrian and Babylonian Monuments: Methodological Issues". Journal for the History of Astronomy 34, nr 1 (luty 2003): 79–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182860303400107.
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Wee, John Z. "Pan-astronomical Hermeneutics and the Arts of the Lamentation Priest". Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archäologie 107, nr 2 (30.12.2017): 236–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/za-2017-0006.
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Abstract: The “Esoteric Babylonian Commentary” (abbr. EBC) represents an excerpt from a larger commentary tablet LBAT 1601, which was unusual in its wide scope encompassing teratology, medical diagnosis, physiognomy, cuneiform sign exercises, and magical incantations and rituals, and which reinterpreted these diverse fields of knowledge in terms of astronomical phenomena. The topics selectively excerpted into EBC by a lamentation priest suggest a compartmentalization of textual expertise, consistent with professional purviews in the late 1st millennium BCE.
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Seymour, Michael. "Neighbors through Imperial Eyes: Depicting Babylonia in the Assyrian Campaign Reliefs". Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 4, nr 1-2 (26.06.2018): 129–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2017-0022.
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AbstractThe Neo-Assyrian campaign reliefs are rich sources for understanding Assyrian ideas of empire, geography, and Assyria’s relationship to the wider world. They are also exceptions: the format of the later Assyrian campaign reliefs is in several respects so unusual in ancient Near Eastern art as to demand explanation. Not the least of the campaign reliefs’ unusual qualities is the extensive and often detailed depiction of foreign landscapes and people. This paper examines one instance of this phenomenon: the particular case of depictions of Babylonia and the far south in Assyrian campaign reliefs. Studies of the textual sources have done much to draw out the complex cultural and political relationship between Assyria and Babylonia in the eighth, seventh, and sixth centuries B.C., revealing tensions between an identification with the cities of the south and their venerable temples on the one hand, and the undeniable political and strategic problems posed by Babylonian rebellions against Assyrian rule on the other. It is argued that the campaign reliefs attempt to resolve this tension by presenting conquest and pacification as accomplished facts, and Babylonia’s abundance as an Assyrian imperial possession. It is also suggested that one function of the reliefs was to process historical victories into a larger, ahistorical image of Assyrian imperial success.
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Ridder, Jacob Jan de, i Leonhard Sassmannshausen. "A Middle Assyrian Fragment Mentioning Iron from Kassite Nippur". Altorientalische Forschungen 48, nr 1 (8.06.2021): 56–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2021-0003.
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Abstract In this study, a fragment from the Hilprecht Collection in Jena will be discussed. The tablet was previously identified as Middle Babylonian and published as TMH NF 5, 59. Closer inspection reveals Middle Assyrian palaeography. The fragmentary tablet deals with metals used for precious objects and was part of a larger inventory or letter. Noteworthy is a reference to iron, a metal rarely attested in Kassite Nippur but better known from the archaeological material and philological evidence from the Middle Assyrian Empire. An overview of philological evidence for iron in 2nd millennium Assyria will be given in this study.
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Bloch, Yigal. "The Eponyms of the Babylonian War of Tukultī-Ninurta I". Altorientalische Forschungen 50, nr 1 (1.06.2023): 12–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2023-0003.
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Abstract Following the recent reconstruction of the order of eponyms in the Dūr-Katlimmu archive by Nahm, this study considers the eponyms of the period in which Tukultī-Ninurta I waged war for domination of Babylonia, from his 13th regnal year onward. It is argued that recently published evidence supports the identification of the eponymy of Etel-pī-Aššur as the year in which Kaštiliaš IV of Babylonia was captured, and that the eponymy of Ellil-nādin-apli is to be placed three years later. The campaign to the lands between the Tigris and the Zagros, undertaken by Tukultī-Ninurta I in the eponymy of Ellil-nādin-apli, was probably directed against the power base of Kadašman-Ḫarbe II, including the city of Lubdu which then passed under Assyrian control. Following the dethronement of Kadašman-Ḫarbe II, Tukultī-Ninurta I maintained closer control over Babylonia, which did not prevent the king of Elam from putting an end to the reign of the Assyrian vassal Adad-šuma-iddina in the 22nd regnal year of Tukultī-Ninurta I.
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Gabbay, Uri. "Specification as a Hermeneutical Technique in Babylonian and Assyrian Commentaries". Hebrew Bible and Ancient Israel 4, nr 3 (2015): 344. http://dx.doi.org/10.1628/219222715x14507102280892.
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Postgate, Nicholas. "THE BREAD OF AŠŠUR". Iraq 77 (grudzień 2015): 159–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2015.14.
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As today, bread in antiquity came in a multitude of varieties, some of which were specific to particular regions or populations. Examining the terminology and iconography of breads in Assyrian texts, it is clear that there was a continuity of certain types of bread peculiar to Assyria from the Middle Assyrian period to the final century of the Assyrian empire. This exemplifies the strength of Assyria's identity over half a millennium, and the persistence of its cultural independence in some respects from its Babylonian neighbour. The majority of the written sources refer to cultic activities, and the conservatism expected in cultic contexts no doubt contributes to the long-term persistence of certain types of bread. There may even be reason to see one variety (ḫuḫḫurtu) as the forerunner of a bread used in Jewish cultic contexts to this day (challah).
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Baltzer, Klaus. "The Book of Isaiah". Harvard Theological Review 103, nr 3 (lipiec 2010): 261–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816010000623.
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The Book of Isaiah is a wonderful work that is preserved from antiquity both in its Hebrew and its Greek version. It is a history written and reworked by many generations, covering the following periods: the Assyrian period (ca. 911–605 B.C.E.), the Neo-Babylonian period (ca. 625–539 B.C.E.), and the Persian period (ca. 550–333 B.C.E.).1
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Lange, Dierk. "Sao Traditions of Makari South of Lake Chad". Anthropos 116, nr 1 (2021): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0257-9774-2021-1-111.
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The present study tries to solve the enigma of the legendary Sao on the basis of the traditions of the city-state of Makari south of Lake Chad. It analyses the town’s king list, its oral traditions and its ritual heritage in the light of the Assyrian hypothesis (put forward by the author in several publications). It suggests that Makari’s ancient traditions correspond to extensive transcontinental projections which underwent important transformations by processes of localization. By resetting the traditions in their original Mespotamian context, it shows that the Sao were the Neo-Assyrian conquerors of vast regions of the ancient Near East. After the destruction of Nineveh by the Babylonian insurgent Nabopolassar in 612 B.C. and the subsequent fall of the Assyrian Empire, some of the formerly resettled deportees fled to the region south of Lake Chad where they founded the city-state of Makari. Their desacralized traditions bear witness to the former prestige accorded to the Sao-Assyrians.
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Bagg, Ariel M. "The unconquerable country: the Babylonian marshes in the Neo-Assyrian sources". Water History 12, nr 1 (marzec 2020): 57–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12685-020-00245-5.
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DE BREUCKER, GEERT. "ALEXANDER POLYHISTOR AND THE BABYLONIACA OF BEROSSOS". Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 55, nr 2 (1.12.2012): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2012.00041.x.
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Abstract All the works of the prolific encyclopaedic author Alexander Polyhistor have only been preserved in fragments: only his ‘On Jews’ and ‘Chaldaica’ are better known. In his ‘On Jews’, Polyhistor brought together various sources on Jewish history. The ‘Chaldaica’ addressed Babylonian as well as Assyrian history, and apparently consisted of an epitome Polyhistor had made of the Babyloniaca of Berossos combined with the classical account of the Assyrian kings. In the extant text of his epitome of Berossos' work, as it has been preserved by Jewish and Christian authors, there are clearly insertions – passages that do not derive from Berossos' Babyloniaca. Was Alexander Polyhistor responsible for them? In most cases it is difficult to give an answer, but some insertions can be ascribed to Polyhistor.
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Schmitt, Aaron. "Annäherungen an die Bedeutung und Funktion von šaḫūrū in altmesopotamischen Bauwerken". Altorientalische Forschungen 50, nr 1 (1.06.2023): 83–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2023-0008.
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Abstract This paper discusses the written evidence for the word šaḫūru, which denotes a building or part of a building in Assyrian and Babylonian structures. A comparison of the textual evidence with the archaeological evidence from Aššur and Mari is used to consider the meaning and function of šaḫūru. Finally, it is discussed whether šaḫūru could have played a special role in the organization of festivals at the sites mentioned.
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Alizadeh, Kiumars. "The earliest Persians in Iran: toponyms and Persian ethnicity". DABIR 7, nr 1 (30.11.2020): 16–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/29497833-00701004.
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It is the aim of this paper to go into the localization of toponyms, including Parsua, Parsāya, Parsuaš, Paršua, and Parsumaš in Assyrian, Babylonian, and Urartian documentary sources. By analyzing the accounts found in Mesopotamian kings’ itineraries, annals, and administrative records, it is shown that from the 9th century BCE till the emergence of Achaemenid Empire in the mid-6th century BCE, two groups of toponyms can be identified. Parsua, Parsuaš, Paršua (group A), and Parsumaš (group B) are mentioned at the same time, but in a very diffferent topographic context. It is evident that Babylonian and Assyrian (and Urartian) scribes applied a distinction between two toponyms: they generally reserved the spelling with -umaš for the southern entity and the spelling -ua for the northern. Furthermore, Parsua, Parsuaš and Parsāya always were used as a toponym and never marked by the determinative LÚ and there is no concrete proof to relate them with Persians. Also, a reference to Parsumaš in southwest marked by both KUR and LÚ, does not simply mean that Parsumaš is an exclusive mark of Persian ethnic in the pre-Achaemenid period. In other words, ‘Parsumašian’ refers to many tribes (including Persians) who dwelled in the Neo-Elamite eastern territories, and it would be better to diffferentiate Parsumašians from LÚParsāya (Persians→ Akk.) and Parsirra/ Parsip (Persians→ El.) in Achaemenid cuneiform sources.
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Ataç, Mehmet-Ali. "The “Underworld Vision” of the Ninevite intellectual milieu". Iraq 66 (2004): 67–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001650.
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The Assyrian Netherworld is often depicted in literature as a grim “hell” whose residents are clad like birds, deprived of light, and have soil and clay as their food and sustenance. It is the land of no return, erṣet la târi, “the house which none who enters ever leaves”, reached by a “path that allows no journey back”. In addition to such a dreary “hell,” however, the Assyrian Netherworld should also be understood in its capacity as a locus of initiation to which the hero or the spiritual adept is able to pay a visit while still alive without being permanently engulfed by it, and as a result attains a superior level of consciousness, perhaps even immortality.This paper focuses on such initiatic aspects of the Netherworld. Especially two poems composed in the Standard Babylonian dialect of Akkadian, the Standard Babylonian Version of the Epic of Gilgamesh, a work long ingrained in the Mesopotamian religious consciousness, and the poem known as the Underworld Vision of an Assyrian Prince, may be thought to shed light on this more covert perception of the Netherworld. Further, since both of these works come from “libraries” in Nineveh, they may after all be thought to reflect the way the Ninevite intellectual elite themselves perceived the Netherworld. This “Underworld Vision” of the Ninevite scholarly milieu is by no means confined to contemporary literature; it is also visible in the royal palaces of Nineveh through representations of gate-guardians, Mischwesen, that belong to that very Netherworld. Nor is this “Underworld Vision” exclusive to the Ninevite elite alone, as it is one which the latter inherited from a long-standing Mesopotamian mystical tradition. Here, however, I shall try to present a glimpse of this Netherworld from a Ninevite perspective.
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son tae chang. "Babylonian Policy of Assyrians in the Neo Assyrian Empire 745-627 BC". Journal of Classical Studies ll, nr 38 (sierpień 2014): 7–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.20975/jcskor.2014..38.7.
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Veenhof, Klaas R. "The Family God in Old Babylonian and Especially in Old Assyrian Sources". Revue d'assyriologie et d'archéologie orientale 112, nr 1 (2018): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/assy.112.0049.
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Abusch, Tzvi, i Daniel Schwemer. "The Chicago Maqlû fragment (A 7876)". Iraq 71 (2009): 53–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900000747.
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AbstractThe fragment A 7876 (Oriental Institute, Chicago) occupies a special position among the cuneiform sources of the ritual Maqlû. The six-column tablet, inscribed in the Neo-Assyrian script of the 8th and 7th centuries BC, originally contained the complete text of the series with its nine canonical tablets. Taking into account the relevant duplicate manuscripts the article offers an annotated edition of this fragment and compares its style and format to other “large tablets” (dubgallu) of Babylonian literary texts.
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Russell, H. F. "The Historical Geography of the Euphrates and Habur According to the Middle- and Neo-Assyrian Sources". Iraq 47 (1985): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900006744.
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The importance of control of the valleys of the Habur and Euphrates rivers to the Assyrians can hardly be over-estimated. The two river valleys are major routes from N. Syria and S.E. Turkey to southern Assyria and to Babylonia.In the Neo-Assyrian period, control of the valley of the River Habur was won early, as the Assyrian armies marched westwards across N. Mesopotamia. Control of the Euphrates, between the confluence of the Habur and the Babylonian border, followed soon after.We are particularly well-informed about the geography of the Habur and the Euphrates, below the confluence with the Habur, during the reigns of Adad-nerari II, Tukulti-Ninurta II and Aššurnaṣirpal II. Texts from the reigns of these three kings describe campaigns along the banks of these rivers and list each night's halting-place. These are usually described as “itineraries”. (Such texts are exceptionally rare from ancient Mesopotamia. Besides these three passages in the Assyrian annals, only two other lengthy, well-preserved itineraries in cuneiform have come down to us.) 2 Other, conventional passages from the Annals of Aššurnaṣirpal II are a valuable supplement to these texts.
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Peterson, Jeremiah. "An Old Babylonian Incantation Collective with Incantations Involving a Counter-Measure Against Oath-Breaking and the Alteration of a Dream of the King". Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 9, nr 2 (2009): 125–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921109x12520501747750.
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AbstractA previously unpublished fragmentary Old Babylonian incantation collective that is housed in the University Museum in Philadelphia furnishes a duplicate to VAS 17: 28, a royal ritual text that is devoted to changing an ill-portending dream into a good one.
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Thavapalan, Shiyanthi. "Keeping Alive Dead Knowledge: Middle Assyrian Glass Recipes in the Yale Babylonian Collection". Journal of Cuneiform Studies 73 (1.01.2021): 135–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/714658.
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Schwemer, Daniel. "Witchcraft and war: The ritual fragment Ki 1904-10-9, 18 (BM 98989)". Iraq 69 (2007): 29–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001030.
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War, and imminent battle in particular, put any Babylonian or Assyrian king, whose rule and security very much depended on successful campaigns, in a precarious situation. While careful military planning certainly helped to defeat one's enemies, victory in the end was determined by the gods. Before entering battle, oracles were consulted to make certain that the king's decisions had the gods' favour, and a number of other rituals could be performed to ensure that the gods supported the king's cause. These rituals — dubbed “war rituals” by modern scholarship — are not very well known, and the texts attributed to this group are a rather mixed set of royal rituals related to the king's campaign and to potential aggression by enemies. They include traditional Babylonian rituals to be performed before setting off on a military campaign or immediately before a major battle, as well as specifically Assyrian rituals for the same purpose. It is not suprising that two of these texts include the performance of divination rituals, while others focus on the binding of substitute figurines representing the enemies and also use figurines representing the king himself. In line with the general ideology of war, the rubrics of the rituals clearly indicate that the reason for the king's military action is the enemy's aggression against his land, and that the king himself only acts in defence of his own land's borders. It seems that all these texts, apart from the Assyrian rituals in the narrow sense, were assembled in a “series ‘battle’” (iškar tāḫāzi) that is mentioned in the famous letter of an Assyrian king demanding the collection of various scholarly texts from the Ezida and scholars' houses in Borsippa. The same text refers to rituals (or a ritual) “So that in Battle Arrows do not Come Near a Man” that are also known from the catalogue of exorcistic texts (KAR 44 //). Apparently they were not thought to be part of the iškar tāḫāzi; but in the letter the two text groups are named together within a longer list and they were certainly closely associated with each other. Special namburbi rituals could be performed on campaign to avert evil indicated by accidents of the king's chariot, but there is no reason to assume that they belonged to the iškar tāḫāzi too. Other namburbi rituals were used to protect the land's borders when an earthquake had signalled an imminent invasion of the enemy.
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Al-Rawi, F. N. H. "Texts from Tell Haddad and elsewhere". Iraq 56 (1994): 35–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900002795.
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This article presents a number of short, but important, inscriptions found on objects excavated at Tell Haddad and elsewhere. Texts nos. 1–6 are from Tell Haddad or the neighbouring site of Tell al-Sib, no. 7 is from Sippar and nos. 8–10 are of unknown provenance.1. Inscription of Arīm-Līm of Mê-Turan. IM 124744; Haddad 577 (Figs. 1–2)This inscription, written on a stone foundation tablet re-used as a door socket (overall dimensions 36 × 22 × 13·8 cm), was excavated at Tell Haddad, out of context near the Neo-Assyrian buildings in Area 3, Level 1, but derives originally from the early Old Babylonian period. The text was made available some years ago to the Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia Project of the University of Toronto, in whose system it is catalogued as E4.16.1. A transliteration and translation has been published by D. Frayne, Old Babylonian Period (RIME 4), p. 700.
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Birgul, Unal. "A journey into the civilization of the National Library". Infolib 26, nr 2 (30.06.2021): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.47267/2181-8207/2021/2-055.
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After transitioning to settled life, humankind did not only focus on satisfying their basic needs but also felt the urge to produce, utilize, preserve and transfer knowledge to upcoming generations. This marked the beginning of a process which led to the systematic collection and preservation of knowledge and resulted in libraries. That libraries are as old as the history of humanity itself is testimony to the fact that seeking and obtaining knowledge have always been an essential human need. The process that started with the establishment of the first library in Nineveh before Christ continued with Assyrian, Babylonian, Hittite, Pergamon and Alexandrian libraries.
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Widell, Magnus. "The Sumerian expression igi-kar2 revisited". Iraq 70 (2008): 131–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900000917.
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In 1968, the Chicago Assyrian Dictionary translated the Old Babylonian term aširtu, which in the OB period corresponded to the Sumerian expression igi-kar2, as “an offering of a pious gift to the gods”. In texts from the preceding Ur III period, however, the expression igi-kar2 has usually been associated with the expression gurum2 (written IGI.GAR) and translated “inspection”. In 1982, Piotr Steinkeller demonstrated, in a short article published in ASJ, that igi-kar2 and gurum2 refer to two separate words. He showed that the compound verb igi…kar2 denoted “to examine” in both the Ur III and Old Babylonian periods. For the compound noun igi-kar2 in the Ur III period, Steinkeller referred to the Umma text TJAMC IES 126, where the expression appears together with the institution an-za3-gar3, which — in accordance with its Akkadian equivalence dimtum — has been understood as “some type of fortified building”. This connection led Steinkeller to propose the meaning “provisions, supplies” for igi-kar2 in the Ur III period, seemingly more appropriate for a delivery to the military structure of an-za(3)-gar3.
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ZORMAN, Marina. "The Spread of ‘Heavenly Writing’". Acta Linguistica Asiatica 4, nr 1 (31.12.2014): 103–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/ala.4.1.103-112.
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Cuneiform is the name of various writing systems in use throughout the Middle East from the end of the fourth millennium BCE until the late first century CE. The wedge-shaped writing was used to write ten to fifteen languages from various language families: Sumerian, Elamite, Eblaite, Old Assyrian, Old Babylonian and other Akkadian dialects, Proto-Hattic, Hittite, Luwian, Palaic, Hurrian, Urartian, Ugaritic, Old Persian etc. Over the centuries it evolved from a pictographic to a syllabographic writing system and eventually became an alphabetic script, but most languages used a 'mixed orthography' which combined ideographic and phonetic elements, and required a rebus principle of reading.
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علي, ياسين الجبوري. "الأمثال في الرسائل الأشورية الحديثة وامتدادها". Abgadiyat 13, nr 1 (30.09.2018): ۳۰—٤۲. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138609-01301011.
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Proverbs are very short sentences popular speech of everyday life, which indicate indirectly special issues concerning political, administrative and social life, etc. The history and origin of Mesopotamians proverbs dates back to the early Dynasty when they were used orally until the Sumerian invented writing approximately 3400 BCE. Thereafter, school teachers used them as an example for students and in this way hundreds of proverbs preserved and continued until the collapse of the late Babylonian period 539 BCE. However, some of them continued in use until now. This paper focuses on some of the discovered proverbs in Assyrian letters and extended to our Arabic language.
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Kellner, Angelika. "Time Is Running. Ancient Greek Chronography and the Ancient Near East". Journal of Ancient History 9, nr 1 (1.06.2021): 19–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jah-2019-0027.
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Abstract The article explores the question whether there was a possible dialogue between ancient Greek and Mesopotamian chronography. This is an interesting albeit challenging subject due to the fragmentary preservation of the Greek texts. The idea that cuneiform tablets might have influenced the development of the genre in Greece lingers in the background without having been the subject of detailed discussion. Notably the Neo-Assyrian limmu list has been suggested as a possible blueprint for the Athenian archon list. In order to examine this topic further, a thorough analysis of ancient Greek chronography starting in the second half of the fifth century BC, when eponymous dates in various literary compositions begin to appear, is required. A close examination of the fragmentary evidence shows how difficult it is to trace the supposed annalistic style in the local histories of Athens (Atthides). In the Neo-Assyrian Empire, the eponymous limmu officials served as the chronological backbone, but there remains a huge time gap between the seventh century cuneiform manuscripts and the Athenian archon list from the fifth century. A comparison of the Neo-Assyrian Eponymous Chronicles with the preserved Greek chronographic traditions in Eusebius’ chronicle (fourth century AD) shows that the similarity is mainly confined to an abbreviated style, as the entries clearly point to the different cultural and political settings. Apart from the Neo-Assyrian sources, the Neo- and Late-Babylonian chronicles deserve further attention in the present inquiry. Looking for a connection with ancient Greek chronography in the fifth century, the lack of wholly preserved texts on both sides in the corresponding time constitutes an unsurmountable obstacle. Presenting and scrutinising the textual evidence both for ancient Greek and for Mesopotamian chronography enables an improved understanding of similarities and differences alike. To exemplify this point, Greek and Akkadian temple histories serve as test cases.
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Святополк-Четвертынский, Игорь Анатольевич. "Письмо Иштар-Шуму-Эреша - Асархаддону (abl 519 = las 13) в контексте прогнозирования внешней и внутренней политики Ассирии". Bulletin of Armenian Studies, nr 9 (6.04.2023): 178–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.58226/2579-275x-2022.9-178.
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Дана попытка показать политическую и военную деятельность ассирийского царя Асархаддона во взаимодействии с аналитической астрологией на примере письма Иштар-шуму-эреша – Асархаддону (ABL 519 = LAS 13 = SAA 10:8). Данное письмо, датируемое до 671г. до н.э., на основе господствовавших в данный период астрологических представлений о мире и явлений в нём предопределяет будущее успешное завоевание главного геополитического противника Ассирии – Египта. Указывается, что понимание взаимосвязи движения планет и человеческой деятельности на психическом, а соответственно и физическом уровнях пронизывало всех ассирийских и вавилонских представителей той эпохи, а соответственно, придавало их уверенности дополнительную внутреннюю (эзотерическую) мотивировку. Подчёркивается, что сочетание всех указанных факторов (внутренняя мотивировка, психологическая, а затем и физическая подготовка) обеспечили в конечном итоге геополитическое преимущество ассирийской цивилизации над египетской в новоассирийский период. An attempt is made to show the political and military activities of the Assyrian king Esarhaddon in interaction with the analytical astrology on the example of the Letter to Ishtar-Shumu-Eresh - Esarhaddon (ABL 519 = LAS 13 = SAA 10:8). The transcription and translation of the most significant part of this letter is given, its style and professional language are analyzed. This letter, dated before 671. BC, on the basis of the astrological ideas about the world and phenomena prevailing in this period, determines the future successful conquest of the main geopolitical enemy of Assyria - Egypt. It is indicated that the understanding of the relationship between the movement of the planets and human activity at the mental, and, accordingly, physical levels, permeated all the Assyrian and Babylonian representatives of that era, and, accordingly, gave their confidence an additional internal (esoteric) motivation. It is emphasized that the combination of all these factors (internal motivation, psychological, and then physical training) ultimately ensured the geopolitical advantage of the Assyrian civilization over the Egyptian one in the Neo-Assyrian period.
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Al-Rashid, Moudhy. ""His heart is low"". Avar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Life and Society in the Ancient Near East 1, nr 1 (28.01.2022): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/aijls.v1i1.1748.
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Assyrian and Babylonian medical texts written in cuneiform from the first millennium BCE provide a window onto how symptoms and illness were understood. Akkadian medical language employs various strategies to convey aspects of an illness experience, including metaphor, which may provide one way of conceptually organising the experience of illness and filling in blanks in existing knowledge. One metaphor that appears in medical therapeutic texts is a low heart, often phrased as "his heart is low," to denote a depressed state. This article will explore references to this symptom to determine if depression is an appropriate translation and, if so, whether this metaphor can provide clues as to how depression may have been physically experienced.
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Kuchynko, Mykhailo. "ASSYRIAN-BABYLONIAN ENSLAVEMENT AND FULL OF JEWS IN THE LIGHT OF THE BIBLE AND ARCHEOLOGY". Volynskyi Blahovisnyk 5 (2017): 239–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.33209/2519-4348-2017-5-38.
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Roth, Martha T. "Age at Marriage and the Household: A Study of Neo-Babylonian and Neo-Assyrian Forms". Comparative Studies in Society and History 29, nr 4 (październik 1987): 715–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500014857.
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This inquiry focuses on one life stage in the life cycle of ancient Babylonia and Assyria of the first millennium B.C., specifically, the age at first marriage for men and women. I will suggest some implications to be drawn for the household and family patterns resulting from probable age at marriage, and identify native terminology employed in reference to the life stage common for first marriage.
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Maślak, Mariusz, i Doncho Partov. "Selected Ancient Stone Bridges with Corbelled False-Arch Structure". Civil and Environmental Engineering Reports 28, nr 4 (1.12.2018): 163–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ceer-2018-0059.
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Abstract The oldest man-made false-arch stone bridges are presented and briefly described. It is shown that this construction technique was based on the experiences of the first builders, formed at the junction of ancient Egyptian, Mycenaean as well as Assyrian and Babylonian cultures. Arches in such bridges have not yet been constructed in a classical manner, i.e. one that was later prevalent by the Romans, but these were only the primitive arch-like structures, with a false needle vault, that were shaped mainly by corbelling. This type of the structure, if it was used in bridges, turned out to be much more stable than the well-known at that time and commonly used in gateway passages oval “true-arch” built from sun-dried mud bricks.
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Markl, Dominik. "Triumph and Trauma: Justifications of Mass Violence in Deuteronomistic Historiography". Open Theology 8, nr 1 (1.01.2022): 412–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opth-2022-0217.
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Abstract This article investigates the justifications of mass violence in Deuteronomistic historiography through the lens of cultural trauma. The analysis concentrates on the representation and justification of mass violence, that is mass killings and other forms of violence against non-combatants, in Israel’s conquest of the promised land in the books of Deuteronomy and Joshua as well as during the loss of the land at the hand of the Assyrian and Babylonian armies, as narrated in 2 Kings 17–25. A comparison of these texts and their respective historical backgrounds helps to profile the contrasts and continuities between them. Trauma theory sheds light on both narratives as media to recover agency and to reconstruct collective identity for emerging Judaism via the historiographical representation of cultural trauma.
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Morgan, Kathryn R., i Seth Richardson. "WINE FROM MAMMA: ALLUḪARUM-POTS IN 17TH-CENTURY bc TRADE NETWORKS". Iraq 82 (13.10.2020): 179–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2020.6.
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New evidence allows us to demonstrate that a regional trade connected North Syria with both central Anatolia and Babylonia well into the 17th-Century bc. Archaeological evidence indicates that a specific type of vessel, the globular flask, was produced at Zincirli Höyük in the mid-17th century for the purpose of storing and transporting wine. The simultaneous appearance of these vessels as far afield as Kültepe and Sippar-Amnānum lines up with Late Old Babylonian attestations of alluḫarum-pots in 17th-c. texts from Sippar, Babylon, and Dūr-Abiešuḫ. These, we argue, must refer to the same vessels called aluārum in earlier Old Assyrian texts from Kültepe from the 19th century. Taken together, this evidence points towards the existence of a previously unsuspected trade network centered on the ancient Syrian state of Mamma that thrived in the decades between the collapse of the Old Assyrian Trade Network and the accession of Hattušili I. Through a dialogue between textual and archaeological materials, we are not only able to reveal the persistence of long-distance exchange for a century previously believed to lack it, but provide more context for the political transformations taking place at the end of the Middle Bronze Age.
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Fincke, Jeanette C. "The British Museum's Ashurbanipal Library Project". Iraq 66 (2004): 55–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001637.
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The purpose of the British Museum's Ashurbanipal Library Project is to investigate the content of the significant tablet collection that this Assyrian king assembled for his royal library. The initial project is focused on the Babylonian texts in order to establish the compositions involved and their relation to the rest of the Kouyunjik Collection and to the collecting activities of Ashurbanipal (668–627 BC).The examination of the Babylonian texts of Ashurbanipal's library is a difficult task. Whoever is familiar with the Nineveh texts knows that the tablets were originally stored in four different buildings (see Fig. 1): in the South-West Palace, in the North Palace, and in the vicinity of the temples of Ištar and Nabû, with some additional find spots on and off the mound Kouyunjik. It is the tablet collection of the South-West Palace that formed the library of Ashurbanipal, but the excavation reports of Nineveh very seldom refer to the places where the tablets were found. To reconstruct the different libraries and archives is a very time-consuming task and beyond the possibilities of the six-month timetable for this project. Therefore, for the time being, I decided to consider the Babylonian literary tablets and all legal documents written during the reign of Ashurbanipal and his predecessors as coming from one place, namely Ashurbanipal's library or libraries at Nineveh.While surveying the approximate figure of 26,000 tablets and fragments that the British excavators unearthed in Nineveh I entered the genre and content of the Babylonian texts in a database, together with a short description of the fragments, e.g. shape, colour, number of columns, lines and dividing lines. This database includes information on about 4290 tablets and fragments, of which 610 have already been rejoined to other fragments. Therefore, until now, the total number of Babylonian texts and fragments excavated in Nineveh is about 3680 — or in other words about one-seventh of all of the British Museum's Nineveh collection. The database I created also serves as a basis for collecting all texts of the same kind in order to identify joining fragments.
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Vlaardingerbroek, Menko. "The founding of Nineveh and Babylon in Greek historiography". Iraq 66 (2004): 233–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001819.
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“Well, as for Nineveh, skipper, it was wiped out long ago. There's not a trace of it left, and one can't even guess where it was. Babylon's over there [pointing it out], the place with great towers and a huge wall round it — but before long it will be just as hard to find as Nineveh” (Lucianus Charon 23). Lucianus evidently did not know much about the Assyrian Empire and its capital Nineveh. The same goes for most Greek authors. Xenophon passed by Mespila, which he calls a Median city, without being aware that it was Nineveh (Xen. An. 3.4.10–12). The Greeks knew even less about the Neo-Babylonian empire, but they thought they knew quite a lot about the city of Babylon. Classical authors were especially interested in the wonders of Nineveh and Babylon and in the founding stories of both cities. Unfortunately, most texts discussing the founding of Nineveh and Babylon have been lost, but enough remains to get a picture of the development of these founding stories, which show a mixture of Babylonian and Greek elements. The founding of Nineveh is always attributed to Ninos, and the founding of Babylon sometimes to Semiramis and sometimes to Belos. When Christianity began to spread, new motifs were introduced, as historians tried to reconcile the Greek founding stories with what was said about Babylon and Nineveh in the Bible.
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Yamauchi, Edwin. "Archaeology of the Land of the Bible II: The Assyrian, Babylonian, and Persian Periods (732–332 B.C.E.)". Bulletin for Biblical Research 13, nr 2 (1.01.2003): 297–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26422682.
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