Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Arizona – White Mountain Indian Reservation”

This study aims to describe the epidemiology of unintentional injury deaths among American Indian residents of the Fort Apache Indian Reservation between 2006 and 2012. Unintentional injury death data were obtained from the Arizona Department of Health Services and death rates were calculated per 100 000 people per year and age adjusted using data obtained from Indian Health Service and the age distribution of the 2010 US Census. Rate ratios were calculated using the comparison data obtained through CDC’s Web-based Injury Statistics Query and Reporting System. The overall unintentional injury mortality rate among American Indians residing on the Fort Apache Indian Reservation between 2006 and 2012 was 107.0 per 100 000. When stratified by age, White Mountain Apache Tribe (WMAT) mortality rates for all unintentional injuries exceed the US all races rate except for ages 10–14 for which there were no deaths due to unintentional injury during this period. The leading causes of unintentional injury deaths were MVCs and poisonings. Unintentional injuries are a significant public health problem in the American Indian and Alaska Native communities. Tribal-specific analyses are critical to inform targeted prevention and priority setting.

White pine blister rust, caused by Cronartium ribicola J.C. Fisch., was found on southwestern white pine (Pinus flexilis James var. reflexa Engelm., synonym P. strobiformis Engelm.) near Hawley Lake, Arizona (Apache County, White Mountains, 34.024°N, 109.776°W, elevation 2,357 m) in April 2009. Although white pines in the Southwest (Arizona and New Mexico) have been repeatedly surveyed for blister rust since its discovery in the Sacramento Mountains of southern New Mexico in 1990 (1,2), this was the first confirmation of C. ribicola in Arizona. Numerous blister rust cankers were sporulating on 15- to 30-year-old white pines growing in a mixed conifer stand adjacent to a meadow with orange gooseberry bushes (Ribes pinetorum Greene), a common telial host in New Mexico. Most of the observed cankers were producing their first aecia on 5-year-old branch interwhorl segments (i.e., formed in 2004). The two oldest cankers apparently originated on stemwood formed about 14 and 21 years before (1995 and 1988). Neither uredinia nor telia were seen on expanding gooseberry leaves in late April, but these rust structures were found later in the season. Voucher specimens deposited in the Forest Pathology Herbarium-Fort Collins (FPF) were determined by host taxa and macro- and microscopic morphology as C. ribicola–white pine with typical cankers, aecia, and aeciospores (1). Six collections of aeciospores from single, unopened aecia provided rDNA sequences (ITS1-5.8S-ITS2, primers ITS1F and ITS4) with two different repeat types (GenBank Accession Nos. HM156043 and HM156044 [J. W. Hanna conducted analysis with methods described in 3]). A BLASTn search with these sequences showed 100 and 99% similarities, respectively, with sequences of C. ribicola, including accessions L76496, L76498, and L76499 from California (4). Additional reconnaissance of white pines on the Fort Apache Indian Reservation and neighboring Apache-Sitgreaves National Forests was conducted from May through September 2009. Although the blister rust infestation was distributed over more than 100 km2 of forest type, infected trees were restricted to mesic and wet canyon bottoms (climatically high-hazard sites) and were not found on dry sites–even where aecial and telial hosts occurred together. Recent dispersal within the White Mountains was suggested by a presence of infected gooseberry plants on several sites where infected white pines were not yet evident. Geils et al. (1) concluded that the initial infestation in New Mexico had originated by long-distance, aerial transport from California to the Sacramento Mountains in 1969. Since then, numerous additional infestations in the Southwest have been discovered; but we do not know which of these (including Arizona) resulted by dispersal from California or New Mexico. Although rust may eventually infest many host populations in the Southwest and disease may kill most trees in some locations, differences in site hazard and spread provide managers with numerous opportunities to maintain white pines and Ribes spp. References: (1) B. Geils et al. For. Pathol. 40:147, 2010. (2) F. Hawksworth. Plant Dis. 74:938, 1990. (3) M.-S. Kim et al. For. Pathol. 36:145, 2006. (4) D. Vogler and T. Bruns. Mycologia 90:244, 1998.

The Night Watchman is a novel published by Native American woman writer Louise Erdrich in 2020. The book tells the story of an Indian tribe located in the Turtle Mountain Reservation in the 1950s which makes arduous efforts to prevent the US government from enacting Termination Bill and relocation plan. The author vividly displays the unity of the tribal people in the Turtle Mountain Reservation. At the same time, the images of American Indian women are portrayed in details. In the mainstream white society, Indian images, especially Indian women’s images, always seem to be shrouded in mystery due to the long-term neglect and discrimination. At the time, Indian women were facing two crises: firstly, as women, they failed to avoid the fate of being persecuted; Secondly, as the members of the Indian community, their tribal survival and development were under threat. Therefore, analyzing the images of American Indian women in Erdrich’s The Night Watchman not only enables the public to pay attention to the identity and awareness of Native American women, but also helps readers better understand how the female characters in the book shape their unique gender and cultural identity through persistence and resistance.

Abstract Traditional national forest management provided the model for Indian forest management up to the Tribal Self-Governance Act of 1994. Now, tribal sovereignty provides a new foundation for Native American forest management that offers the potential for integrating ecological and cultural values. Two tribes--the White Mountain Apache of Arizona and the Menominee of Wisconsin--are incorporating long-term forest practices while clarifying social and economic incentives.

Abstract Background Native Americans are overrepresented in outbreaks of Group A Streptococcus (GAS) in the United States (US). In 2016, several invasive cases of GAS were detected at the Whiteriver Indian Health Service (IHS) Hospital in Arizona that primarily serves the White Mountain Apache (WMA) Tribe. The objective of this study was to determine the burden of invasive and severe GAS disease among Native Americans on the WMA Tribal lands. Methods Prospective population and laboratory-based surveillance for invasive and severe GASinfections was conducted for two years from March 2017 through February 2019. A case was defined as a Native American individual living on or around WMA Tribal lands with GAS isolated from a normally sterile body site (invasive) or from a non-sterile site (e.g., wound, throat, ear) requiring hospitalization (severe). Incidence rates were calculated using the IHS User Population as the denominators. Age-standardized incidence rates were calculated using US Census data from 2015 as the reference group. Results 157 cases were identified (Year 1: 85; Year 2: 72), including 42 (27%) invasive and 115 (73%) severe cases. Most cases were adults (88.5%; median age: 40.5 years) and had ≥1 underlying medical condition (99.4%), including alcoholism (57.1%), hypertension (37.2%), and diabetes (34.0%). 47.8% of cases had a trigger in the past two weeks, including penetrating trauma (31.8%) and blunt force trauma (14.0%). For 72.9% of cases, a co-infection was detected (most commonly Staphylocccus aureus: 96.8%). 4.5% of cases required amputation and 1.9% died within 30 days of initial culture. The incidence of invasive and severe GAS was 460.9 per 100,000 persons (95% confidence interval: 394.3, 538.8), with no significant difference by year. The incidence was highest among adults ≥65 and lowest among children 5–17 years of age. Age-standardized incidence rates of invasive and severe GAS and invasive only GAS are presented in the Figure. Conclusion The WMA community has experienced disproportionately high rates of invasive and severe GAS for over two years. Studies to determine the reservoirs for transmission are urgently needed, as are interventions to reduce the morbidity and mortality associated with these infections. Disclosures All authors: No reported disclosures.

ABSTRACTBACKGROUNDDespite historical and contemporary trauma, American Indian and Alaska Native (AIAN; Indigenous) communities responded with resilience to the COVID‐19 pandemic. However, AIANs experienced disproportionate rates of infection, hospitalization, death, and reduced life expectancy. School closures exacerbated disparities, leading to learning loss, economic instability, and mental health challenges among AIAN youth.METHODSThe Project SafeSchools cohort study employed a comprehensive longitudinal convergent mixed‐methods approach, integrating community‐based participatory research principles. The study enrolled Navajo Nation and White Mountain Apache caregivers whose children were eligible to attend local reservation‐based schools. We conducted an analysis of caregiver self‐report baseline data collected between August 2021 and May 2022.RESULTSA total of 321 caregivers completed at least part of the baseline assessment and were included in the data analysis. Caregivers were primarily female (88.3%), non‐Hispanic (95.9%), and Indigenous (96.3%). Most caregivers were in their late 30s (mean age 38.6), with varying educational backgrounds and employment statuses. Children were evenly split between males and females and distributed across different age groups. Most children attended school at baseline in various formats, including in‐person, hybrid, and online‐only settings. Caregivers reported a range of psychosocial and behavioral risks, including general mental distress, depressive symptoms, and anxiety for themselves and their children. Furthermore, caregivers and children exhibited various protective factors, such as strong cultural identity, resilience, and academic self‐efficacy.CONCLUSIONSThis study highlights the higher rates of mental health distress among participating caregivers and children compared to national averages. Despite these challenges, cultural protective factors remained strong and should guide future crisis response efforts.

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Early on June 19, 2002, Paul Garcia looked off the rim of the Mogollon Plateau and did not like what he saw. Down toward Cibecue, the capital of the Fort Apache Reservation, home of the White Mountain Apaches, dark smoke boiled into the Arizona sky. The wind was pushing it in Garcia’s direction, toward the rim, as the prevailing southwest wind always pushed fires that start down on the Rez. The churning smoke—dark-tinged because of solid materials that volatilized without burning—told Garcia that the fire was gaining energy, building strength. He was the fire management officer of the Lakeside Ranger District, a unit of the Sitgreaves National Forest. His boss, a couple of steps up the chain of command, was Forest Supervisor John Bedell, who remembers getting a call from Garcia: “He said, ‘You know, this thing has some potential. . . . If they don’t catch it today, it’s going to get pretty big.’ ” The firefighters on the reservation didn’t catch it. The Rodeo Fire, which began as an act of arson near the Cibecue rodeo grounds, grew from a size of 1,000 acres on June 18 to 55,000 acres the next day. Garcia, Bedell, and a burgeoning army of Forest Service firefighters scrambled to meet the fire atop the rim, hoping to hold it at the rim road that marked the boundary between the reservation and the National Forest. They did not succeed. By mid-afternoon the fire had developed multiple towering plumes of smoke and ash. Its front advanced at an average rate of four miles an hour. Whole stands of eighty-foot trees ignited in an instant, shooting flames 400 feet high and lofting aerial firebrands half a mile downwind. By 4:00 p.m., some of those firebrands were spotting across the rim road. The Mogollon Rim is one of the most pronounced topographic features of the Southwest.

The trip didn’t make sense at the time. Most backpacking trips don’t. There are always more pressing things to do. We didn’t have the time or the money, but we went anyway. Sometimes you just gotta drive to the end of a long dirt road in the middle of the desert and keep walking. When Aravaipa Canyon lies at the end of that road, you know you won’t be disappointed. Mike and I had come to southeastern Arizona to hike the twelve-mile length of the Aravaipa Canyon Wilderness Area. “Laughing Waters” is the name the Apaches gave to the site. The Aravaipa band of the Western Apache lived here in the nineteenth century. They did well at first—hunting deer in the side canyons; gathering saguaro fruit, mesquite beans, and pinyon nuts; catching native fish that thrived in the creek. But by the 1870s, drought drove them out. When they sought relief at Camp Grant a few miles away a Tucson mob organized a massacre that left them decimated. The government relocated the remainder of the tribe in the White Mountain Reservation to the north. These canyon walls, reaching a thousand feet high in places, hold memories of children playing under reddish-brown hoodoos and dark stories etched in the desert varnish of the rock. Today the Bureau of Land Management regulates entry into the canyon, limiting permits to thirty hikers a day at the western entrance. For much of the way you slog through ankle- to knee-deep water, stopping at every bend to marvel at what rises before you. Towering red cliffs, stands of green willows and cottonwoods, jimson weed and desert marigolds, cactuses of every sort. This is a place where humans are outnumbered by bighorn sheep, where poisonous centipedes hide in thick grass, and serpentine side canyons darken ominously in the late afternoon sun. I’ve loved it since I first set eyes on it. At the start of this book I mentioned a night I’d spent alone in the desert near here a few years earlier. What I experienced that night would finally make sense on this subsequent trip into the canyon proper.