Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Artemis (Greek deity) in art”
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Sommer, Sommer. "Artemis Orthia". Indogermanische Forschungen 127, nr 1 (1.10.2022): 307–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/if-2022-0014.
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Zusammenfassung The goddess Orthia, whose name is attested by different variants in inscriptions mainly at her sanctuary at Sparta, and who was at some point identified with Artemis, is the subject of an ongoing debate in various fields of ancient studies. As the textual mythology of the goddess is meagre, the etymology of this theonym is of primary importance in bringing to light possible mythological concepts associated with the deity. Drawing on earlier attempts proposed in the literature, the Greek adjective ὀρθός (ved. ūrdhvá- ‚upright‘) is identified as the natural derivational basis for the name, which can in turn be traced back to the PIE root underlying ved. vrādh- and av. uruuad-. In Vedic, ūrdhvá- is used in describing the epiphany of Uṣas. Orthia can therefore be considered to be a descendant of the PIE dawn goddess. Via its etymology, the name of Orthia is related to the Avestan theonym Arəduuī (and probably to Celtic Ardvinna as well). The abundantly documented mythological profile of the Iranian goddess matches up well with the proposed origin of the name, thereby cross-validating the linguistic and mythological origin of Orthia.
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Bykovskaya, Aleksandra V. "Artemis Cult on Bosporus: General and Local Features". Vestnik NSU. Series: History, Philology 20, nr 8 (28.10.2021): 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2021-20-8-9-22.
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The article studies the Artemis worship on the Bosporus, including goddess’ common and local characteristics. Various religious beliefs related to Artemis had been present in Panticapaeum since its foundation in the 7th century BC due to first Milesian colonists, including apparently Artemis Delphinia and Chitone cults. More recently Artemis of Ephesus and Artemis Piphia cults appeared. Generally Artemis cult contains some archaic elements, among them the Great Goddess (especially in Artemis Tauropolos cult) and the Mistress of Animals features. Those elements were popular in the Bosporan religion, as reflected in unique monuments from the region, such as the statue of goddess with bull skull sitting on the acanthus plant. Hecate cult allegedly entered Panticapaeum from Miletus in Asia Minor version. Gradually in the Hellenistic period there is emerged Artemis-Hecate-Ditagoia cult as a result of several factors, among which were local and Attic influences. Artemis-Hecate as a savior had a strong connection with afterlife and magic rituals. The next flourishing of Artemis cult occurs in the Mithridates period due to the ruler’s support of Greek religion. Nevertheless, the continuity of religious traditions took place. A sanctuary devoted allegedly to Artemis-Hecate was built in the Panticapaeum acropolis, close to the Cybele temple. At this time sacral reliefs with Cybele, Hermes and Hecate became popular throughout the state of Bosporus. The monuments reflected a scene of the journey into the underworld, and Hecate perhaps acted as a deity of borders and gatekeeper.
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Lacy, Lamar Ronald. "Aktaion and a lost ‘Bath of Artemis’". Journal of Hellenic Studies 110 (listopad 1990): 26–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631731.
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Aktaion's own hounds devoured him, convinced by Artemis that he was a deer. This grim reversal, the great hunter who dies like a hunted beast, was the strongest element of the mythic tradition associated with the Boiotian hero and inspired numerous scenes in Greek art. Aktaion's Offense, on the other hand, received little iconographic attention before the imperial era, and Greek literature accounted for Artemis' hostility in a variety of ways. The chronology of the extant sources suggests a neat sequence of misdeeds, and the resulting succession of versions is the object of a well-established scholarly consensus. The information which survives is actually too scant and too fragmentary to bear so straightforward a reading, but a critical approach can suggest the outlines of more plausible, if less neat, picture.
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Macedo, José Marcos. "Hermes a-re-ja (PY Tn 316): a new interpretation". Kadmos 55, nr 1-2 (24.05.2016): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kadmos-2016-0005.
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Abstract A long-standing consensus among Mycenaean scholars is that a-reja, an epithet of Hermes in the Pylos tablet Tn 316, must be somehow related to Ares, the war god. Hermes Areiās would be either a derivative in *-ās of Ares or, according to a recent suggestion, an abbreviated compound in the first member of which Ares would figure. The present paper argues for a different solution, taking a-re-ja (dat.) /aleii̯āi/ as an apposed noun epithet of the root *h2leu̯- ‘to ward off’. Nouns in apposition to divine names are not uncommon in 1st millennium Greek (type Artemis Εὐλοχία ‘Good Delivery’), and Hermes Aleia ‘(active) Protection’ or ‘Defense’ fits neatly with Hermes’ character as a helping deity and a god of boundaries, as shown both in the myths related to him and in several of his epicleses in alphabetic Greek. Aleiă is best taken as a feminine verbal derivative in *-ih2: this type is the source of other action nouns that are either personified or have a religious background, such as αἶσα ‘destiny’ and μοῖρα ‘fate’. Furthermore, Aleia can be viewed as an independent testimony of the *-u̯i̯- > *-i̯i̯- development in Mycenaean (type i-je-re-ja ‘priestess’).
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Mshvildadze, Marika. "Diety Nike-Victoria of the late Antique period on the territory of Georgia". Pro Georgia 33, nr 1 (10.08.2023): 161–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.61097/12301604/pg33/2023/161-168.
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The states on the territory of Georgia were part of the Classical antiquity ecumene. Accordingly, both Iberia and Colchis had close trade-economic and cultural relations with the Roman Empire, from where the deities popular in the empire spread to the territory of Georgia. Among them, a special place is occupied by the ancient god of victory, Nike (Ancient Greek: Νίκη). The name Nike is believed to date back to the pre- Greek period. In Greek mythology, Nike appears as a companion of Zeus and Athena. In Greek art, the deity is mainly depicted with symbols of victory – wings, a crown and a palm branch, but we also find a wingless Nike. In Roman reality, the Victoria (Latin: Victoria) corresponded to Nike. Research has shown that the deity Nike (Victoria) was one of the most widespread cults in late ancient Iberia, which is the result of political and cultural relations with the Greco-Roman world. In late antiquity, the cult of Nike (Victoria) was recorded on the territory of Georgia in the Kingdom of Kartli (Iberia) – on the territory of Greater Mtskheta, Urbnisi, Zhinvali... Since the Hellenistic period, religious syncretism was also reflected on the engraved gems found on the territory of Kartli. Athena-Tikhe-Fortuna- Demeter-Nike depicted in an oval-shaped cornelian intaglio in a fragment of an iron ring. Tomb №27 of Karniskhevi, 2nd-3rd centuries. Nike-Fortuna-Athena is depicted in an oval-shaped white, transparent glass intaglio in an iron seal. Urbnisi necropolis. Tomb №205. 1st-early 2nd century AD. Seals with the image of the deity Nike (Victoria) found in the territory of Georgia belonged to all layers of society. Gemas can be found both individually and in gold, silver and bronze rings. Intaglios with the image of the deity are made of: carnelian, glas, almadine, which are inserted into iron, bronze, silver and gold rings. It is noteworthy that the cult of Nike (Victoria) is mainly prevalent in urban centers. From the above, we can conclude that Nike (Victoria) was popular and in our opinion, mainly among the Romanized population.
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Lusher, Andrew. "Greek Statues, Roman Cults and European Aristocracy: Examining the Progression of Ancient Sculpture Interpretation". Journal of Arts and Humanities 6, nr 12 (31.12.2017): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18533/journal.v6i12.1313.
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<p>In 1747 Frederick II of Prussia acquired a rare and highly valuable statue from antiquity and gave it the description of Antinous (the ill-fated lover of the Roman Emperor Hadrian). Although the bronze statue had always been accepted as an original from ancient Greece, the statue eventually assumed the identity of the Roman Antinous. How could Frederick II, an accomplished collector, ignore the blatant style and chronological discrepancies to interpret a Greek statue as a later Roman deity? This article will use the portraiture of Antinous to facilitate an examination of the progression of classical art interpretation and diagnose the freedom between the art historian and the dilettante. It will expose the necessary partition between the obligations of the art historian to provide technical interpretations of a work within the purview of the discipline with that of the unique interpretation made by individual viewers. This article confirms that although Frederick II lived before the transformative scholarship of Winckelmann, the freedom of interpreting a work is an abiding and intrinsic right of every individual viewer. </p>
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Smith, Tyler Jo. "Highland gods: rock-cut votive reliefs from the Pisidian Survey". Anatolian Studies 61 (grudzień 2011): 133–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154600008814.
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AbstractBetween 1982 and 1996 a group of rock-cut votive reliefs was discovered during archaeological survey in Pisidia under the direction of Stephen Mitchell and the sponsorship of the British Institute (of Archaeology) at Ankara. The types represented include a horseman deity, perhaps Kakasbos, the Dioscuri with ‘goddess’ and the moon-god Men. The reliefs are discussed according to their cults and iconography, and their contribution to art and religion both locally and beyond. As a religious phenomenon, they are further considered in relation to both regional traditions and empire-wide practices. It is suggested that reliefs of this type, that are associated with the protection of mortals, should also be viewed as part of the history of devotional art and added to discussions of rock art that extend beyond the Greek and Roman worlds. A detailed catalogue of the reliefs, organised by iconographic type, concludes the article.
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McNiven, Timothy J. "Odysseus on the Niobid Krater". Journal of Hellenic Studies 109 (listopad 1989): 191–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632051.
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The Niobid krater in Paris (Louvre G341) is not one of the masterpieces of Greek vase painting. The vase is not even one of the best works of the artist, who receives his name, the Niobid Painter, from the rare depiction of Apollo and Artemis killing the children of Niobe on the reverse. The vase is, however, one of the touchstones of the history of ancient Greek art. The Niobid krater has this distinction because it is the earliest contemporaneous witness to the new developments in mural painting in the Early Classical Period, developments best understood from the descriptions of the traveler Pausanias six centuries later. The actual quality of the Niobid krater is therefore secondary to its documentary value.Since the krater's discovery in 1881, most discussion has focused on the iconography of the scene on the obverse, showing a group of warriors with Athena (PLATE IIa). The ambiguity of the scene comes from the large number of figures and the lack of action or iconographical evidence to help in their identification. Of the 11 figures, only Herakles (figure 6 on PLATE IIb), with his club and lionskin and Athena (4) in her aegis and helmet are clearly identifiable.
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Dickson, Keith M. "Voice and Sign in Pindar". Ramus 19, nr 2 (1990): 109–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00002873.
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We all secretly venerate the ideal of a language which in the last analysis would deliver us from language by delivering us to things.M. Merleau-Ponty,The Prose of the WorldIn a study published some years ago, J.-P. Vernant drew attention to the fundamental distinction Greek thought makes between spoken and all other modes of divination. It is a difference that reflects certain givens of ancient social and political structure, and that has its roots in the marked orientation of Greek society towards open discourse. What he has in mind as a paradigm of oral divination is the question-and-answer format of many ancient oracles. He argues that this provides far more direct and more ‘democratic’ access to the will of deity or the way of things than do styles of consultation dependent on interpretative schemes which, because of their indirect nature, are accessible only to a small and privileged group. The fine art of pyromancy, for instance, deploys a framework of transformational rules and techniques whose complexity removes the interpretation of ‘fire signs’ (empura sēmata) from the realm of ordinary skills and makes it instead the special province of a priestly caste, such as that of the Iamidai at Olympia.
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Barringer, Judith M. "Atalanta as Model: The Hunter and the Hunted". Classical Antiquity 15, nr 1 (1.04.1996): 48–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25011031.
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Atalanta, devotee of Artemis and defiant of men and marriage, was a popular figure in ancient literature and art. Although scholars have thoroughly investigated the literary evidence concerning Atalanta, the material record has received less scrutiny. This article explores the written and visual evidence, primarily vase painting, of three Atalanta myths: the Calydonian boar hunt, her wrestling match with Peleus, and Atalanta's footrace, in the context of rites of passage in ancient Greece. The three myths can be read as male and female rites of passage: the hunt, athletics, and a combination of prenuptial footrace and initiatory hunt. Atalanta plays both male and female initiatory roles in each myth: Atalanta is not only a girl facing marriage, but she is also a female hunter and female ephebe. She is the embodiment of ambiguity and liminality. Atalanta's status as outsider and as paradoxical female is sometimes expressed visually by her appearance as Amazon or maenad or a combination of the two. Her blending of gender roles in myth offers insight into Greek ideas of social roles, gender constructs, and male perceptions of femininity. Erotic aspects of the myths of the Calydonian boar hunt and the footrace, and possibly also her wrestling match with Peleus, emphasize Atalanta as the object of male desire. Atalanta challenges men in a man's world and therefore presents a threat, but she is erotically charged and subject to male influence and dominance.
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Leventi, Iphigeneia. "MARBLE SCULPTURES FROM PHTHIOTIS IN THE LAMIA ARCHAEOLOGICAL MUSEUM". Annual of the British School at Athens 108 (listopad 2013): 275–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245413000099.
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Marble statuettes, now in the Lamia Archaeological Museum, that date to the Classical and above all the Hellenistic periods, and a Hellenistic votive relief depicting Herakles are presented here. This study investigates the relations between the local workshop in central Greece which produced them and the major Classical and Hellenistic sculptural centres of Athens and of the Aegean islands, Asia Minor and the kingdoms of the Greek East generally. A marble statuette of a goddess which may represent Artemis from Melitaia, and a marble statuette of a seated girl of unknown provenance are dated to the Classical period. The subjects portrayed in the Late Hellenistic material show a typical repertory, marble statuettes of Aphrodite or Aphrodite-like figures, and a statuary group of Eros and Psyche in marble, unusual for this period. The ways in which the local sculptors of the Late Hellenistic period in the area of modern Phthiotis adopted the typological and stylistic trends current in the great cosmopolitan centres are a major concern here. In the Hellenistic period, the production of marble statuettes for making offerings at public and domestic sanctuaries and for decorating opulent villas was in vogue, and a common formal language was created especially for small-scale sculpture in the eastern Mediterranean and the new art markets of Italy. The vehicles by which these artistic influences were transmitted to the sculptural production of central Greece will also be investigated.
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Steiner, Ann, i Jenifer Neils. "An Imported Attic Kylix from the Sanctuary at Poggio Colla". Etruscan Studies 21, nr 1-2 (7.11.2018): 98–145. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/etst-2018-0010.
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Abstract This study focuses on an Attic red-figure kylix excavated in a North Etruscan ritual context at a major sanctuary site in the Mugello region at Poggio Colla. Attributed to the Painter of the Paris Gigantomachy (490–460 B. C. E.), the kylix depicts youths boxing. Careful excavation of the site over 20 years allows detailed presentation here of the votive context for the kylix and thus supports a plausible hypothesis for how it was integrated into rituals marking the transition from the first monumental stone temple to its successor at the site, sometime in the late fifth-early fourth century. Placing the kylix in the oeuvre of the painter, his workshop output, and its appearance in Etruria demonstrates that the shape and subject matter were well known to Etruscan audiences; discussion of the relationship of the Attic boxers to imagery in Etruscan tomb painting, black-figure silhouette style pottery, and funerary reliefs reveals links to and differences from Etruscan renderings of similar subject matter. Conclusions confirm the role of the Attic kylix in Etruscan ritual and establish the familiarity of the iconography of the kylix to Etruscan audiences. Although one of the tinas cliniiar, Etruscan Pultuce and Greek Pollux, is identified in fourth-century Etruscan art as an outstanding boxer, this study reveals no obvious link between the imagery on the kylix and the major deity honored at the site, very likely the goddess Uni.
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Sifei, Li. "Tubo-Sogdian Relations along the Silk Road: On an Enigmatic Gold Plaque from Dulan (Qinghai, China)". Iran and the Caucasus 26, nr 4 (30.11.2022): 309–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20220401.
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In 2018, some tombs that belonged to early Tibetan-related elites at the site of Dulan (Qinghai, China) were disturbed by looters’ activity. One of the gold objects confiscated by local police officers displays a curious composite creature that could be called a winged ichthyocentaurus or triton. This creature includes the torso of a dressed man with a beribboned crown holding a rhyton-like horn and a coiled fish tail. This article discusses the possible function and meaning of this type of composite creatures that appear also on some artifacts from Central Asian archaeological sites and Sino-Sogdian funerary monuments. The iconography of the hybrid creatures seems to be rooted in Greek art. Sogdians possibly transmitted it to the Tibetan Plateau along the so-called Silk Road in the 7th-8th cc. The horn held by the creature is reminiscent of one attribute of the ancient Chinese wind god “Feng Bo” (风伯, “Master of the Wind”) that has been depicted in the funerary milieu since the Han period (202 B.C.-220 A.D.) because of its association with immortality. This object could allow us to identify the iconography of the Sogdian wind deity Weshparkar (Avestan Vayu) who sometimes had a “wind blowing horn” like in the Dulan gold plaque. The study of this specific detail could help to shed light on the multicultural background of early Tibetan societies that definitely had contacts with Central Asia and China along the Silk Road trading network.
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Wachsmann, Shelley, i Donald Sanders. "Reconstructing a late Archaic-period Dionysian ship cart". Zbornik radova Filozofskog fakulteta u Pristini 53, nr 3 (2023): 135–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp53-45389.
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The Greek deity Dionysos had a particular affinity for war galleys, a relationship perhaps explained by the Homeric Hymn to Dionysos in which Tyrsenian pirates kidnap him on their galley. Soon grape vines entangle the rigging and some of the pirates attempt to escape their fate by jumping into the sea: Dionysos transforms them into dolphins. This hymn served as an occasional motif in pagan art and may explain the miniaturized replicas of seagoing oared ships that played an integral role in the ancient Dionysian cult. These flimsy Dionysian ship carts moved overland in parades, either on wheels or upon the shoulders of celebrants. While the earliest examples may date to the Late Bronze Age, they are best known from a series of three late Archaic-period representations on black-figure skyphoi, now in museums in Athens, Bologna and London. No two Archaic-period Dionysian ship-cart representations are identical in all details. While perhaps due to painters' whims, this diversity in appearance may reflect changes to the ship carts at each annual appearance, analogous to modern-day parade floats. Due to the two-dimensional nature of these ship-cart images, it is impossible today to determine whether the Dionysian ship carts reflected in them consisted of actual vessels-purpose-built and placed on wagons during the procession, employed solely for the Dionysian celebrations-or floats in the form of miniaturized galleys. This paper supplies context and explains the process of creating a three-dimensional digital reconstruction of a generic Late Archaic-period Dionysian ship cart employing contemporaneous imagery and artifacts.
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Ormand, Kirk. "OVID'S HERMAPHRODITUS AND THE MOLLIS MALE". Ramus 51, nr 1 (czerwiec 2022): 74–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rmu.2022.4.
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Figures of intersexed individuals perhaps representing the minor Greek deity Hermaphroditus became, for reasons that are not entirely clear, strikingly popular in Roman sculpture and wall painting in the latter half of the first century CE. Depicting a fully bisexed human body, these figures have resulted in competing interpretations regarding their purpose, meaning, and effect. As it happens, we also have a text from the Augustan period that purports to explain not only the origin of the intersexed Hermaphroditus, but the production of future bisexed individuals, in Ovid's Metamorphoses Book 4. When discussing the sculptures and wall paintings of Hermaphroditus, as a result, scholars have been inevitably drawn to Ovid's narrative. The pull of Ovid is admittedly almost irresistible, and his reputation as a poet who challenges norms, conventions, and genres makes it attractive to see him as creating room for modern notions of gender fluidity. As Georgia Nugent argued more than thirty years ago, however, Ovid's narrative is, in curious ways, a reductive version of the myth, ‘a paradigmatic example of how what is sexually threatening may be textually recuperated and stabilized’. I wish to reanimate Nugent's arguments here, and to suggest that scholars’ regular invocation of Ovid when interpreting the products of Roman art is a mistake, for two reasons: first, the figure Ovid describes is, in fact, not typical of what we see in Roman sculptures and wall paintings; and second, Ovid presents a version of Hermaphroditus’ gender identity that is deliberately less challenging to the stability of sexual binarism—and to traditional gender roles—than are those material depictions. For those of us who wish to advocate for the rights of intersexed individuals, in other words, Ovid is the wrong champion.
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James, Stuart. "Classical Myths and Legends in the Middle Ages and Renaissance:98306H. David Brumble, John Boardman, LCSH Pan, Greek deity, John Boardman. Classical Myths and Legends in the Middle Ages and Renaissance: A Dictionary of Allegorical Meanings. London and Chicago, ILLondonLondon: Fitzroy Dearborn PublishersThames and HudsonThames and Hudson 1998, 1997. xxvi + 421pp, ISBN: 1 57958 020 3 £60.00, ISBN: 0 500 55030 1 £7.95, ISBN: 0 500 20309 1 £8.95 paperback World of Art series". Reference Reviews 12, nr 6 (czerwiec 1998): 9–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/rr.1998.12.6.9.306.
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Hedreen, Guy. "On the Magnitude of the Gods in Materialist Theology and Greek Art". Journal of Hellenic Studies, 24.08.2021, 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426921000021.
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Abstract In this paper, I address one characteristic of Classical Greek votive reliefs that has troubled scholars: the size of the gods. The reliefs depict mortal worshippers approaching gods and goddesses who are, almost invariably, larger in stature than the mortals. Scholars have generally explained the difference in scale to be art historical, rather than theological, in significance. Either the larger scale is a visual expression of the hierarchical superiority of the gods or the images of the gods represent over-life-size statues. In addition, it is widely accepted that votive reliefs are products of unsophisticated religious belief, ignorant of the conceptualization of an imperceptible, non-corporeal deity in Classical philosophy. In this paper, I accept the artistic proposition of votive reliefs at face value: in this genre, the gods are living, visible, material bodies, most often anthropomorphic in form and always larger in magnitude than mortals. I identify one significant parallel for this interpretation within Greek and Roman thought, namely, the conception of gods within the materialist theology developed by the late Classical writer Epicurus and, in part at least, by the fifth-century BC writer Demokritos. In the writings of the Epicureans and, it appears, the atomists, as in the votive reliefs, gods are human in form, very beautiful, self-sufficient, larger than humans in size and known by mortals through visual perception.
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Afrianto, Afrianto, i Wahyu Widianto. "Mythological and Historical Representation: A Critical Discourse Analysis on Aeschylus’s Poems The Sacrifice of Iphigenia and The Battle of Salamis". Journal of Arts and Education 2, nr 1 (25.02.2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.33365/jae.v2i1.57.
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An allusion is a reference to a well-known person, place, event, literary work, or work of art. The main purpose of this research is to find the allusion in the selected poems of Aeschylus The Battle of Salamis and The Sacrifice of Iphigenia and critically analyze the poems to explore and describe the story and mythology behind the expressions in each line. This research is conducted qualitatively and applies purposive sampling to choose and gather the data. It can be reported that both poems represent Greek mythology and history. The representation is derived from expressions, which are in the form of words and sentences. It is found that the allusion found contains names of figures in Greek mythology, such as god-goddess (Artemis), kings (Agamemnon, Atreus), and places (Strymon). These become the references to convey the meaning and to deliver the message of the poems. Regarding these names, the poet connects his idea in the poem to the Greek story and mythology. In addition, there are three functions of allusion confirmed in this research; those are delineating the character, carrying the theme, creating humor. Accordingly, it is noteworthy that allusion can be used to identify the correlation between a particular text and reality, history, and even mythology. In this case, it is noteworthy that allusion is not only a reference, but it also makes expression in the poem more vivid, flowery, interesting, and attractive.