Gotowe bibliografie tematyczne / Assyrian and Babylonian Incantations

Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Assyrian and Babylonian Incantations”

Autor: Grafiati
Data publikacji: 27 lipca 2024
Data aktualizacji: 29 lipca 2024

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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Assyrian and Babylonian Incantations"

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George, A. R., Junko Taniguchi i M. J. Geller. "The Dogs of Ninkilim, part two: Babylonian rituals to counter field pests". Iraq 72 (2010): 79–148. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900000607.

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This article presents editions of all the extant Babylonian incantations against field pests. The sources date to the first millennium BC and many have not been published before. They are mostly tablets of the Neo-Assyrian period, from Ashurbanipal's library at Nineveh, but the corpus also contains some Neo-Babylonian fragments from Nineveh, as well as a tablet from Sultantepe (ancient Huzirina) and two Late Babylonian tablets from southern Mesopotamia. Some of the pieces certainly belong to a series called in antiquity Zu-buru-dabbeda “To Seize the Locust-Tooth”, a compendium of incantations and rituals designed to combat by magic means the destruction of crops by locusts, insect larvae and other pests; other pieces are parts of related and similar texts. Some of the rituals require the observation of the Goat-star rising above the eastern horizon, which suggests they were performed at night as a precautionary measure during the winter months of the barley-growing season.
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Kouwenberg, N. J. C. "Nathan Wasserman and Elyze Zomer: Akkadian Magic Literature. Old Babylonian and Old Assyrian Incantations: Corpus – Context – Praxis. (Leipziger Altorientalistische Studien 12). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz 2022. XXXII, 450 S., 2 Ill., 2 Tf., 12 Tab., 17 × 24 cm. ISBN 978-3-447-11765–4. Preis: € 89,– (D)." Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archäologie 113, nr 1 (6.06.2023): 129–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/za-2023-0007.

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Geller, M. J. "CT 58, no. 70. A Middle Babylonian eršahunga". Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 55, nr 3 (październik 1992): 528–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00003694.

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Stefan Maul has presented Assyriology with a model study of an important genre of liturgical texts, the so-called eršahunga-prayers designed to still the heart of an angry god. The texts appear in autograph copies and transliterations, with lucid translations, useful philological notes, and a comprehensive glossary. The present reviewer has not checked the copies, since M.-C. Ludwig has collated the British Museum tablets for her own review of this volume.Maul's introduction to the eršahunga-prayers offers a brief survey of the genre, although the discussion is somewhat too specialized for the general reader unfamiliar with Assyriology. There is a need for a review of both Sumerian and Akkadian prayer which addresses the relationship between prayer and incantation, since both genres can appear together in certain types of apotropaic rituals. The problem of appeasing an angry god, for instance, was a theme common to both liturgy and incantations. The eršahunga, ‘lament to still the heart’, is paralleled by incantations known as dingir-šà-dib-ba gur-ru-da ‘(incantations) to appease the angry god’, composed as a confessional of unwitting sins. It is not clear when one would recite an eršahunga-prayer or a dingir-šà-dib-ba incantation, since both types of texts attempt to appease a god who is angered by some unspecified or unknown transgression. The eršahunga is typically composed in the Emesal dialect of Sumerian associated primarily (but not exclusively) with prayer and cultic texts, while exorcistic incantations are composed in the main Sumerian dialect (Emegir) of literary texts; both of these genres appear in the first millennium with Akkadian translations. It is possible that the distinction between prayer and incantation simply represents professional divisions between the kalû (lamentation priest) and the āšipu (exorcist), but it is not easy to define the conditions in which the various types of prayers and incantations were employed.
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Zaia, Shana. "GOING NATIVE: ŠAMAŠ-ŠUMA-UKĪN, ASSYRIAN KING OF BABYLON". Iraq 81 (19.07.2019): 247–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2019.1.

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Šamaš-šuma-ukīn is a unique case in the Neo-Assyrian Empire: he was a member of the Assyrian royal family who was installed as king of Babylonia but never of Assyria. Previous Assyrian rulers who had control over Babylonia were recognized as kings of both polities, but Šamaš-šuma-ukīn's father, Esarhaddon, had decided to split the empire between two of his sons, giving Ashurbanipal kingship over Assyria and Šamaš-šuma-ukīn the throne of Babylonia. As a result, Šamaš-šuma-ukīn is an intriguing case-study for how political, familial, and cultural identities were constructed in texts and interacted with each other as part of royal self-presentation. This paper shows that, despite Šamaš-šuma-ukīn's familial and cultural identity as an Assyrian, he presents himself as a quintessentially Babylonian king to a greater extent than any of his predecessors. To do so successfully, Šamaš-šuma-ukīn uses Babylonian motifs and titles while ignoring the Assyrian tropes his brother Ashurbanipal retains even in his Babylonian royal inscriptions.
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Worthington, Martin. "Dialect admixture of Babylonian and Assyrian inSAAVIII, X, XII, XVII and XVIII". Iraq 68 (2006): 59–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001169.

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Studies of language contact in Mesopotamia have tended to concern themselves principally with lexical borrowing and structural influence, and to focus on the interaction of Akkadian with Sumerian and (in later times) Aramaic. This paper attempts to innovate on the field in two respects. First, studies of language contact in Mesopotamia largely neglect the sociolinguistic aspects of the phenomenon, which have been problematized with rewarding results in a large and ever-growing body of sociolinguistic literature. A masterly study by Adams has recently shown that sociolinguistic methods can successfully be applied to corpus languages, in his case Latin. Sociolinguistic aspects of language contact are the primary focus of this paper. Second, instead of the interaction between Akkadian and another language (Sumerian, Aramaic), we shall be concerned with that between dialects of Akkadian itself, which can be distinguished through phonology, morphology and, to a lesser extent, lexicon: Neo-Assyrian and two dialects of Babylonian. The Babylonian dialects, respectively vernacular Neo-Babylonian and so-called “Standard Babylonian” (GermanJungbabylonisch), appear in different epistolary contexts. As the language of scholarship andbelles lettres, Standard Babylonian occurs in learned citations, and was used to elevate one's language. We will encounter it frequently in letters written to the king by Neo-Assyrian scholars. Vernacular Neo-Babylonian was the base dialect of numerous letters by and to Babylonians. Characteristically Neo- (as opposed to Standard) Babylonian forms are usually not found in Assyrian letters.
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Jas, R. M., i Simo Parpola. "Letters from Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars". Journal of the American Oriental Society 118, nr 3 (lipiec 1998): 447. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/606098.

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Llop-Raduà, Jaume. "Presents in the Palace during the Middle Assyrian Period (1500–1000 BC)". Altorientalische Forschungen 48, nr 1 (8.06.2021): 92–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2021-0006.

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Abstract This paper analyses the terminology for “present” and “giving a present” in the context of Middle Assyrian documents related to the palace. This terminology is specific to the genres of these texts and to the languages (Babylonian and Assyrian) used in them.
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Spielman, Andrew I., i Judith Forrai. "History of halitosis". Kaleidoscope history 13, nr 26 (2023): 436–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17107/kh.2023.26.29.

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Among the 660 tablets with cuneiform writing discovered by Henry Layard, a British archeologist at Nineveh, the capital of the Assyro-Babylonian empire, some contained medical recipes with curative incantations for diseases of the mouth, including halitosis. This is one chapter of the Encyclopedia of the History of Dentistry.
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Nielsen, John. "Kings of Chaldea and Sons of Nobodies: Assyrian Engagement with Chaldea and the Emergence of Chaldean Power in Babylonia". Studia Orientalia Electronica 9, nr 2 (30.12.2021): 108–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.23993/store.89456.

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From the ninth century until the last quarter of the seventh century BCE, the Assyrian Empire first extended its power over Babylonia and then engaged in a prolonged effort to retain control. The patchwork nature of Babylonian society—divided as it was between the traditional urban centers, territories controlled by five distinct Chaldean tribes, and regions inhabited by Aramaean tribes—presented opportunities and challenges for Assyria as it sought to assert its dominance. Assyrian interactions with the Chaldean tribes of Babylonia redefined the Chaldeans’ place within power relationships in southern Mesopotamia. Starting in 878, Assyria first perceived Chaldean territory as distinct from what they defined as Karduniaš, the land ruled by the king of Babylon. Shalmaneser III exploited and accentuated this division by recognizing the Chaldean leaders as kings and accepting their tribute even as he concluded a treaty with the Babylonian king, Marduk-zakir-shumi I. By decentralizing power in Babylonia, Assyria was able to assert indirect control over Babylonia. However, periods of Assyrian weakness created opportunities for several Chaldeans—drawing upon the economic and military power they could muster—to claim the title of king of Babylon with all the accompanying ideological power. These new developments prompted Assyria under the Sargonids to create counter-narratives that questioned the legitimacy of Chaldeans as kings of Babylon by presenting them as strange and inimical to the Assyrian order even as Assyrian interactions with the Chaldeans improved Assyrian familiarity with them.
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Weaver, Ann M. "The “Sin of Sargon” and Esarhaddon's Reconception of Sennacherib: A study in divine will, human politics and royal ideology". Iraq 66 (2004): 61–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001649.

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According to his inscriptions, Sennacherib, king of Assyria, conquered and razed the city of Babylon in 689 BCE. Previous Neo-Assyrian monarchs had employed a variety of strategies while attempting to deal with what Machinist has dubbed their “Babylonian Problem”. None of these previous tactics, however, approached the level of violence and destruction evidenced in Sennacherib's own descriptions of this campaign. Indeed, as elaborated by Brinkman, the Neo-Assyrian court traditionally venerated Babylonian culture.Machinist's interpretation, while not dismissing the unprecedented destructiveness of Sennacherib's actions, positions these actions in the context of a larger struggle faced by all the Sargonid monarchs, the struggle of maintaining sovreignty over Babylonia while honoring its religious and cultural traditions. However, such an utter devastation of Babylon, its treatment as one of Assyria's many other de-cultured vassals, is disparate enough from the actions of Sennacherib's predecessors so as to place his son and successor, Esarhaddon, in a difficult position with respect to Babylon and the Babylonian population.Esarhaddon's decision to abandon his father's extreme tactics and adopt a primarily peaceful policy, comparable in aspects to those of the earlier Neo-Assyrian monarchs, was therefore a risky one. It is, however, a decision he stands by and justifies through many of the compositions produced during his reign. In the wake of the destruction and de-culturation in the service of Assyrian hegemony wreaked by his father, Esarhaddon designs a policy toward Babylonia based on construction and acculturation that influences and affects the cultures of both Assyria and Babylonia.
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Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Assyrian and Babylonian Incantations"

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Schwemer, Daniel. "Abwehrzauber und Behexung : Studien zum Schadenzauberglauben im alten Mesopotamien ; unter Benutzung von Tzvi Abuschs Kritischem Katalog und Sammlungen im Rahmen des Kooperationsprojektes Corpus of Mesopotamian Anti-Witchcraft Rituals /". Wiesbaden : Harrassowitz, 2007. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=3016416&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.

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Brown, David Rodney. "Neo-Assyrian and neo-Babylonian planetary astronomy-astrology (747-612 B.C.)". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1995. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272269.

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Wicks, Yasmina. "Bronze “Bathtub” Coffins In the Context of 8th-6th Century B.C.E. Babylonian, Assyrian and Elamite Funerary Practices". Thesis, Department of Archaeology, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8893.

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Central to this thesis are a small number of unique bronze “bathtub” coffins found in 8th–6th century B.C.E. Babylonian, Assyrian and Elamite burial contexts. These fascinating burial containers have not previously been subject to an in-depth analysis, but rather have been treated by archaeologists as little more than convenient receptacles for a body and numerous precious objects deemed more worthy of scholarly interest. This thesis takes the opportunity to narrow this gap in scholarship, by firstly drawing together the available evidence for the excavated coffins, investigating the method and place of their manufacture, and establishing a possible date range for their production and use. Then, to progress towards an understanding of the bronze “bathtub” coffin burials within the broader context of regional funerary practices, they are incorporated into an analysis of Neo-Babylonian, Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Elamite mortuary evidence, with a particular focus on burial typology, grave goods and burial location. The use of the bronze “bathtubs” as burial receptacles also demands that they be viewed in light of Mesopotamian and Elamite beliefs about what happens to people upon their death, and what the funerary ritual should involve. This thesis therefore explores the coffins in the context of these beliefs and then, building upon this analysis, considers possible ideological aspects of the coffins with emphasis on motifs, form and material, and why these may have been appropriate in a burial context. Underpinning this study is the principle that mortuary evidence is the product of intentional behaviour and that the bronze coffins, and indeed all burial containers, were not simply incidental to the funerary process. Instead they represent a deliberate choice by the burying group and each would have been the central feature of an emotionally and symbolically charged burial act. One feature of the bronze coffin burials that emerges throughout much of the analysis is their undeniable role in the expression, or even construction, of social rank. This role is consistent across all of the burials, which evidently belonged to individuals (or burying groups) of extremely high-status (measured by wealth). Based on the understanding that the bronze “bathtubs” were used in the construction and maintenance of socio-cultural ideology in Babylonia, Assyria and Elam, the known historical interaction between these three cultures is examined in the final section of the thesis, with a view to establishing the extent to which the coffins can be considered as belonging to a shared funerary practice.
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Greenfield, Tina Lynn. "Feeding empires : the political economy of a Neo-Assyrian provincial capital through the analysis of zooarchaeological remains". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.707969.

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Shuaib, Marwan Ghazi. "The Arabs of north Arabia in later pre-Islamic times : Qedar, Nebaioth, and others". Thesis, University of Manchester, 2014. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-arabs-of-north-arabia-in-later-preislamic-timesqedar-nebaioth-and-others(8b2d8db7-e913-4092-abbc-6406b5e4afda).html.

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This study discusses the history of the Arabs of north Arabia in later pre-Islamic times. This study provides an in-depth discussion of Arab ethnicity, which contributes to the improvement of our knowledge regarding this controversial issue. This study argues that the Arab nation is, in fact, a very old one of great importance, but the Arabs themselves had no consciousness of their unity and did not leave inscriptions proclaiming their identity as Arabs or claim to be the rightful proprietors of specific territories. An examination is made of the reasons behind the emergence of kingship in different communities through the course of history, in order to determine the general features of kingship. This study demonstrates that kingship in north Arabia had almost every feature of kingship as it appeared in other places. Particular attention is paid in the study to delivering a full and coherent account of the history of Qedar. Although, some scholars have tried to write the history of Qedar, their works remain fragmentary or inconsistent. Basing the examination not merely on most of the previous works, we subject those works to a comparison with the Assyrian inscriptions. By so doing, it has proved possible to critique the previous works and clarify many ambiguous issues in Qedarite history. Moreover, this study contributes to the improvement of our knowledge regarding Nebaioth and Na-ba-a-a-ti and their relationship with the Nabataeans. This study finds that the Nebaioth and Nabataeans were different, contemporary groups living during the sixth century BCE, even though the first direct and uncontested evidence of the Nabataeans of Petra comes from the late fourth century BCE, when the Nabataeans made their first clear appearance in Diodorus Siculus in connection with the expansion of the Seleucid Empire (312 BCE). The main settlement centres in north Arabia are discussed in depth in Chapter Five. This study traces the history of Tayma, Adummatu and Dedan, establishing the importance of those oases and their relationship with Mesopotamia. The discussion of those oases produces useful results, which contribute to improving our knowledge and assist in our understanding of issues relating to the history of those sites.
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DRAGOMIR, Mihaela. "L'architettura templare neoassira e neobabilonese: analisi contestuale e interpretazione funzionale". Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Ferrara, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11392/2389058.

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The object of this thesis is, as the title indicates, the typology and the evolution of the Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian temple structures, in the imperial capitals and the major provincial centers. I choose this subject because the archaeological literature has dealt only marginally the templar architecture of this period, usually only within works about the all Mesopotamian temple architecture, or even about the Mesopotamian architecture in general. It was defined a clear chronological period within which the temples was choose. So these are the temples that have been discovered, mostly, in the southern part (Babylon) and northern (Assyria) of Mesopotamia and dating back to the first millennium BC It is obvious that the main texts of reference were those written by the archaeologists who excavated the sites in question. For this reason it has been inevitable the analysis of different excavation reports and subsequent publications. Starting from this literature I have analyzed the temple architecture, not omitting, however, the historical context that has its own importance. In this work will be investigated a number of aspects of the temples. The layout of various temples will be studied and described in order to try to determine the elements or characteristics common and shared between them. Along with the layout of the buildings, the cult furnishings found in the temples will be studied, always with the aim of determining the common elements, and / or differences between the cult furniture of the various structures. The aim is to analyze the architecture of this period in relation to all the archaeological finds (decoration, inscriptions, objects and installations), as part of an organized space, with the goal of understanding the spatial organization and layout of the temples. In addition I would like to show that the temple in the first millennium BC is much more than just a place of worship. For this reason, in addition to chapters on the temples and their architecture, one will be dedicated to libraries and archives, and another to templar economy. The method of presentation will be as follows. The thesis is divided into eight chapters, plus the annexes and images. All these were then divided into two volumes; the first volume contains the eight chapters and the second for the annexes and the
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Yoder, Tyler R. "Fishing for Fish and Fishing for Men: Fishing Imagery in the Hebrew Bible and the Ancient Near East". The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1429659752.

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Collins, Timothy Joseph. "Natural illness in Babylonian medical incantations". 1999. http://books.google.com/books?id=pgNjAAAAMAAJ.

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Clemens, David M. "A study of the sacrificial terminology at Ugarit : a collection and analysis of the Ugaritic and Akkadian textual data /". 1999. http://books.google.com/books?id=QvBiAAAAMAAJ.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Dept. of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations, June 1999.
UMI copy contains all five volumes, divided between two parts. Includes bibliographical references (p. 977-1028). Also issued in print.
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Asher, Adèle Hazel Esmè. "Judah and her neighbours in the seventh century BCE". Thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/17947.

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This thesis investigates the period in Judah which took place precisely a century between the death ofHezekiah (687 BCE) and the final fall of Jerusalem (587 BCE) Seldom has a nation experienced so many dramatically sudden reversals of fortune in so relatively short a time. Throughout the first half of the seventh century BCE the Assyrian empire reigned supreme. In the second half, in rapid succession, Judah, as a vassal, experienced periods of independence and of subjection, first to Egypt, then to Babylonia, before finally destroying herself in a futile rebellion against the latter. The aim of the thesis was to set Judah in the global context and investigate the role she played. To this end the Great Powers, namely Assyria, Egypt and Babylonia were surveyed, as well as were the Small Powers, like Judah, Phoenicia and the Transjordanian states, and the relationships probed. The thesis traces the life of the wicked but extraordinarily successful King Manasseh, and his equally reprobate son, Amon, who was brutally murdered by his servants, and was avenged by 'the people of the land'. Josiah is the only monarch who fits the Deuteronomistic requirements of a good king. Religious and national reform generally go hand in hand with politics, and the cultic reform and centralization of the cult characterise his reign. · With the fall of Assyria, the temporary surge into prominence by Egypt and the tragic death of Josiah in 609 BCE, Judah experienced radical political fluctuations and with them alternate subjugation by, and rebellion against, each of the major powers. Inexperienced leadership and a situation of dual kings, followed Josiah's death. The rapidly changing international scene demanded of the rulers of Judah skillful manoeuvring and exceptional adaptability, and frequently confronted them with ominous political situations. Judaean leaders and the puppet King Zedekiah, propped up by false prophets, failed to grasp the shift in the balance of power, and clung to questionable Egyptian aid against the new world power, Babylonia. Highly vulnerable and left in the lurch, Jerusalem faced protracted siege and famine in Jerusalem, destruction ofthe Temple, and deportation ofthe cream ofher people.
Classics and Modern European Languages
D. Litt. et Phil. (Judaica)
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Książki na temat "Assyrian and Babylonian Incantations"

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Museum, British. Assyrian sculpture. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1999.

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Lisa, Baylis, i Marshall Sandra, red. Assyrian palace sculptures. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2009.

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Parpola, Simo. Letters from Assyrian and Babylonian scholars. Helsinki, Finland: Helsinki University Press, 1993.

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Dreyfus, Renée. A purely Assyrian art: Ivories carved in the `Assyrian style'. Ann Arbor, MI: Bell & Howell Information and Learning Company, 2001.

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Johns, C. H. W. Babylonian and Assyrian laws, contracts and letters. Holmes Beach, Fla: Wm. W. Gaunt & Sons, 1994.

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Meis, Salvo De. Astronomical dating of Assyrian and Babylonian reports. Roma: Istituto italiano per l'Africa e l'Oriente, 1997.

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Bock, Barbara. Das Handbuch Muššu⁾u "Einreibung": Eine Serie sumerischer und akkadischer Beschwörungen aus dem 1. Jt. vor Chr. Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 2007.

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Koch, Ulla Susanne. Mesopotamian Astrology: An Introduction to Babylonian and Assyrian Celestial Divination. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, 1995.

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Frahm, Eckart. Babylonian and Assyrian text commentaries: Origins of interpretation. Münster: Ugarit, 2011.

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Abusch, I. Tzvi. Babylonian witchcraft literature: Case studies. Atlanta, Ga: Scholars Press, 1987.

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Części książek na temat "Assyrian and Babylonian Incantations"

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Worthington, Martin. "Ea’s duplicity and Babylonian/ Assyrian divination". W Ea’s Duplicity in the Gilgamesh Flood Story, 371–98. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. | Series: The ancient word: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429424274-25.

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Schaudig, Hanspeter. "Anger and Hatred in Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian Royal Inscriptions". W The Routledge Handbook of Emotions in the Ancient Near East, 631–47. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780367822873-40.

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Noegel, Scott. "JoAnn Scurlock and Burton Andersen, Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine: Ancient Sources, Translations, and Modern Medical Analyses". W Perspectives on Hebrew Scriptures IV, redaktor Ehud Ben Zvi, 467–71. Piscataway, NJ, USA: Gorgias Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/9781463216238-043.

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"Catalogue of Middle Babylonian/Middle Assyrian Incantations". W Corpus of Middle Babylonian and Middle Assyrian Incantations, 339–408. Harrassowitz Verlag, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv11sn5dm.14.

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"Physical Properties of Tablets Containing Incantations". W Corpus of Middle Babylonian and Middle Assyrian Incantations, 6–37. Harrassowitz Verlag, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv11sn5dm.8.

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"Circulation of Incantations during the Late Bronze Age". W Corpus of Middle Babylonian and Middle Assyrian Incantations, 88–174. Harrassowitz Verlag, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv11sn5dm.11.

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"Front Matter". W Corpus of Middle Babylonian and Middle Assyrian Incantations, I—IV. Harrassowitz Verlag, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv11sn5dm.1.

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"The Social Setting". W Corpus of Middle Babylonian and Middle Assyrian Incantations, 60–87. Harrassowitz Verlag, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv11sn5dm.10.

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"Standardization and Serialization". W Corpus of Middle Babylonian and Middle Assyrian Incantations, 175–243. Harrassowitz Verlag, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv11sn5dm.12.

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"Selection of Texts". W Corpus of Middle Babylonian and Middle Assyrian Incantations, 244–338. Harrassowitz Verlag, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv11sn5dm.13.

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