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1
Ziadé, Nassib G. "League of Arab States: Communiques from Summit Meetings in Amman and Algiers". International Legal Materials 27, nr 6 (listopad 1988): 1646–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002078290002221x.
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At an emergency Arab meeting in Amman, preoccupation with the Arab-Israeli conflict gave way to concern over the Iran-Iraq war. Until then, the permanent emergency of Palestine had been the basic raison d'etre for Arab summitry. But in Amman, the emergency was the Iran-Iraq war. It was shortly after the Amman meeting that the uprising in the occupied territories began. Therefore the Algiers summit meeting, also called “the intifadah (uprising) summit” returned the Palestinian issue to the top to “the Arab agenda and put the Arab-Israeli conflict back at the center of world attention
2
Golan, Galia. "Deception and Israeli Peacemaking since 1967". Israel Studies Review 34, nr 1 (1.03.2019): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2019.340102.
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The failure to resolve the Arab-Israeli conflict for many years has often been attributed in significant part to the absence of trust in the sincerity of the other side and, more specifically, to the recalcitrant nature of the opponent. Analyses of past proposals and actual negotiations have pointed out missed opportunities, possibly the result of misperceptions or misunderstandings. Recent archival research, publications, and interviews regarding the Israeli protagonists reveal that actual deception, as distinct from ‘misperception’, may have been at play. The article examines this phenomenon as it has appeared since 1967 in six instances of Israeli government dealings with its own public and with the US or the international community, even in recent months, due primarily to an unwillingness to withdraw from the Occupied Territories or agree to enter serious negotiations for ending the conflict with the Palestinians.
3
Karolyi, Paul. "Update on Conflict and Diplomacy". Journal of Palestine Studies 47, nr 1 (2017): 132–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.47.1.132.
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This update summarizes bilateral, multilateral, regional, and international events affecting the Palestinians and Israel. It covers the quarter beginning on 16 May 2017 and ending on 15 August 2017: U.S. president Donald Trump continued working on a largely undefined peace initiative with little success. Violence in the Old City of Jerusalem interrupted U.S. diplomatic efforts and the Israeli government imposed new security measures at Haram al-Sharif. These restrictions sparked a wave of unrest across the occupied Palestinian territories and a Muslim boycott of the sanctuary, testing the nascent U.S. initiative. Palestinian Authority president Mahmoud Abbas increased pressure on Hamas to relinquish control of Gaza to the PA. The 1,500-plus Palestinian prisoners who declared a mass hunger strike last quarter secured key concessions from the Israeli authorities and brought their strike to a close. Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Bahrain, and the United Arab Emirates enacted a diplomatic and economic boycott of Qatar.
4
Einhorn, Talia. "Restitution of Archaeological Artifacts: The Arab-Israeli Aspects". International Journal of Cultural Property 5, nr 1 (styczeń 1996): 133–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739196000252.
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SummarySince the second half of the last century, public international law has been developing rules regulating the restitution of cultural objects removed from occupied territories during armed conflict. Today it is generally recognized that customary international law forbids pillage. The Protocol to the 1954 Hague Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict further mandates that artifacts removed from an occupied territory must be returned to the competent authorities of that territory at the close of hostilities. The Arab-Israeli case highlights the problematic side of this solution. Following the Six Day War in 1967, the Sinai Peninsula, the Golan Heights, the Gaza strip and the territory known as the “West Bank” came under Israeli control. Israeli archaeologists carried out numerous excavations, and discovered artifacts of special importance to Jewish cultural heritage. It is regrettable that, as a result of the peace treaty with Egypt, these artifacts can no longer be exhibited and appreciated at the Israel Museum in Jerusalem, but had to be delivered to Egypt, where they now face an uncertain future. A similar fate may befall the artifacts excavated in the Golan Heights. The Palestinian claim for restitution cannot be based on the Protocol. The Problem is nevertheless the same in all cases; if the artifacts are to be preserved, properly appreciated and made available for purposes of study and research, it may be more appropriate to distribute them among the states by way of compromise and agreement, that will seek to enhance their cultural significance, rather than use the arbitrary sole criterion of the place of discovery.
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Krylov, A. V. "The European Union Counteraction To Israel's Settlement Policy In The Occupied Arab Territories: Myths And Realities". MGIMO Review of International Relations, nr 6(39) (28.12.2014): 161–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-6-39-161-173.
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More than 50 years the European Union member states (the European Economic Community up to 1993) maintain a special relations with Israel particularly in the trade sphere. Only in 2014 the export of Israeli products to Europe increased by 3%, amounting in absolute terms to a third of total exports of Israel. At the same time, the position of the EU with regard to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict is clearly contrary to the real character of the mutual economic, scientific and technical cooperation. After the failure in 2001 of the Palestinian-Israeli negotiations aimed to reach a «Final-Status Agreement» in accordance with the Oslo Accords, the European Union made several attempts to limit the European market penetration of the Israeli products originating from the occupied territories (the West Bank, Gaza Strip, East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights). However, as can be seen from the contents of the article, there is no consensus between the EU member states with regard to the Israeli settlement policy. The study argues that all the decisions made so far in the European Union to limit Israeli export or reduce crediting of programs for scientific and technical cooperation used to be of declarative or vague character.
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Czapnik, Sławomir. "Konflikt izraelsko-palestyński. Analiza nekropolityczna". Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne 22 (17.10.2017): 188–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1643-0328.22.12.
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Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Necropolitics’ analysisThe aim of this paper is to analyze Israeli-Palestinian conflict from the perspective of the ‘necropolitics’ category term coined by Achille Mbembe. Firstly, author describes mass media coverage of the conflict, especially pro-Israeli bias in the American and British media. Nevertheless, some media representations in the mostly Muslin countries ieTurkey are anti-Semitic. Second part is devoted to the realities on the ground in occupied Palestinian territories and the discoursive practices of perceiving violence of both sides: ‘civilized’ Israeli and ‘uncivilised’ Palestinian. In conclusion, there are some considerations about future developments in the conflict.
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Al-Deen, Nadia Sa’d. "Educational and economic dimensions in the Israeli project against occupied Jerusalem". Contemporary Arab Affairs 10, nr 3 (1.07.2017): 338–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2017.1358956.
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Emboldened by American partiality for the Israeli occupation and the feeble Arab-Islamic support for the Palestinian cause, Israel has been taking advantage, over the last five years, of the current events and changing conditions prevailing in the regional Arab system. The Israeli occupation authority employs the two contingent devices of education and the economy in occupied Jerusalem as a base for counter-action in its desperate effort to hit the collective political consciousness that demands terminating occupation, liberation and self-determination. The occupation authority in occupied Jerusalem has employed a systematic scheme to isolate the city from the rest of the West Bank territories. Their aim is to destroy its trade movement in order to tighten the loop of hegemony around the vital economic and social sectors, and to deprive the Palestinian Authority from returns of tourism. Life for the residents of the city has become complicated in every possible way, prompting them to abandon their city. All this would be a part of a ‘voluntary immigration’ policy as a prelude to Judaizing the city, evacuating its residents, replacing them with settlers and, ultimately, dropping the city off the partition claims. The measures adopted by the occupation authorities take advantage of the educational and economic dimensions and employ them as leverage for penetrating the articulating points of the resisting Jerusalemite society. This goal is being achieved by shaking the foundations of the educational system and by obstructing endeavours seeking to improve and propagate it. The occupation authority continued to perpetrate its scheme of ‘displacement/settlement’ when it recently expelled 100,000 Jerusalemites from their city. In light of the aforesaid, this research examines, as its main theme, the impact of putting the educational and economic dimensions to use in the Israeli project against occupied Jerusalem, on the fate of the city, and on the equation of the Arab–Israeli conflict. The paper also argues that it would be natural that a popular youth movement emerging in the face of Israel’s intransigence will nominate its own political leadership, dissociated from the political leadership of the Palestinian factions, so that insurrection can continue.
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Roberts, Adam. "Prolonged Military Occupation: The Israeli-Occupied Territories Since 1967". American Journal of International Law 84, nr 1 (styczeń 1990): 44–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203016.
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To what extent are international legal rules formally applicable, and practically relevant, to a prolonged military occupation? The question has assumed prominence because of the exceptional duration of the occupation by Israel of various territories that came under its control in the war of June 5–10, 1967. The situation there has had two classic features of a military occupation: first, a formal system of external control by a force whose presence is not sanctioned by international agreement; and second, a conflict of nationality and interest between the inhabitants, on the one hand, and those exercising power over them, on the other. In highlighting these features, the Palestinian uprising, or intifada, which began in Gaza and the West Bank in December 1987, has added urgency to the question of the law applicable to prolonged occupations.
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Shehadeh, Amer. "The Psychological Wellbeing of Palestinian Children Living among Israeli Settlements in Hebron Old City". Academic Journal of Research and Scientific Publishing 3, nr 28 (5.08.2021): 30–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.52132/ajrsp.e.2021.282.
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For more than ten decades, the Palestinian Occupied Territories are marked by a protracted political conflict. During this conflict, more than 300 settlements have been built inside West Bank, Gaza, and East Jerusalem “Occupied Palestinian Territories”, since that time the conflict between Palestinian and Israeli occupation forces is still ongoing. One of the most important results of this occupation and conflict is the suffering of Palestinian living among these Israeli settlements. Therefore, this study aimed at gaining insight into the impact of living within this situation on children and adolescents’ psychological wellbeing. 357 8-18 years old Palestinian children took part; Two self-report questionnaires: the UCLA-PTSD-Reaction Index, investigating symptoms of posttraumatic stress, and the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaires, looking at overall psychological problems, were filed by children themselves, mothers, and teachers. Descriptive analyses investigated mental health differences between both variables, gender, and age, and the mental health outcomes. This study shows the important impact of being lived among Israeli settlements on the psychological wellbeing of Palestinian, above, girls, younger adolescents, also reported higher scores on both questionnaires, the study urges for more psychological care and support for family members – in particular children.
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Ben-Yehuda, Omri. "The Retribution of Identity: Colonial Politics in Fauda". AJS Review 44, nr 1 (kwiecień 2020): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009419000862.
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In its first season, Israeli television thriller Fauda proclaimed an utter symmetry between Israel “proper” and its Occupied Territories, by humanizing Hamas militants and treating them as equals to the Israeli characters. Throughout the story the Jewish warrior's body becomes a site for the detonation of explosives and a potential vehicle for suicide bombings, in a false but intriguing reenactment of the trauma of the second intifada, which has been repressed in Israeli consciousness. In this unwitting manifestation of Jewish martyrdom, the façade of the rule of law in the State of Israel is dismantled in what seems like a religious battle between clans. The discourse of pain in the series suggests a stream of constant retribution in a vicious circle that can never historicize the allegedly eternal conflict and work through its traumatic residues. Nonetheless, this dynamic of retribution and martyrdom also informs a multilayered structure whereby the secular, modern Jew returns to his roots by engaging with Arabness in the theatre of mistaʿaravim: in becoming Arab he also becomes, finally, a Jew.
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Karolyi, Paul. "Update on Conflict and Diplomacy". Journal of Palestine Studies 46, nr 1 (2016): 95–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2016.46.1.95.
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This update summarizes bilateral, multilateral, regional, and international events affecting the Palestinians and the future of the peace process, and covers the quarter beginning on 16 May and ending on 15 August 2016. The surge of unrest and resistance that began in Jerusalem in 9/2015 continued to dissipate this quarter as the Israeli government strengthened its crackdown on the occupied Palestinian territories, Israeli left-wing activism, and the Palestinian minority in Israel. Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu rejected an international push towards peace talks with the Palestinians, and shifted his ruling coalition further to the right. Despite Israel's opposition, the French peace initiative advanced with Palestinian backing and Egypt lent its weight to international peace efforts, but failed to break the Palestinian-Israeli diplomatic impasse. Internally, the Palestinians prepared for municipal elections on 10/8. In regional developments, Israel and Turkey reached a formal reconciliation agreement, paving the way for a return to full diplomatic relations.
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Farsakh, Leila. "Understanding 50 Years of Israeli Occupation of Palestinian Land". Review of Middle East Studies 52, nr 2 (listopad 2018): 369–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2018.89.
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The year 2017 was important for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, commemorating both the centennial of the Balfour Declaration and the fiftieth anniversary of the 1967 war. That war, which resulted in Israel's defeat of three Arab armies and its occupation of the West Bank, Gaza Strip, the Sinai Peninsula, and the Golan Heights, transformed the politics of the Middle East. According to UN Security Council Resolution 242, issued in November 1967, the occupation was illegal: Israel would have to withdraw from the territories it occupied if it were to achieve peace with its neighbors. In international law, military occupations are temporary by definition. Israel, however, only returned the Sinai to Egypt in 1982. (One year prior, it unilaterally annexed the Golan Heights from Syria.) Despite a twenty-five-year-long political process initiated in 1993, Israel's occupation of the West Bank and Gaza has continued unabated.
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Krylov, A. V. "The problem of the status of the Holy Places in Jerusalem and its impact on the Palestinian-Israeli conflict". Journal of International Analytics, nr 2 (28.06.2016): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2016-0-2-67-82.
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This article focuses on the legal status of Jerusalem - one of the most complex and debated issues of international law and international politics. Before the establishment of Israel in 1948, over the centuries in the Ottoman period and the years of the British Mandate there was no legally binding bilateral or international treaty that would clearly define the legal status of Jerusalem. However, both the Turkish authorities and the British administration in Palestine preceding from the fact that Jerusalem is the center of three world religions, fully ensured of the rights of believers of all confessions. In accordance with the well-known international instruments of law all Jerusalem should be a special territory of Corpus Separatum, which will be subjected to the international control (UN General Assembly Resolution 181 / II of 29 November 1947). However, in 1980 the Israeli Parliament declared Jerusalem the «eternal and undivided capital» of Israel, including the Arab territories of East Jerusalem occupied in 1967. This law, as well as the Israeli law on the protection of the Holy Places has radically changed the Status quo which existed for centuries. No country in the world recognizes Israel’s attempts to change the legal Status of the City. In the present article the following aspects are analyzed: • The Status of the Holy Places in Jerusalem, before the establishment of the British mandate over Palestine in 1922; • The Status of the Holy Places in Jerusalem in accordance with the international law instruments; • The Status of the Holy Places in Jerusalem after the partition of the City on the Israeli and Jordanian enclaves in 1948; • Change of the Status of the Holy Places of Jerusalem after the June 1967 War and the impact of this transformation both on the Arab-Israeli and the Palestinian-Israeli conflicts; • Actions taken by Israel to change the Status of the Temple Mount; • The problem of the Status of Jerusalem in the Palestinian-Israeli Peace Process.
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Karolyi, Paul. "Update on Conflict and Diplomacy". Journal of Palestine Studies 46, nr 2 (2017): 121–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.46.2.121.
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This update summarizes bilateral, multilateral, regional, and international events affecting the Palestinians and the future of the peace process. It covers the quarter beginning on 16 August and ending on 15 November 2016. The surge of violence that escalated during the Jewish High Holidays in 9/2015 continued to subside this quarter. This year's holidays passed without major incidents. While the Palestinian Authority and Israeli government reached deals on electricity and postal service, neither altered their positions on a return to final-status negotiations, despite ongoing initiatives from the international community. The Palestinian leadership advanced initiatives in international institutions, including the United Nations Security Council. The recently reshuffled Israeli govt. instituted a new carrot-and-stick policy for administering the occupied Palestinian territories while struggling with internal differences over Amona, an illegal Israeli settlement outpost, as well as with the settlement enterprise itself. Donald Trump was elected president of the United States, ushering in a Republican-dominated U.S. government that portends significant changes to the U.S. position on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
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Kuzar, Ron. "A Jewish and democratic state". Journal of Language and Politics 8, nr 1 (1.04.2009): 97–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.8.1.06kuz.
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The two Palestinian uprisings have brought about an ideological shift in Israel’s view of the solution to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. The time has ripened for an open debate about ending the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian Occupied Territories. The debate has limited discursive boundaries, set up by the catch phrase “a Jewish and democratic state”. This article discusses some points of view within this discourse and exemplifies those that remain outside it.
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Hanauer, David I. "The discursive construction of the separation wall at Abu Dis". Journal of Language and Politics 10, nr 3 (31.10.2011): 301–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.10.3.01han.
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The article analyses the discursive function of graffiti on the separation wall in the contested space of Abu Dis on the boundary between Jerusalem and the Occupied Territories. This study explores the role of graffiti as micro-level, political discourse designed to influence national and international actions concerning the Palestinian-Israeli conflict over national borders, self determination and human rights. The data for this study consisted of photographic documentation of the Abu Dis graffiti. This data was analysed for its linguistic and informational characteristic, its political functions, and discursive construction. The results of the study reveal that the separation wall is constructed in five different ways that directly interact with the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The graffiti on the wall at Abu Dis is a microcosm of the broader conflict and offers an insight into the different chains of political discourse in action in the discussion of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.
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Karolyi, Paul. "Chronology". Journal of Palestine Studies 46, nr 1 (2016): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2016.46.1.s3.
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This is part 131 of a chronology begun in Journal of Palestine Studies 13, no. 3 (Spring 1984), and covers events from 16 May to 15 August 2016 on the ground in the occupied Palestinian territories and in the diplomatic sphere, regionally and internationally. The habba, or uprising, that began in Jerusalem in 9/2015 dissipated further as the Israeli government expanded its crackdown on the occupied Palestinian territories, the Israeli Left, and the Palestinian minority in Israel. Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu rejected international efforts to push Israel closer to peace talks with the Palestinians, instead shifting his ruling coalition further to the right. The French peace initiative advanced with Palestinian backing, despite Israeli opposition. Egypt lent its weight to international peace efforts, but failed to break the Palestinian-Israeli diplomatic impasse. Internally, the Palestinians prepared for municipal elections on 10/8/2016. Israel and Turkey reached a formal reconciliation agreement, paving the way for a return to full diplomatic relations. For a more comprehensive overview of regional and international developments related to the peace process, see the quarterly Update on Conflict and Diplomacy in JPS 46 (1).
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Abu-Rabi‘, Ibrahim M. "The Middle East Studies Association of North America". American Journal of Islam and Society 8, nr 1 (1.03.1991): 185–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v8i1.2658.
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The twenty-fourth annual meeting of the Middle East Studies Associationof North America (MESA) was held between November 10-13, 1990 in SanAntonio, Texas. Hosted by the Center for Middle Eastern Studies of theUniversity of Texas at Austin and supported by different academicorganizations, MESA featued a number of distinguished speakers, internationaland domestic, who spoke on a wide variety of topics.One topic was the Gulf crisis and the AmWIsraeli conflict. The plenarysession of MESA , entitled "The Current Crisis in the Gulf: Thoughts andReflections," featured three main speakers: Richard Murphy of the Councilon Foreign Relations, Rashid Khalidi of the University of Chicago, and Kennethstein of hmy University. Though this sessim did not discuss ways of solvingthe Gulf crisis, it was the general feeling of the audience that a linkage doesexist between the Gulf situation and the Arab/Israeli conflict, and that acomprehensive solution in which the U.S. should play a major part is urgentlyneeded.The Conference tackled another current complication in the Middle Eastduring its seminar entitled The Impact of the Possible Mass Immigrationof Soviet Jews to Israel d the occupied Terrieories." Walid Khalidi of HarvardUniversity expressed the feeling of perhaps millions of Palestinians whenhe said that this mass immigration of Soviet Jews is the second most dangeroussituation affecting the Palestinians after their expulsion from their land in1948. Israel has by now received 200,000 Soviet immigrants since the summerof 1990, and their number is expected to reach two million by the year 1995.Muhammad Hallaj of the Palestine Research and Educatimal Center, locatedin Fairfax, Virginia, discussed the impact of the Soviet Jews' mass immigrationon Palestinian demography and economy in the occupied territories, and showedhow Israeli politicians, especially the right-wing ones, are more agreeablethan before to transferring a large number of Palestinians to Arab countries,especially to Jordan. As is well known, since 1967 a number of influentialIsraeli politicians have called on successive Israeli governments to expelPalestinians en masse as a means of keeping the demographic balance infavor of the Jewish population. It should be noted, however, that transfer,albeit on a minor scale, has in effect taken place, especially since the startof the Palestinian intifada in December of 1987. More than 200 Palestinianleaders, many of whom belong to the Islamic movement HAMAS, have beendeported to Lebanon. This shows the resolve of the Israeli government ingetting rid of the vital elements of Palestinian society ...
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Zagor, Matthew. "“I am the Law!”—Perspectives of Legality and Illegality in the Israeli Army". Israel Law Review 43, nr 3 (2010): 551–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700000881.
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The language of morality and legality infuses every aspect of the Middle East conflict. From repeated assertions by officials that Israel has “the most moral army in the world” to justifications for specific military tactics and operations by reference to self-defense and proportionality, the public rhetoric is one of legal right and moral obligation. Less often heard are the voices of those on the ground whose daily experience is lived within the legal quagmire portrayed by their leaders in such uncompromising terms. This Article explores the opaque normative boundaries surrounding the actions of a specific group within the Israeli military, soldiers returning from duty in Hebron in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. By examining interviews with these soldiers by an Israeli NGO, it identifies different narratives of legality and illegality which inform their conduct, contrasting their failure to adhere to conventional legal discourses with the broader “legalization” of military activities. Seeking an explanation for this disjunction, it explores the ways in which the soldiers' stories nonetheless reflect attempts to negotiate various normative and legal realities. It places these within the legal landscape of the Occupied Palestinian Territories which has been normatively re-imagined by various forces in Israeli society, from the judicially-endorsed discourse of deterrence manifested in the day-to-day practices of brutality, intimidation and “demonstrating power,” to the growing influence of nationalist-religious interpretations of self-defense and the misuse of post-modernist theory by the military establishment to “smooth out” the moral and legal urban architectures of occupation. The Article concludes by considering the hope for change evident in the very act of soldiers telling ethically-oriented stories about their selves, and in the existence of a movement willing to provide the space for such reflections in an attempt to confront Israeli society with the day-to-day experiences of the soldier in the Occupied Palestinian Territories.
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Karolyi, Paul. "Chronology". Journal of Palestine Studies 46, nr 4 (2017): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.46.4.s3.
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This is part 134 of a chronology begun by the Journal of Palestine Studies in Spring 1984, and covers events from 16 February to 15 May 2017 on the ground in the occupied Palestinian territories and in the diplomatic sphere, regionally and internationally. U.S. pres. Donald Trump leads a new, regional effort to restart Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations. With the prospect of peace talks on the horizon, the Israeli government announced a new policy to guide settlement growth in the West Bank, and the Ramallah-based Palestinian leadership struggled to consolidate power. Palestinians in the West Bank elected new local leaders, although the elections were compromised by disagreements among the major political parties. Approximately 1,500 Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails declared a hunger strike (the Dignity Strike), drawing support from across the political spectrum. Meanwhile, the right-wing Israeli government continued its efforts to undermine and delegitimize its opponents, including the Israeli Left, the Palestinian minority in Israel, and the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement. For a more comprehensive overview of regional and international developments related to the Palestine-Israel conflict, see the quarterly Update on Conflict and Diplomacy in JPS 46 (4).
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Duclos, Louis-Jean. "La « guerre d’usure » égypto-israélienne, 1968-1970". Études internationales 10, nr 1 (12.04.2005): 127–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/700916ar.
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The « War of Attrition » constituted one of the crises of the ongoing Arab-Israeli confrontation. From March 8th 1969 Arab revendications for restoration by Israel of the territories lost in 1967 took, under Egyptian direction and the urging of the Palestinian movement, the form of a limited armed conflict. We postulate that the evolution of this crisis depended not only on the capabilities of the belligerents nor on the intervention of the superpowers but also on the objectives of the principal actors. Analysis of these objectives confirms the radical nature of the hostility between Egypt and Israel and the both defensive and restitutory aspect of each country's goals. It emphasizes above all that the object of the crisis was basically the occupied territories dispute and that the cease-fire has left a legacy of heightened disaffection in comparison with the period preceding the crisis. Examination of the behavioral data enables the delimitation of not only the dyadic and polarized configuration of the confrontation but also the latter's context. The search for a purely interactional determination of behaviour leads one to put forward prudently that an increase in lsraeli coercion is related to deescalation while an aggravation of Egyptian belligerence produces the opposite effect. The latter being often preceded in Cairo by the articulation of negative objectives, one could conclude, provisionally, that the « War of Attrition » evolved according to a multivariate open model in which the objectives of Cairo determined the conduct of Israel subject to the intervening Egyptian behavioural variable.
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Madar, Revital. "Beyond Male Israeli Soldiers, Palestinian Women, Rape, and War". Conflict and Society 9, nr 1 (1.06.2023): 72–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arcs.2023.090105.
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Abstract Israeli denials and classification of documents, alongside scholarly work (Nitsán 2007; Wood 2006), have all contributed to the perception that aside from the 1948 war and its aftermath, rape and other forms of sexual violence are missing from Israel's military toolbox. A spatial intersectional analysis of Israeli state sexual violence against Palestinians finds that in the context of the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt), the wartime rape paradigm is doing a disservice. It further silences Israeli state sexual violence against Palestinians and diverts our attention from the colonial nature of the Israeli control regime. These findings unearth (1) the risks of stripping rape of the specific context in which it materializes, (2) the importance of incorporating power structures that transgress the framework of conflict and war-related sexual violence and (3) the necessity of deciphering and attending to colonial and settler colonial- related sexual violence.
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Avelãs Nunes, João Paulo, António Rafael Amaro, Nuno Coelho i Joana Ricarte. "Interview with Avner Gvaryahu and Avihai Stollar, directors of Breaking the Silence". Revista Estudos do Século XX, nr 21 (28.12.2021): 173–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1647-8622_21_12.
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Following a roundtable discussion at the University of Coimbra on the situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territories and Israel regarding the perspectives and activity of the organisation Breaking the Silence, the journal Estudos do Século XX [20th Century Studies], published periodically by the Centre for Interdisciplinary Studies of the University of Coimbra, deemed this interview worthy of inclusion. This first conversation aims therefore to allow the two ex-soldiers and directors of Breaking the Silence to respond to questions posed by four researches from Group 1 – History, Memory, and Public Policy, of the Centre for Interdisciplinary Studies of the University of Coimbra. Unlike sections such as the “Thematic File”, ‘Interdisciplinary Dialogue” and “Critical Reviews”, which are aimed at publishing humanistic, artistic, scientific or technological texts, the “Interviews” section proposes to share civic-minded or memorialistic responses to questions regarding current but relevant issues in broader intellectual and social terms. Such is the intention, whether by bringing more civilian narratives into an academic journal, or simply noting correlations between humanistic, artistic, scientific or technological knowledge and civic intervention. This interview was documented, on the one hand, due to the ethical and geostrategic importance of the ongoing situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territories and Israel; and, on the other hand, to highlight the main features and discursive strategy of Breaking the Silence. It is important to remember that this organisation is made up solely of Israeli citizens who have carried out mandatory military service in the Occupied Palestinian Territories; and that their discursive strategy prioritises characterising and contextualising/comparing specific situations in order to explain value judgements and suggestions for how to bring about drastic change. We value the existence of such an organisation within Israeli society that, in view of the grave problems in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, explicitly assumes the status of an association of ex-perpetrators. From this standpoint, Breaking the Silence defends: a) that Israeli soldiers describing in their own words what is really happening is one way of contributing to ending the ongoing systematic violation of human rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territories; b) that victims and ex-perpetrators are entitled to support, should they so wish, in their efforts to overcome the effects of the mass violence that has occurred. Avner Gvaryahu and Avihai Stollar’s answers are especially poignant. Whether consciously or not, their respective intellectual rigour and ethical self-expectations seem to correlate somehow with the likes of Benedict de Spinosa and Hannah Arendt. The options set forth are also important owing to both the complexity and lengthy duration of the Israeli-Arab and Israeli-Palestinian conflicts, and from the contradictions experienced in Israel, the Occupied Palestinian Territories, and in neighbouring countries such as Lebanon, Jordan, Egypt and Syria. Also considered were the verifiable connections with the overall mindset of the Cold War and the Post-Cold-War period, as well as phenomena such as the Jewish diaspora, anti-Judaism, anti-Semitism and the Holocaust. As researchers, we try above all to recreate and analyse, to contextualise and compare how communities handle and manage situations in which human rights are violated systematically, even when those responsible for such processes of mass violence are countries under liberal-democratic or democratic regimes. As citizens, we also recognise how important it is to highlight the individual (or small group) behaviour of those notable for their profound intellectual rigour and heightened self-expectations. As has sometimes happened in the past, we hope that, both now and in the future, the example set by the fairer minority will be followed by the majority; a majority composed of perpetrators and those who are indifferent to such events.
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Harpaz, Guy. "Being Unfaithful to One's Own Principles: The Israeli Supreme Court and House Demolitions in the Occupied Palestinian Territories". Israel Law Review 47, nr 3 (29.08.2014): 401–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223714000132.
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The practice of house demolition in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (‘the Territories’) pursued by Israel for the purpose of deterring potential terrorist activities (as opposed to planning or operational purposes) has attracted voluminous literature, most of which is critical. Scholarship postulates that the practice is immoral and ineffective, that it is contrary to Jewish morals and international law, and that it may amount to an international crime. Some of the critical writings focus on the practice of the Israel Defence Forces; others concentrate on the failure of the Israeli Parliament to curb the practice, while others examine the practice in its wider context, namely the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. This article focuses on the regulation of the practice by the Israeli Supreme Court (‘the Court’). This theme has already been examined by numerous scholars including, in particular, Kretzmer and Simon, who found that the Court's jurisprudence is contrary to public international law and its reasoning is unpersuasive. This article aims to add to the existing scholarly corpus by using a different prism. It contrasts the Court's house demolition jurisprudence with its own jurisprudence in comparable areas in which it is called upon to resolve tensions between security and human rights in the Territories, postulating that in handling house demolition measures the Court is unfaithful to its own jurisprudence. Building upon these findings, the article distils the manifestations of that unfaithfulness and its negative repercussions in normative, coherence and legitimacy terms. It concludes with the call that when the issue of house demolition is brought back before the Court, it should apply the same approach, spirit, techniques and benchmarks that it has employed in analogous areas of law.
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Koudur, Priyanka, i Shashikantha Koudur. "The Multiple Resistance Strategies for Survival under Israeli Occupation in the Novels of Sahar Khalifeh". Khazar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 21, nr 4 (grudzień 2018): 18–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5782/2223-2621.2018.21.4.18.
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The Israeli-Palestinian conflict that started after 1948 war persists to play a dominant role in shaping Palestinian resistance movement. Sahar Khalifeh is a renowned Palestinian writer of the West Bank which is one of the Israeli occupied territories of Palestine. The core theme of Khalifeh’s writings is the Palestinian resistance to Israeli Occupation. This article examines specifically the multiple resistance strategies adopted by both Palestinian men and women on a land which is under prolonged Israeli occupation. Indeed, the Palestinian resistance movement constitutes both violent and non-violent forms of resistance throughout their struggle for independence. Unfortunately, the media has sidelined the issue of civil or non-violent forms of resistance movements pursued by the Palestinians and represented the Palestinian resistance grossly as an act of terrorism or insurgency. This paper analyzes the different ways of resistance carried out by the Palestinians and the limitations thereof, as depicted in the two novels of Khalifeh–The End of Spring and the Inheritance.
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Peled, Yoav, i Gershon Shafir. "The Roots of Peacemaking: The Dynamics of Citizenship in Israel, 1948–93". International Journal of Middle East Studies 28, nr 3 (sierpień 1996): 391–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800063510.
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The Declaration of Prsinciples signed by Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in September 1993 marked a dramatic about-face in Israel's traditional policy toward the PLO and the Palestinian issue in general. This turn of events came as a surprise not only to journalists and commentators following day-to-day political events, but also to scholars engaged in the academic study of Israeli society. The prevailing notion among these scholars had been that the Israeli polity was suffering from what Horowitz and Lissak (1989) called “overburden” due to domestic debates over the disposition of the occupied territories. Thus, it was concluded, Israel was unable to launch bold policy initiatives to try to solve its deadlocked conflict with the Arabs.
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DE WAART, PAUL J. I. M. "International Court of Justice Firmly Walled in the Law of Power in the Israeli–Palestinian Peace Process". Leiden Journal of International Law 18, nr 3 (październik 2005): 467–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156505002839.
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The impartial and nearly unanimous advisory opinion by the International Court of Justice in the Wall case put the role of politics and diplomacy in the settlement of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict in its proper place, within the context of the rule of law. The significance of the opinion goes far beyond the illegality of the construction of the wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT). The Court wisely and courageously seized the opportunity of its first direct involvement in the conflict to speak in plain legal terms about the tricky political problems that have ruined the Israeli–Palestinian peace process. It ascertained the present responsibility of the United Nations to protect Palestine's statehood. It affirmed the applicability of the prohibition of acquisition of Palestinian territory by Israel and confirmed the illegality of the Israeli settlements in the OPT. Moreover, the existence of the Palestinian people as the rightful claimant to the OPT is no longer open to question. One may only regret that the UN was not able to ask the Court to throw light on the Palestinian question at a much earlier stage.
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Gandolfo, K. Luisa. "Identity and Religion in Palestine". American Journal of Islam and Society 25, nr 3 (1.07.2008): 124–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v25i3.1455.
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In recent years a subtle but steady transformation has been taking place inthe Arab-Israeli conflict. The prominence of Hamas and the process ofIslamization in the West Bank and Gaza are having repercussions on botha local and a regional level, while politics, faith, and nationalism have createda mélange of ideologies.As secularist squares up to Islamist, andHamasand Islamic Jihad vie with the Palestinian Liberation Organization, the objectiveof the Palestinian struggle becomes trampled in the haste to drawsupport to either political group. In the midst of this turmoil, Palestiniansecular-nationalists are defying their ideological background and turning toreligion for support, hope, and survival. The Palestinian political identity isin a state of flux, and Islam’s dominant role in Palestinian society can nolonger be ignored or dismissed. The emergence of Loren D. Lybarger’sIdentity and Religion in Palestine is, then, a timely publication, as it providesa perceptive analysis of political identities in the Occupied Territories.Through his debut publication, Lybarger draws on interviews and experiencesgathered during volunteer work with the Mennonite CentralCommittee in the Israeli-occupied West Bank and Gaza. Conducted over aperiod of six years – three in the 1980s in theWest Bank, two in Gaza in theearly 1990s, and one in the West Bank and Gaza from 1999 to 2000 – theauthor breathes life into accounts of the evolving Palestinian political identityby rendering his respondents’ dilemmas, vulnerabilities, hopes, and fearswith startling clarity. By incorporating a plethora of political factions, religiouscommunities, age groups, geographical locations, and socio-economicclasses, he cogently assesses the Palestinian political and religious identity.Equally, his book deepens one’s awareness of the relationship between eventsand the cultural and historical forces that transform the region’s socialmovements and political identities. Over the course of five chapters and anepilogue, Islamism and secular-nationalism are defined both in theory andpractice, thus affording a comprehensive insight into the contemporaryOccupied Territories ...
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Harpaz, Guy. "Labelling Settlement Products: When EU Consumer Law Meets Public International Law (But Ignores International Trade Law)". Journal of World Trade 55, Issue 2 (1.04.2021): 359–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2021014.
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How should products produced in occupied territories be labelled for export? In recent years, Courts in the UK and Canada addressed this technical yet politically-charged question, in the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. More recently, the Court of Justice of the EU was asked to determine the mandatory requirements under EU consumer law of indication of origin of products produced in settlements situated in territories occupied by the State of Israel, namely the Golan Heights, theWest Bank and East Jerusalem. In Organisation juive européenne the Court of Justice established that although EU consumer law refers to the need to supply information regarding the country of origin or the place of provenance, those provisions should be interpreted as requiring that foodstuffs originating in an occupied territory must bear not only the indication of that territory but also the indication of that provenance (i.e. indication that it comes from an ‘Israeli settlement’). In imposing broad labelling requirements, the Court heavily relied on both the notion of ‘ethical considerations’ under EU consumer law and on international law, boldly addressing some of the contentious legal and political issues at stake. In adopting this approach, the Court contributed to the harmonious reading of EU consumer law and public international law. Yet its heavy reliance on public international law should be contrasted with its failure to rely on international trade law, a neglect that contributed to selective and discriminatory treatment of Israeli settlement products. Moreover, in imposing broad labelling requirements, the Court shifted its focus from the EU and its Member States to the ultimate EU consumers, thereby advancing the private enforcement of international law in lieu of public enforcement. settlement products; interface between public international law and international trade law, EU-Israel relations
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Shelef, Nadav. "Testing the Logic of Unilateral Withdrawal: Lessons from the History of the Labor Zionist Movement". Middle East Journal 61, nr 3 (1.07.2007): 460–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/61.3.14.
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The combination of pessimism regarding the possibility of a negotiated settlement and a recognition that maintaining the status quo in the Occupied Territories is impossible has led leading Israeli policymakers to advocate a policy of unilateral withdrawal. This policy is at least partially based on the assumption that nationalist movements inevitably adapt to externally imposed realities. However, as this article demonstrates, even the famously pragmatic Labor Zionist movement did not shift its vision of the appropriate borders of their state in response to externally imposed territorial limits. Rather, when such ideological transformations took place, they were more closely linked to the contingencies of domestic and intra-movement politics. Unilateral withdrawals are thus unlikely to contribute to a resolution of the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians, in part, because they are animated by a faulty assumption about the mechanism of ideological transformation.
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Karolyi, Paul. "Update on Conflict and Diplomacy". Journal of Palestine Studies 48, nr 1 (2018): 157–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2018.48.1.157.
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This is part 139 of a chronology begun by the Journal of Palestine Studies in Spring 1984, and covers events from 16 May to 15 August 2018 on the ground in the occupied Palestinian territories and in the diplomatic sphere, regionally and internationally. With U.S. president Donald Trump's peace initiative at a standstill, tensions between Hamas and Israel nearly escalated into a fourth major armed conflict since the Israeli withdrawal from Gaza in 2005. Egyptian and UN mediation efforts secured a series of cease-fires, but tensions remained high. The Ramallah-based Palestinian leadership resisted Egyptian efforts to add a new Palestinian reconciliation agreement into ongoing backchannel talks between Israel and Hamas over a possible long-term cease-fire agreement. Meanwhile, attendance slowly declined at the weekly mass protests along Gaza's border, which began in 3/2018 under the Great March of Return banner, as Palestinian youths in Gaza turned increasingly to a new form of resistance: lashing incendiary devices to kites or balloons and flying them across the border fence into southern Israel.
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Stepkin, E. A. "On Political Islam in Palestine". MGIMO Review of International Relations, nr 5(44) (28.10.2015): 168–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-5-44-168-172.
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Abstract: This article deals with analyzing the place and the political Islam occupies on the Palestinian territories. The author tries to prove that despite the “Arab spring” and growing popularity of Islamism in the neighbor Arab countries its popular support among Palestinians is low. The main reason for this is Israeli total control of political, economic and - partially - social processes taking place in the West Bank. Position of the officials in Ramallah who together with Tel-Aviv strictly contain spread of Islamism throughout the West Bank also has a strong suppressing effect. Central Palestinian leadership may be called one of the few secular political establishments that are still in power in the Arab countries. The main explanation for this is the desire to make a positive effect on the international community, which Palestine totally depends on in political and financial terms. Also one should keep in mind secular beliefs of the current political elite in Palestine. President Mahmoud Abbas with his counterparts from FATAH and PLO represent old type of Arab nationalist politicians, almost all of who were stripped from power after the beginning of “Arab spring” in 2011. Finally, Palestinian society itself still feels united by the idea of national liberation from the Israeli occupation. This helps Palestinians to put aside the issue of religious self-identification. According to the surveys, most of Palestinians still rank their national identity number while describing their identity, while religion comes only second (despite the strong stable tendency for growing Islamization of their views). The only Palestinian enclave where political Islam has gained ground is isolated Gaza Strip. However ruling there “Islamic Resistance Movement” (HAMAS), despite declared anti-Zionism and Islamism, in reality show pragmatic readiness for certain coordination of its actions with Israel and central government in Ramallah. Nowadays one can witness the deepening conflict within the Islamist camp - between HAMAS and more radical Salafists, who support “Islamic State” in Iraq and Syria. In the final end the fate of Political Islam in Palestine will depend on the success of Middle East peace process.
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Dalsheim, Joyce. "On Demonized Muslims and Vilified Jews: Between Theory and Politics". Comparative Studies in Society and History 52, nr 3 (18.06.2010): 581–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417510000319.
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In this article I engage the work of three scholars, each of whom speaks to reactions to Muslims or interventions in their lives in the United States and Europe. Each is critical of these reactions and interventions, and traces them to inconsistencies in liberal thought and practice. My purpose is to interrogate their theorizing by applying it to the interface of liberalism with another religious Other, one that tends to generate far less sympathy in the predominantly secular and liberal academy: religiously motivated Jewish settlers in Israeli-occupied territories. The first scholar is Saba Mahmood, who recently argued against U.S. involvement in trying to alter the theology and practices of Muslims in the Middle East. The second is Judith Butler, who in a 2008 article addressed Muslims in the Netherlands, the problems of citizenship, and the right to religious freedom. Finally, Talal Asad has spoken to issues of violence, arguing that suicide bombing is really not so different from state violences perpetrated by the United States and Israel. Each of their arguments contains critiques of secular liberalism and the contradictory ethics and inconsistencies within liberal thought and practice, and each carries different but related implications. My intent is to begin to explore the possibilities of applying the analyses of these writers to the case of conflict between religiously motivated settlers in Israeli-occupied territories and left-wing, secular, and liberal Israeli Jews. Although this case mirrors broader representations of “Islam and the West,” it is rarely considered in comparison when such representations are deconstructed. The questions raised through this uncomfortable comparison will, I hope, contribute to broader conversations about the challenges and complexities of living together with differences that may be threatening if not altogether incommensurable.
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Weinberg, Jessica P. "'The most basic threat. . . to Israeli and Palestinian women is. . . the occupation': Enduring Strategies and Shifting Tactics of Israeli and Palestinian Feminist Peace NGOs in the Post-9/11 World". NWSA Journal 19, nr 2 (czerwiec 2007): 104–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ff.2007.a219844.
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This essay examines the ways in which the aftermath of 9/11 structured the discursive and material tactics of the Jerusalem Link, a feminist peace partnership between the Israeli nongovernmental organization (NGO) Bat Shalom and the Palestinian NGO Jerusalem Center for Women (JCW). A Bat Shalom statement for International Women's Day 2002, published in an anthology of feminist responses to 9/11, makes no explicit reference to 9/11 or its international consequences, though it may be seen as a plea to the international community not to forget the Palestine/Israel conflict in the post-9/11 agenda. The International Women's Day statement by the Jerusalem Link in 2003 explicitly links the impending U.S. invasion of Iraq with the two organizations' fears of an increase in harsh measures against the Palestinians by the Israeli government. In the time leading up to the invasion of Iraq, the Jerusalem Link established a phone network between Israeli women and Palestinian women to try to document any attempt by the Israeli military to expel Palestinians from the Occupied Territories. As 9/11 created new international realities, these organizations added new tactics to their overall strategy of linking their rhetorics and actions into the unfolding agendas of the United States and the international community.
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Khasanov, A. A. "The Problem of Recognition of Palestine in the context of the Palestinian People’s Realization of the Right to Self-Determination". Actual Problems of Russian Law 18, nr 11 (16.10.2023): 164–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1994-1471.2023.156.11.164-173.
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The paper examines the problem of recognition of Palestine in modern international law. International documents and United Nations resolutions adopted on the issue of the conflict in Palestine are analyzed. The author, based on an analysis of international documents, concludes that Palestine meets all the criteria for statehood, but the Israeli occupation prevents the creation of a viable Palestinian state. Despite various efforts being made to reach a solution to the Palestinian issue, the peace process has reached a deadlock. This is facilitated by the policy and practice of the occupying power to consolidate the de facto position of the occupied territories in violation of its legal obligations. To date, Palestine is recognized by more than 138 states and the UN General Assembly has repeatedly confirmed the right to self-determination through resolutions. The efforts of the international community must be intensified to put an end to this irreconcilable conflict, which poses a threat to international peace and security.
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Katulski, Jakub. "Liberalna czy nieliberalna? Percepcja izraelskiej demokracji przez Unię Europejską". Kultura i Edukacja 135, nr 1 (31.03.2022): 219–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/kie.2022.01.11.
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Liberal democracy perspective dominates the perception of actors and partners in the foreign relations of European Union. This stems from the declared fundamental values of the Union: respect for human dignity and human rights, freedom, democracy, equality and the rule of law. This also influences the judgment of Israel, who connected to the EU with cooperation but also criticised for its attitude towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Liberal democracies not only allow their citizens to exercise their right to vote but also guarantee a degree of protection from the state to all political life participants, maintain plurality, respect religious, ethnic and other minorities. Israel presents itself as a liberal democracy, therefore it seems important to verify if this view is shared by the European Union. The Union, member states and politicians in their documents or during the debates judge such aspects of Israeli politics as the occupation of West Bank, Golan Heights and East Jerusalem, settlements in the occupied territories, policies towards minorities, non-government organizations, oftentimes taking a critical stance towards Israeli actions. This may indicate that, despite Israel being a close political and economical partner, it still does not comply with the fundamental values and leaves something to be desired.
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Bandyopadhyay, Lahari. "CASE STUDY OF ISRAEL-PALESTINE CONFLICT AND THE ABUSE OF HUMAN RIGHTS". International Journal of Advanced Research 12, nr 03 (31.03.2024): 456–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/18414.
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Israel is an established country. And Palestine, despite being a country with rich heritage since ages, has been occupied by the Israel government who refuse to provide Palestine with the status of a sovereign nation. Israeli-Palestine conflict has led to numerous war crimes and most of the victims have always been the innocent and common people of the land. Besides territorial disputes, religious fundamentalism and persecution has also been a major factor. The state of Israel has always supported the ideology of Zionism wherein Israel supported the establishment of a Jewish state. Jews also claim that there is a large-scale antisemitism among the Arabs as well as various other communities because of which they face non-acceptance. But the conflict is not merely confined to one cause and has other grounds as well. This paper takes up the study of the conflict between the two countries and analyse the historical and political background that led to the series of events and how it led to the abuse of human rights in the region. The research further seeks to find out the role of the USA and the United Nations. USA had been the pioneer of liberalism and human rights in todays neo liberal world, but has remained silent in occasions of Israels wrongful claims over Palestinian territories. Hence, the protection and restoration of humanitarian laws is a major field of discussion.
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Karolyi, Paul. "Chronology". Journal of Palestine Studies 46, nr 3 (2017): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.46.3.s3.
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This is part 133 of a chronology begun by the Journal of Palestine Studies in Spring 1984, and covers events from 16 November 2016 to 15 February 2017 on the ground in the occupied Palestinian territories and in the diplomatic sphere, regionally and internationally. Neither the Palestinians nor the Israelis made any effort to resume peace negotiations this quarter. The Palestinians opted to work with outgoing U.S. pres. Barack Obama on a new UN Security Council resolution condemning Israeli settlements, while the Israelis looked to incoming U.S. pres. Donald Trump for a new regional approach to Middle East peace. Before Trump took office and began backpedaling on his pledge to move the U.S. Embassy in Israel to Jerusalem, U.S. secy. of state John Kerry presented six principles for a Palestinian-Israeli peace deal, and the French government hosted an international peace conference in Paris. Meanwhile, Israeli PM Benjamin Netanyahu continued his efforts to marginalize the Palestinian minority and his political opponents to placate the right-wing members of his ruling coalition, who were upset about the evacuation of the illegal Amona settlement outpost. The settler leaders used their leverage with Netanyahu to pass a sweeping new bill retroactively authorizing settlement outposts. For a more comprehensive overview of regional and international developments related to the peace process, see the quarterly Update on Conflict and Diplomacy in JPS 46 (3).
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MILTON-EDWARDS, BEVERLEY, i ALASTAIR CROOKE. "Elusive Ingredient: Hamas and the Peace Process". Journal of Palestine Studies 33, nr 4 (2004): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2004.33.4.039.
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This essay argues that the significant shift in the political power balance in the occupied Palestinian territories toward the Islamists in recent years has major implications for the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, and must be taken into account if there is any chance for a successful resolution. The authors, who have first-hand involvement with conflict resolution and negotiations with Hamas, survey the movement's evolution on the ground, its participation in cease-fire and intra-Palestinian talks to date, and its positions on power accommodation with the other Palestinian factions and on eventual participation in peace talks or governance. Attention is also paid to the role of external actors in the process and the ingredients of successful peacemaking. The authors conclude that current peace frameworks, by ignoring Hamas's weight and its indications of readiness for political incorporation into peacemaking, are ignoring what could be the ““elusive ingredient”” for peace.
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Chou, Shih-Yu. "Book Review: Ado Ophir, Michal Givoni, and Sari Hanafi (eds), The Power of Inclusive Exclusion: Anatomy of Israeli Rule in the Occupied Palestinian Territories; Ian J. Bickerton, The Arab-Israeli Conflict: A History and Daniel Kurtzer and Scott Lasensky (eds), Negotiating Arab–Israeli Peace: American Leadership in the Middle East". Millennium: Journal of International Studies 40, nr 2 (styczeń 2012): 404–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0305829811426541.
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McKenzie, Kevin. "Formulating professional identity". Pragmatics and Society 3, nr 1 (13.02.2012): 31–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ps.3.1.02mck.
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Recent scholarly and practitioner research on the work of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) has been concerned with questions about the moral legitimacy of humanitarian aid in settings of armed conflict. At issue is the extent to which NGO activities are said to affect the conduct and outcome of warfare, thereby potentially implicating humanitarian aid in the partisan interests which it has traditionally eschewed as a condition of its legitimacy. This paper explores how such issues are taken up in the explanations offered by humanitarian aid operatives in descriptions of the work they carry out in settings of armed conflict. Drawing on a corpus of conversational material recorded in open-ended interviews with representatives of various NGOs that operate in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT), I examine how speakers work to make themselves accountable to demands for sympathetic affiliation with the losing (or vanquished) parties in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict while maintaining a non-aligned stance relative to the partisan considerations that animate that conflict’s conduct. Both in first-hand narrative accounts of personal transformation and in descriptions of contrastive examples where professional colleagues are said to maintain a too-sympathetic affiliation with the partisan concerns of the Palestinian population whose needs they service, speakers work to provide for the legitimacy of their professional activities in the context of otherwise conflicting demands for moral accountability.
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Mann, Daniel. "‘I Am Spartacus’: individualising visual media and warfare". Media, Culture & Society 41, nr 1 (16.03.2018): 38–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443718764805.
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The constant presence of cameras and social media has become a given during day-to-day military activities in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Such technologies shift the focus of warfare onto the individual, and in particular onto the faces of soldiers and Palestinians caught on camera. Due to the habitual use of mobile phones and social media by both soldiers and civilians, the face is singled out as a new battleground, where political action is substituted for individual responsibility. On one hand, the co-option of personal social media into armed conflict enables state actors to zero in on the faces and identities of Palestinian dissidents and alleged terrorists. On the other hand, the faces of Israeli soldiers are also captured and circulated on social media as digital images, posing a new threat to state authority, which depends on remaining faceless. Images of IDF soldiers’ faces, once recorded and shared, figuratively strip off the improvised masks they often wear to hide their identity and preserve their impunity. In Israel and Palestine, where everyday social media habits have become inseparable from routines of security and armed conflict, the image of a soldier’s face individualises his or her actions and demands accountability.
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Fouad Suliman. "Strategies of Palestinian Resisting Poetic Speech Guidance and Convincingness". مجلة جامعة فلسطين الأهلية للبحوث والدراسات 1, nr 1 (30.12.2022): 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.59994/pau.2022.1.93.
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The challenges evolving within the Palestinian context compel the resistance poet to formulate novel strategies in response to the oppressive practices of Israeli occupation. As such, the poet's role becomes increasingly critical and fraught with danger, magnified by the harrowing conditions of living within occupied territories or in exile. Consequently, the poet relies on two primary strategies: Guidance and Persuasiveness within their poetic discourse. They aim to confront the shifts and changes impacting the Palestinian context and resist the occupation's policies designed to dominate thought and culture and undermine the Palestinian cause and the right of return. These strategies are of utmost importance: they guide the reader, convince them, and serve as a reminder. They also protect against the risk of being subsumed within the occupation's culture. Thus, the resistant poem comes to encompass aspects of cultural, psychological, and political resistance. This is a response to the vast and escalating conflict with the occupier, who seeks to distort people's beliefs and principles. This study will examine the features of each strategy, illustrating examples from resistance poetry. It will explore the linguistic relationships and devices used in both strategies, examining their influence on meaning. The effective use of evidence and arguments to guide, convince, and deepen understanding is critical. Therefore, the resistance poet must proceed with caution, meticulously selecting linguistic tools that resonate with the situation and context at hand.
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Tabar, Linda. "Disrupting Development, Reclaiming Solidarity: The Anti-Politics of Humanitarianism". Journal of Palestine Studies 45, nr 4 (2016): 16–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2016.45.4.16.
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Originally developed for the Center for Development Studies at Birzeit University in 2011, this paper examines the humanitarian assistance that flooded the occupied Palestinian territories after the beginning of the second intifada (2000–2005). It provides a critical analysis of the international development aid that was directed at Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, where the Oslo process was territorialized, to the exclusion of the vast majority of the Palestinian people. Today, Palestinians are challenging the dominant development discourse and neoliberal economic model set in place by the Oslo Accords, wherein development recast Israeli settler colonialism as an externality, which the putative Palestinian state-building project would transcend. Returning to Yusif Sayigh's view that development cannot occur under settler colonialism, Palestinians are articulating alternatives to the Oslo post-conflict paradigm that emphasize self-reliance and resistance. The discussion that follows situates itself as a contribution to this process by interrogating the anti-political bias of humanitarianism and charting how indigenous Palestinians are building alternatives to food aid.
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Ivanov, S. M. "Conflicts in the Middle East and Prospects for their Resolution". Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service), nr 5 (22.09.2023): 372–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2305-01.
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The article analyzes the origins, causes, a brief history, participants, external players of regional confl icts in the Middle East, development dynamics and prospects for their resolution. The author comes to the conclusion that by now most of the Middle East protracted confl icts have been frozen, but there are sporadic outbreaks of violence and provocations, accompanied by mutual rocket and artillery strikes and shelling. Mostly, such incidents take place on Israel's borders with the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, Lebanon and Syria. The Israeli Air Force is carrying out missile and bomb strikes against military facilities and pro-Iranian military groups in Lebanon and Syria. The Turkish authorities, under the pretext of fighting terrorism, carry out military punitive operations in northern Syria and Iraq, as a result, there are casualties among the Kurdish militias and civilians in the border areas. Local skirmishes and exchanges of blows between US military personnel and Iranian proxy forces in Syria and Iraq do not stop. Missile and drone attacks also target oil and gas production facilities, tankers of Saudi Arabia and other countries in the Persian and Oman Gulfs. In general, a fairly high level of terrorist threat remains in the region. The author believes that the weakening of the position of the United States and its Western allies in the Middle East, the course taken by the countries of the region to diversify their external relations through rapprochement with China, India, and Russia creates good prerequisites for the peaceful resolution of protracted confl icts. This is also facilitated by the normalization of relations between Turkey and Israel, Saudi Arabia with Iran, the establishment of relations with an increasing number of Arab countries with Israel, the return of Syria to the League of Arab States, etc. At the same time, sharp disagreements and fundamental contradictions remain between the State of Israel and the State of Palestine, in particular, over the status of Jerusalem, the occupied Palestinian territories and Israeli settlement activity. Lebanon and Syria have territorial claims to Israel. So far, the process of a Middle East settlement under the auspices of the UN and the quartet of international mediators has been frozen. And if Riyadh and Tehran were still able to overcome the confrontation and, with the mediation of China, Iraq and Oman, began to restore previously broken relations, then the confrontation with elements of a hybrid war between Iran and Israel remains and is fraught with escalation into an armed conflict. In recent years, the unresolved Kurdish problem has become more and more acute. Deprived by Western politicians of the right to establish their own state, the multi-million Kurdish people found themselves divided by the borders of four states, whose authorities are pursuing a clearly discriminatory policy towards their Kurdish minorities. On the agenda is the struggle of the Kurds for equal rights and freedoms with the so-called titular nations (Turks, Arabs, Persians), and in the future the creation of Kurdish autonomous regions or subjects of federations. The author comes to the conclusion that the growing trend towards a multipolar world order dictates the need for a peaceful resolution of regional conflicts and long-term enmity of peoples, creates objective prerequisites for establishing their mutually beneficial cooperation, regardless of national, ethnic, confessional affiliation.The time of domination in the countries of the third world of the colonial principle "divide and conquer" is coming to an end.
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RABAYA FUAD, MAHMOUD AHMAD. "PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A PALESTINIAN STATE IN THE INTERNATIONAL CONTEXT (AMERICAN AND EUROPEAN APPROACHES)". Sociopolitical sciences 10, nr 6 (28.12.2020): 63–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2223-0092-2020-10-6-63-70.
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The urgency of the issue is determined by the disregard of the international community, especially the United States and its allies, of the will of the Palestinian people to create their own state. The article is devoted to the problem of creating a sovereign Palestinian state. Palestine currently remains a hostage of intermediary States, especially the United States, which does not allow direct negotiations with Israel on the return of the occupied territories, the solution of the refugee issue, the regulation of the status of Jerusalem, and other problems. The Palestinian authority does not have state sovereignty as an integral state entity. The author, after analyzing various projects on the settlement of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, comes to a disappointing conclusion that it is impossible to achieve the goal of creating a Palestinian state through the assistance of the international community, primarily the United States and the European Union. Due to the current circumstances, it is not possible to hold direct Palestinian-Israeli negotiations. As a conclusion, it is noted that the us monopoly influence on the negotiation process is not productive. To solve this problem, we need a wider range of intermediaries, including international organizations, global and regional actors. Success is possible if the leadership of Israel is inclined to compromise, agreement is reached in Israeli society on the creation of a Palestinian state, and internal contradictions are overcome in the Palestinian society, first of all, the intra-elite split, which further pushes the prospect of the creation of a state of Palestine. The work is based on General scientific research methods and works of Russian and foreign researchers. Empirical data are taken from open sources.
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Tomoki, Nakamura, Kashiwagi Kenichi i Ujiie Kiyokazu. "Effect of agricultural extension on technology adoption by Palestinian farmers under Israeli occupation in the West Bank". PLOS ONE 18, nr 11 (8.11.2023): e0294023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0294023.
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Even during the conflict, agricultural extension by the Palestinian Authority has played an important role in agricultural development in the West Bank of the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT). The Ministry of Agriculture of the Palestinian Authority provided the necessary agricultural extension services for Palestinian farmers affected by the Israeli settlements and Segregation Wall. Despite such importance of agricultural extension, few quantitative studies have examined its effect on Palestinian farmers. Therefore, the objective of this study was to quantify the effect of agricultural extension on technology adoption by Palestinian farmers for appropriate evaluation of the agricultural policies by the Palestinian Authority. The microdata of 79,446 agricultural holdings from the Agricultural Census 2010, which was the only microdata officially published and available at the time of this study, was used. Then, the Propensity Score Matching (PSM) method was employed to mitigate the endogenous bias caused by self-selection by farmers in receiving the agricultural extension. The results showed that agricultural extension has positively and significantly affected the adoption of five technologies, namely improved crop varieties, chemical fertilizers, organic fertilizers, pesticides, and biological control. The estimated increase in the adoption rate of those technologies as the average treatment effects on the treated (ATT) by the nearest-neighbor matching method were by 7.1, 7.7, 5.4, 6.8, and 3.8 percentage points respectively. This study proved that agricultural extension promoted the adoption of those technologies even in the conflict. Therefore, agricultural extension by the Palestinian Authority plays an important role in farming by Palestinian farmers. In order to maintain and improve farmers’ livelihoods sustainably, it is necessary to continue the agricultural extension by the Palestinian Authority in the future, considering the behavior of farmers.
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Halperin-Kaddari, Ruth, i Amichai Danino. "International Human Rights and Israel as Seen in the Work of the Treaty Bodies: Do They Walk the Talk?" Israel Law Review 49, nr 2 (26.05.2016): 267–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223716000121.
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The purpose of this article is to review the manner in which the human rights treaty bodies (HRTBs) treat Israel, focusing on the system of periodic reporting, with the aim of examining whether Israel is being accorded ‘special treatment’ or, put more simply, whether a bias against Israel can be ascertained in the work of the HRTBs. In analysing the concluding observations (COBs) issued in respect of six of Israel's recent periodic reports, we identified four distinct population groups within Israeli society, and studied the number and nature of the COBs targeting each of these groups. This we termed the ‘output’. We then looked into the amount of the alternative information provided to the Committees by civil society organisations, which we termed the ‘input’. An examination of the two reveals a clear correlation between the relatively greater weight accorded to the Palestinian population in the occupied territories in the input side of the exercise (the alternative reports) and the output side (the COBs). Thus, what might initially be perceived as proved bias in the treatment of Israel by the HRTBs in light of the seemingly disproportional weight they accord to the conflict, turns out to be at least partially influenced by the information and materials provided to the Committees.
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Deutsch, Michael E., i Erica Thompson. "Secrets and Lies: The Persecution of Muhammad Salah (Part II)". Journal of Palestine Studies 38, nr 1 (2008): 25–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2008.38.1.25.
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Among the handful of high-profile terrorism cases in which the U.S. government has failed to win convictions in jury trials, that of Muhammad Salah stands out. Like the cases against Sami Al-Arian, Abdelhaleem Ashqar, and the Holy Land Foundation, the case against Salah was built on the criminalization of political support for the Palestinian resistance. But while the Palestinian-Israeli conflict is at the core of all four cases, Salah's, unlike the others, was primarily about Israel: the case was manufactured in Israel, the evidence on which it was based was generated in Israel, and its prosecution depended on close U.S.-Israeli cooperation at every turn. Salah, a Palestinian-American Chicago resident and former grocer, was arrested in Israel in January 1993 while on a mission to distribute money to poverty-stricken Palestinians in the occupied territories. Accused of being a U.S.-based Hamas terrorist commander, he was interrogated by Shin Bet, tried before a military tribunal, and spent almost five years in prison in Israel. While the U.S. initially supported Salah and rejected Israel's accusations against him, in January 1995 he became (while still in prison) the first and (to date) only U.S. citizen to be branded a ““specially designated terrorist”” by his government. Upon his return home in November 1997, he was one of the main targets of an intensive terrorism funding investigation, dropped in 2000 for lack of evidence but reactivated in 2002 in the wake of 9/11. In this two-part exclusive report, Salah's lawyers recount for the first time the details of their client's labyrinthine case. Part I focused on the Israeli phase of the story, including the political context of Salah's arrest, and the investigations and legal proceedings launched against him in the United States when he returned. In essence, part I laid the foundation for the trial to come, emphasizing in particular its complex legal underpinnings and implications as well as its importance as a ““test case.”” Part II focuses on the post-9/11 period that unfolded under the George W. Bush Justice Department, starting with Salah's indictment in November 2004, continuing with the two years of contentious pretrial preparations and hearings, and ending with the trial itself. As in part I, the legal dimensions of the case are emphasized, as are the government's maneuvers to advance new standards governing the admissibility of coerced confessions and secret evidence at trial and to manipulate other established principles of the U.S. criminal justice system. This article deals solely with Muhammad Salah, but Abdelhaleem Ashqar, a former professor of business administration in Virginia, was his codefendant at trial. Both were indicted, along with twenty other coconspirators, for participation in a fifteen-year ““racketeering conspiracy”” to ““illegally finance terrorist activities”” in Israel and the occupied territories, as well as for several lesser charges. The two men had never met before the trial opened in October 2006. Despite the common charge, their cases were very different and went forward in parallel fashion, with different lawyers, witnesses, arguments, and entirely separate pretrial proceedings. When the jury trial ended in February 2007, both men were acquitted of all terrorism-related charges.
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Al-Rimawi, Lu'ayy Minwer. "Israeli Civilian Settlements in the Occupied Arab Territories Revisited". Yearbook of Islamic and Middle Eastern Law Online 3, nr 1 (1996): 85–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221129897x00090.
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