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Ahmedov, Vladimir M. "The Role of Nationalism in Arab-Iranian Relations: Historical and Ideological Dimensions". Oriental Courier, nr 4 (2022): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310023831-2.
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For the last decades Iran has been playing significant role in Middle Eastern politics. Tehran’s rooted involvement in Arab’s political environments provokes tensions and hostilities in Arab-Iranian relations. The author believes that historical legacy of Arab-Iranian interactions has been still determined some important characteristics of Arab-Iranian relations. In this article the author investigates the role of nationalism and national building process in Arab countries and Iran. He shows that the rise of national movement and emergence of new nation-states based on different ideological principals and theoretical models politicized historical Arab-Iranian ethnic and sectarian differences and cultural rivalries. The author studies how developments of various forms of nationalism in Arab countries and Iran, their approaches to national state building affected their relations. The author considers that both Arabs and Iran have been challenged the internal political dynamics and regional transformations were forced to instrumentalized nationalism as a protective tool to secure and legitimize their state suzerainty, establish their presence and provide their interests in the region. In practice, regards their historical territorial, ethnic, religious disputes, both Arabs and Iran frequently exaggerated Iranian threats to Arabism and overestimated Arab nationalism, pan-Arabism as Arab’s ambitions for regional leadership. These fears converted into real politic have spoiled Arab Iranian relations. The author stresses that emphasizing on Islamic feelings at the expense of particular nationalism in Iran after Islamic revolution in 1979 and giving up secular ideas in favor of Islamism in Arab countries after the “Arab Spring” brought neither reconciliation, nor normalization in the Arab-Iranian relations. The author pays special attention to the dynamic of Iranian nationalism in view of the developments in power mechanism of Tehran’s politics in the Middle East.
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Toubasi, Salem, Ahmad Alzubaidi i Mushir Abahra. "The Problems of Arab Solidarity and the Impact of Arab Spring on It: Study on the Model of the GCC Security". Journal of Politics and Law 13, nr 3 (20.08.2020): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v13n3p160.
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The author presents a brief study of the Arab solidarity. Furthermore, From the point of view of the author the Arab cooperation is one of the most controversial topics in the Arab world, whereas this idea extends to the first history of the Arab countries, we can also mention the creation of the Gulf Cooperation Council, and then the Maghreb Union of Arab Countries. In this article, the topic of Arab solidarity will be presented, through the views of many thinkers, and based on many analytical researches of Arab public opinion, the view of Arab solidarity and analysis of many ideas put forward for this project. There are new positive ideas possibly can be implemented to achieve the Arab solidarity, which is still a very important project for a wide sector of Arabs, this analytical study will present the case of the Gulf Cooperation Council states as example of positive implementation of Arab solidarity. This article includes the results of Arab public opinion and shed the light on the Arab spring which affected many international and local events. The author asks if Arab solidarity will a real case in the future. This study will investigate these issues and provide the readers with a modern perspective on this topic, furthermore this research approaches this subject from three different areas of discussion: the realism approach, the functionalism approach, and the idealism approach.
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Bishara, Azmi. "The minutiae of racism*". Contemporary Arab Affairs 1, nr 4 (1.10.2008): 539–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910802391001.
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This article tackles the historical basis and development of the issue of anti-Semitism and examines its perception and impact in the Arab world. The author argues persuasively that anti-Semitism is specific to European racism against Jews. He does not attempt to deflect the term by arguing, as some have done, that Arabs are a Semitic people, but rather unequivocally condemns anti-Semitism and racism of any sort. The author debunks major myths or misconceptions about anti-Semitism and deals frankly with questions of its political utility with regard to Zionism, Israel and Palestine. In the present day, Holocaust denial is unconscionable and, in the end, is not only morally unacceptable, but in the words of the author ‘just plain stupid’. The author castigates Arab and Muslim groups which may take such a stance, arguing that the correct response and Arab reaction to the Holocaust was the simple, straightforward and rational one – a European tragedy, but not one for which the Arabs should assume responsibility.
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Akhmedov, Vladimir M. "DOMESTIC ORIGINS OF IRAN’S MID-EAST POLITICS". Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, nr 4 (18) (2021): 41–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2021-4-41-45.
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In the last decades Iran has become one of the most powerful states in the Middle East. Iran plays a significant role in political, economic, social, religious and ideological issues of the region. An author considers that Iran’s politics shapes major developments in regional security and international relations in the Middle East. Iran’s involvement in the depth of Arab countries; their societies, security affaires and politics strengthens tensions and hostility between Arabs an Iran. The author believes that the search for domestic security serves as the main driver for Arab-Iranian relations and Iranian policy in the Arab World. In his article the author discusses the role of Islam and clergies that dominate Iran’s politics after the Islamic revolution of 1979 The paper stresses that emphasizing Islamic feelings at the expense of nationalism did not contribute to the Arabs’ amicability towards Iran. In this study the author focuses on the fundamental principles of Iranian policy, proclaimed at the beginning of the Islamic revolution and demonstrating its dynamics in the following decades. The paper concludes that many of Iran’s actions in Arab World, including Syria, were dictated by considerations of an internal order and the desire to achieve the status of a nuclear power like Israel and Pakistan by any means.
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Zhukovskyi, I. "THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE IDEA OF ARAB NATIONALISM IN THE WORKS OF SATI' AL-HUSRI". Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, nr 143 (2019): 14–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2019.143.3.
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The article is dedicated to the influence of Sati’ al-Husri philosophical, political and scientific heritage on the formation of Arab Nationalism and Pan-Arabism movements. The author analyzed main Sati’ al-Husri’s works and noted direct citations and references to his ideology. As a synonym of the European word nation Sati’ al-Husri used Arabic term al-ummah. By this concept he understood common language, culture, believes, state, history and common hopes for the future. His theory of Arab nationalism was formed under the influence of European examples, primarily German and Polish national ideas. He was especially interested in the history of nations divided between several states. Thus, Arabs could claim their national identity without united Arab state. According to Sati’ al-Husri, Arab nation was formed even before the emergence of Islam and the main features of Arab national identity are Arabic language and common history. Even more, Sati’ al-Husri argued that religious ties are weaker than cultural ones, therefore Islam should not be a core of the Arab nationalism. Such approach allowed him to include non-Muslim Arabs into the Arab nation. In accordance with the theory of Sati’ al-Husri, Arab identity should be above personal liberty. Anyone should be ready to sacrifice himself for the benefit of national idea: “Patriotism and nationalism are above all”. Rejecting personal freedom, Sati’ al-Husri proposed to impose the Arab identity by force among Arabs with another identity – Syrian or Libyan etc. There should not be any other identity except of Arabian – as states Sati’ al-Husri. During the reign of Faisal I of Iraq Sati’ al-Husri was holding high offices in the ministry of education. His main goal was to educate patriotic and nationalist feelings among students in purpose of making them faithful to the idea of Arab unity. In conclusions the author states that nationalist ideas of Sati’ al-Husri were authoritarian and manipulative. Despite the long existence of separate Arab states, the idea of Arab unity still remains relevant.
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Handriawan, Dony. "Mempertegas Kembali Arah Pembelajaran Bahasa Arab". al Mahāra: Jurnal Pendidikan Bahasa Arab 1, nr 1 (15.12.2015): 43–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/almahara.2015.011-03.
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The historical development of the Arabic language in Indonesia can not be separated from the spread of Islam which is the most dominant followed by Indonesian society itself. This has an impact on the development of Arabic learning today, that look is still far from the expected. It seems that view of the cultural and religious patterns of Indonesia in the early 19th century that are still at the level of mythic and theological, less positive effect on the future of Arabic learning in today’s contemporary world. How is the relationship between religion and its influence on the development of the Arabic language, especially in Indonesia will be described in this paper? By using the theory of van Peursen culture and Comte as theoretical analysis, the author tries to find a possible alternative solution of some negative effects in the mythic dimensions of such view, by emphasizing the positive aspects.
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Melkumyan, Elena S. "The League of Arab States: Utopia or Reality?" Oriental Courier, nr 4 (2022): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310023824-4.
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The article attempts to examine the question of the reasons that led to the League of Arab States (LAS) to be in crisis, and to what extent the ideological basis — Arab unity — was realistic. The author analyses the various elements that define the concept and show their contradictory nature. The author examines the activities of the LAS, which did not achieve its main goal — the Arab unity, and only realized a relative consolidation of the Arab member states on the basis of confrontation with Israel and upholding the rights of the Arab people of Palestine. Noting the gradual weakening of the LAS role, the author considers it as a result of the inefficiency demonstrated by this organization during the aggravation of the Middle East situation after “the Arab Spring”. According to the author, the normalization of relations between a number of Arab states and Israel, as well as the conclusion of The Abraham Accords, was the blow that finally undermined its prestige.
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Akhmedov, Vladimir M. "IRAN’S POLITICS IN THE MIDDLE EAST: POLITICAL AND MILITARY DIMENSIONS". Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, nr 4 (14) (2020): 247–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2020-4-247-256.
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The article explores the core components of Iran’s politics in the Middle East and its latest developments achieved in the region since the 1990s. The author focuses on the Iranian activity in some Arab countries, mainly in Syria, showing why and how Iranian influence managed to ground so deeply in the social fabric of the Syrian society. The author briefly characterizes historic background of Arab-Iranian relations, showing the place and role of Iranian politics in Arab society and political institutions on the eve of ‘Arab Spring’. The article studies the influence of ‘Arab Spring’ on Arab-Iranian relations and shows the challenges, caused by this popular uprising on its early stages in some Arab countries, for Iran and its relations with Middle Eastern states. The stand of the Arab authorities with regards of the given situation and its ability to influence its development are demonstrated as well. The author explores the latest actions of IRI to create structures under Iranian control in some Arab countries, showing the latest developments of Iranian penetration into Arab countries, first of all into Syria. The author analyzes the actions of Iranian diplomacy in concerning the above mentioned goals to strengthen Iranian positions in the Middle East. The article shows the main spheres of Iranian, Israeli, Turkish and Russian contradictions in some Arab countries, first of all in Syria, paying special attention to the development of Russian-Iranian relations in the Middle East. The author estimates Iran’s chances to safeguard its present position in the Middle East in the contexts of latest developments in the region and with regards to Iran’s relations with Russia and Turkey. The author tries to predict transformations in Iran’s Middle Eastern politics in view of further political developments in the region, sharing his views about reconsidering Russian-Iranian relations aiming to improve it, considering the upcoming challenges in the region, where Moscow pursues today an active policy.
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Sarabiev, Aleksei. "PULL FACTORS OF LABOR MIGRATION FROM THE ARAB WORLD TO EUROPEAN COUNTRIES". Eastern Analytics, nr 3 (2020): 202–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2020-03-202-213.
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Pull factors (“attracting”) of labor migration to Europe are considered in application to migrants from Arab countries. Features of Arab labor migration and socioeconomic adaptation of Arabs in Europe are given. According to the author’s classification of pull factors, they are grouped into three groups: selection stage factors, conditional dominants, and extra- economic factors. Each of the groups, or levels, is preferred for a certain category of potential migrants. Special characteristics of Arab Diaspora business networks in European countries are revealed. The author describes an approach to labor migrants, in which they are considered not only as a labor force, but as social capital, which is in demand, first of all, within these networks. The problems of socio- cultural adaptation and economic integration are presented in the light of changes in the pull factors of migration. The key to solving a number of problems along this path is, according to the author, moving towards the withdrawal of business networks of Arab diasporas from their objective self-isolation, their focus on themselves and the business networks of their countries of origin as well in response to the unfamiliar and sometimes closed business environment in the host countries.
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Wien, Peter. "COMING TO TERMS WITH THE PAST: GERMAN ACADEMIA AND HISTORICAL RELATIONS BETWEEN THE ARAB LANDS AND NAZI GERMANY". International Journal of Middle East Studies 42, nr 2 (13.04.2010): 311–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743810000073.
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The books that are the subject of this review essay comprise three new contributions and one revised edition about a topic that has become paradigmatic in defining scholarly and political approaches to key areas of Middle Eastern history. It has shaped studies of the historical and ideological roots of Arab nationalism, the Arab–Israeli conflict, and the emergence and perseverance of authoritarian regimes in the modern Middle East. The ways that politicians, intellectuals, political movements, and the Arab public related to Nazism and Nazi anti-Semitism have been used to contest the legitimacy of 20th-century Arab political movements across the ideological spectrum. Historians have theorized about the involvement of individuals such as Grand Mufti Amin al-Husseini in the crimes of Adolf Hitler, Heinrich Himmler, and Adolf Eichmann; the roots of Arab nationalist doctrine in German Volk ideas; the mimicry of Nazism in organizations such as the Iraqi al-Futuwwa and Antun Saadeh's Syrian Social Nationalist Party; and Arab public sympathies for Nazi anti-Semitism dating from the 1930s or even earlier. Until recently, European and Anglo-American research on these topics—often based on a history of ideas approach—tended to take a natural affinity of Arabs toward Nazism for granted. More recent works have contextualized authoritarian and totalitarian trends in the Arab world within a broad political spectrum, choosing subaltern perspectives and privileging the analysis of local voices in the press over colonial archives and the voices of grand theoreticians. The works of Israel Gershoni have taken the lead in this emerging scholarship of Arab nationalism. This approach was also the common denominator of a research project on “Arab Encounters with National Socialism,” which the Berlin Center for Modern Oriental Studies (Zentrum Moderner Orient) hosted from 2000 to 2003. Its members included the author of this review and the authors of two of the books under review (Nordbruch and Wildangel). The project used indigenous Arabic sources, especially local newspapers, for a close scrutiny of Arab reactions to the challenge of Nazism in a period when Arabs, especially nationalists, perceived that quasicolonial regimes undermined the ostensibly democratic and liberal ethos of the British and French Mandate powers.
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Alhwayan, Wasil Ali, i Nasaybah W. Awajan. "The Adaptation of the Western Perspective (Don DeLillo) on Terrorism in Fadia Faqir’s Willow Trees Don’t Weep". Journal of Language Teaching and Research 14, nr 1 (1.01.2023): 181–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/jltr.1401.19.
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The study aims to identify how the American author, Don DeLillo presents Arab Muslims in his novel Falling Man, likewise explores how the Jordanian-British, Fadia Faqir, presents Arab Muslims by adopting the Western Perspective of them in her novel Willow Trees Don’t Weep. To achieve the objectives of the study, the theory of Post-colonialism is used, and specifically the views of Edward Said on Orientalism are applied to both novels. The study concludes by presenting how both authors - Don DeLillo as a Westerner and Fadia Faqir as an Arab - present their Arab Muslim characters as terrorists in their respective works Falling Man and Willow Trees Don’t Weep.
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Kumar, Deepa. "Terrorcraft: empire and the making of the racialised terrorist threat". Race & Class 62, nr 2 (3.07.2020): 34–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396820930523.
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Terrorism is so associated with Arabs, Muslims and South Asians that it has become common sense in the post 9/11 world. Drawing on various bodies of scholarship, this article traces the complex evolution of ‘race’ in relation to Arabs and Muslims from the 1960s to mid-’80s, alongside changing notions of ‘terrorism’, to advance an argument about the historically contingent nature of the racialised terrorist threat. The author argues that ‘terrorcraft’ – or terrorist racialisation – is a process. First, the racialised terrorist was crafted deep in the US empire. Counter-insurgency doctrine was instrumental in the US security state’s creation of the ‘Arab terrorist’ through racial profiling. Second, the ideology of terrorcraft followed, rather than preceded, the security state’s racialising practices, though racial stereotypes of Arabs and Muslims pre-date the 1960s. The ‘Arab terrorist’ is a new project of racial formation, the author argues. Third, the US’s strategic alliance with Israel after 1967 and two conferences organised by the Israeli Jonathan Institute laid the basis for the transatlantic production of terrorcraft. Over time, it evolved from its initial focus on Arabs to include Muslims during the 1980s and South Asians in the 1990s.
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Gutenev, Yuriy. "The Arab Spring in the Syrian Arab Republic and Russian Interests". Oriental Courier, nr 2 (2022): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310021463-7.
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The article examines the dynamics of political processes in the Middle East after the beginning of the Arab Spring at its various stages, how the foreign policy changes of recent years in the Middle East reflected important events in the international arena and influenced the Syrian crisis. Using the example of the Syrian Arab Republic (SAR), the author analyzes the relations of the main actors of political processes whose interests were affected by the Arab Spring, as well as the approaches of the Russian Federation to ensuring collective security in the region. Special attention is paid to the complex relations between the Russian Federation, the United States and the Republic of Turkey. The differences in the sphere of regional interests are analyzed. The author also examines the confrontation between the State of Israel and the Islamic Republic of Iran as one of the imbalances that hinder the settlement of the Middle East conflict. A brief analysis of the imbalances that are the driving force in international relations and aggressive actions of the actors, such as military intervention and the struggle for regional influence, are the main subject of the study in this article. The author relies in the analysis mainly on the works of domestic orientalists who gave a tentative assessment of the driving forces of the Arab Spring, paying special attention to the change in the position of the Russian Federation from expectant observation at the beginning of the events under consideration to subsequent active intervention and transition to influencing the situation in the region at the present time.
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Adrianov, Artem K. "Review of: K. Pollack. Armies of Sand: The Past, Present, and Future of Arab Military Effectiveness". Oriental Courier, nr 1-2 (2021): 250. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310015817-6.
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The review analyzes the recent book written by an American military expert and political scientist Kenneth Pollack and entitled Armies of the Sand: Past, Present and Future of the Effectiveness of Arab Armies. The author of the monograph has been studying Arab armies and Middle East conflicts for more than 30 years and had previously published several papers that consider the military organization of different countries in the region. In this book, Pollak seeks to summarize long-standing discussions that consider the reasons for the low military effectiveness of the Arab armies after the Second World War. The author consistently examines four principal arguments that seek to explain the reasons for the failures of the Arab armies on the battlefield (the influence of the Soviet military doctrine, politicization, the level of socio-economic development, culture). For each of the hypotheses, Pollack selects the most representative examples from the history of military operations carried out by the Arab armies after 1945. In doing so the researcher tries to prove or disprove the hypotheses. To better substantiate his conclusions Pollack also examines whether non-Arab armies that presumably faced the same difficulties as the Arab ones also performed poorly on the battlefield. The author concludes that Arab culture has been the most influential factor that prevented Arab armies from winning wars.
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Shibib, Khalid. "Reforming Arab Reason". Contemporary Arab Affairs 11, nr 1-2 (1.03.2018): 19–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2018.00001b.
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As a humanitarian worker who was professionally involved for decades in crisis- and war-shaken countries, the author strove to understand the political, socioeconomic, and cultural factors contributing to conflicts. This contextualization, with a focus on Arab countries, confirmed what other thinkers found: the majority of political, economic, social, cultural, religious, and finally humanitarian crises in the Arab world are man-made and can be attributed to both extrinsic and intrinsic factors. Central to the latter appears to be a shared cultural construct that can be termed “Arab reason.” This essay tries to present information on various aspects of the crisis; to understand why reform efforts come so late and why are they are more difficult for Arabs than for other Muslims. It continues by looking at the knowledge systems that govern Arab reason and their evolution, including the decisive role of the religious knowledge system. From there, it proposes some reform ideas including a renewed legal reasoning process with the goal of a future-oriented, knowledge-based, and inclusive Arab Islamic vision. A pragmatic way forward could be an additional unifying eighth legal school (madhhab/madhāhib) to counter sectarian conflicts and violence. This essay is built on a targeted literature search and is not a comprehensive review of the growing literature generated by distinguished thinkers on various aspects of Arab Islamic identity.
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Eltahawy, Nora. "Growing Better, Not Going Faster: World War I, Holy Land Mania, and Transnational Exchange in the Works of Abraham Mitrie Rihbany". MELUS 46, nr 2 (1.06.2021): 64–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/melus/mlab022.
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Abstract This article analyzes the three works published by Arab American theologian and author Abraham Mitrie Rihbany during and in the aftermath of World War I: Militant America and Jesus Christ (1917), America Save the Near East (1918), and Wise Men from the East and from the West (1922). The political climate in which Rihbany wrote the works saw the American public grappling with two issues of particular relevance to the steadily growing Arab American community. Where the global front was concerned, debates on the merits of abandoning isolationist policies, which focused near exclusively on the situation in Europe, left Americans oblivious to the ongoing conflict between the Ottoman Empire and its Arab subjects. On the domestic front, rising levels of xenophobia and the lasting legacy of The Naturalization Act divided legal and public opinion on Arabs’ eligibility for citizenship. Situating Rihbany’s attempts to address both of these problems against the backdrop of his upbringing in Greater Syria, this article reveals how Rihbany called on his training in the cosmopolitan era of the Nahda in order to guide the American public toward a more expansive model of transnationalism capable of encompassing both Arabs and Arab Americans in its fold.
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F. Atari, Omar. "Literacy Practices in Contrast: Adult Arab Literacy vs. Native English Literacy". International Journal of Arabic-English Studies 11, nr 1 (1.01.2010): 127–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33806/ijaes2000.11.1.10.
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The paper addresses the issue of adult Arab literates' practices and products which exhibit specific communicative strategies and persuasive literacy styles. The author characterizes the adult Arab literates' communicative strategies revealed in the following literacy products: Academic essays, cross-cultural communication studies, genres in contrast, translational versions of Arabic source texts and L2 reading strategies. The author attempts to frame the communicative strategies employed in the above-mentioned literacy products in terms of: orality/literacy traditions and culture. The author shows how adult Arab literates' literacy practices run counter to the targeted Anglo-American literacy practices. The sharp contrast has to be addressed in view of the extensive pressures on adult Arab literates to publish in English, and to communicate in English in different disciplines. The contrast between the strategies of those on the periphery and those of the center-based is the major thrust of the paper. Finally, the author calls for an approximative system of biliteracy..
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Hafez, Sabry. "EDWARD SAID'S INTELLECTUAL LEGACY IN THE ARAB WORLD". Journal of Palestine Studies 33, nr 3 (2004): 76–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2004.33.3.076.
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This article discusses Edward Said's intellectual legacy in the Arab world. After examining Said's own cultural influences, the trajectory of his early academic career in America, and his ““re-orientation”” towards his Arab identity and culture following the 1967 war, the author focuses on the reception of his works in Arab intellectual circles. Though Orientalism was initially misperceived through the frame of identity politics, his theoretical writings exerted a steadily growing impact on Arab criticism, particularly by offering a way out of its methodological dependency on the West. The author suggests that Said's final role as an oppositional intellectual ““speaking truth to power,”” which reached beyond the Arab intelligentsia to a broader audience, may in the final analysis be his most lasting contribution.
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Sadig, Muhammad. "ARABISME DALAM PENAFSIRAN AL-QUR'AN". Al-Munir: Jurnal Studi Ilmu Al-Qur'an dan Tafsir 3, nr 01 (19.06.2021): 223–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.24239/al-munir.v3i01.93.
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The writing of this article began with several arguments by Muslim scholars such as Nasr Hamid Abu Zaid who explained that the text was strongly influenced by the culture in which the text appeared or the opinion of A. Khalafullah who said that several Arab traditions were included in Islamic teachings. So the author wants to examine whether it is true that these cultures are able to influence the revelation of the Qur'an or not? Of course the research wants to explain that the Qur'an as the holy book of Muslims even though it is influenced by Arabic culture, but that culture is still relevant to Islamic teachings. Even some of the results of the author's research contained Islamic teachings that had no influence on Arab culture at that time. Therefore, the author wants to discuss this with the discussion of Arabism in the interpretation of the Qur'an using the library research method, the author will discuss this problem. As a result, the authors found several things that became Arab cultural traditions in the interpretation of the Qur'an, for example in terms of language, namely the Quraish language.
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Abu-Rabi’, Ibrahim. "Trends and Issues in Contemporary Arab Thought". American Journal of Islam and Society 8, nr 1 (1.03.1991): 151–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v8i1.2650.
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The author, Issa Boullata, states that his intention is to study Arabintellectual and social phenomena and trends against the background ofmodernity: “Particularly insufficient in Western studies are publications onArab intellectuals who are grappling with the idea of modernity” (p. ix).Furthermore, “this book, concerned with the present-day Arab culture andits crisis, will attempt to present a number of important themes that haveengaged Arab intellectuals” (p. 9) who “exhibit a profound desire to grapplewith the problem of modernity” (p. 2).Boullata uses two essential terms in his study- modernity andmodernization - without exploring their epistemological structure and meaning,historical formation (especially in the context of Europe), and social viabilityin the modern Arab world. He takes it for granted that the Arab world hasbeen a part of the modernization process for many decades. Furthermore,he seems to make a distinction between two types of Arab intellectuals:progressive/modernizing (forces of modernity), and conservative/traditionalist(forces of tradition). He claims that the first type “voiced and articulatedthe frustration of the Arab masses against Arab regimes and the prevalentculture of Arab society. Their writings were characterized by deep socialinsight, self-analysis and a great measure of self-criticism” (p. 2). And, “themore progressive among Arab intellectuals have tried to analyze the relationshipof contemporary Arabs and the West” (p. 8). Also, “the forces of modernity,using mostly external ideas and models for change, are oriented towards thefuture, which they see as opening new horizons for the Arabs. Opposingthem the forces of tradition, using mostly internal ideas and models for change,are oriented towards the past, which they see as an ideal to be repted becausethey perceive it as having the promise of certainty and surety of proven success”(p. 6). Finally, “The difference between the extremist Arab thinker on theRight and the extremist Arab thinker on the Left is that the former conformsto a past-oriented ideology which he believes originates in God and divine ...
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Abdullah, Nafilah. "A.R BASWEDAN DAN PAI: POTRET NASIONALISME WARGA KETURUNAN PERSPEKTIF SOSIOPOLITIK HISTORIS". Jurnal Sosiologi Agama 11, nr 1 (21.01.2018): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/jsa.2017.1101-08.
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In this article, the authors review about A.R. Baswedan and his movement through the Arab Party of Indonesia (PAI). A.R Baswedan is an Arab descendant known as the pioneer of independence of the Republic of Indonesia. The author through historical socio-political studies found that A.R Baswedan is an example of Arabic descent who counter Arabism and views between the Arab descendants and the descendants of indigenous Indonesians are the same or equal and the same fate. They both have one nationality, Indonesia. This fusion attitude in the Indonesian citizenship and nationality equation is evident in its movement within the PAI.Keywords: A.R. Baswedan, Biography, and Thought (PAI)
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Abdullah, Nafilah. "A.R BASWEDAN DAN PAI: POTRET NASIONALISME WARGA KETURUNAN PERSPEKTIF SOSIOPOLITIK HISTORIS". Jurnal Sosiologi Agama 11, nr 1 (21.01.2018): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/jsa.2017.111-08.
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In this article, the authors review about A.R. Baswedan and his movement through the Arab Party of Indonesia (PAI). A.R Baswedan is an Arab descendant known as the pioneer of independence of the Republic of Indonesia. The author through historical socio-political studies found that A.R Baswedan is an example of Arabic descent who counter Arabism and views between the Arab descendants and the descendants of indigenous Indonesians are the same or equal and the same fate. They both have one nationality, Indonesia. This fusion attitude in the Indonesian citizenship and nationality equation is evident in its movement within the PAI.Keywords: A.R. Baswedan, Biography, and Thought (PAI)
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Aylarova, Svetlana A. "Invitation to Dialogue (about S.I. Gabiev’s book “Arabs, Islam and Arab-Muslim Culture”)". Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, nr 4(2020) (25.12.2020): 12–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/10.29025/1994-7720-2020-4-12-20.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the book of the Dagestani educator Said Gabiev “Arabs, Islam and Arab-Muslim culture” (1915). Its relevance is due to the fact that many of its provisions can be used in the modern process of spiritual and moral education. This work has practically not been studied since its publication, the events that followed after 1915 did not contribute to this. The article states that S.I. Gabiev is a European educated intellectual who has absorbed the democratic values of Russian culture, and at the same time is a Muslim believer, an expert on Islam. The book is the first experience of Islamic-Christian dialogue in public thought in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century, where the task is to acquaint the reader with the history and culture of Islam, to overcome negative stereotypes, prejudices and prejudices about Islam characteristic of the public consciousness of Europe and Russia. Ignorance of Islam, a prejudiced attitude towards it was, according to the author, especially destructive for Russia, which included a multimillion Muslim population. S.I. Gabiev analyzes the Islamic dogma of predestination (fate), which, in his opinion, was the cause of the stagnation that reigned in contemporary Muslim society. The author insists on the need for modernizing transformations in society, for cleansing Islam from historical social and cultural “stratifications” that contradict Islam. Pointing to the exceptional vitality of Islam, the author is confident in the revival of Muslim culture and thought, in the political independence of the Arab-Muslim states. S.I. Gabiev proceeded from the fundamental possibility of mutual understanding of the country’s two religious and cultural universes: Christian and Muslim, in the process of which a new Russian culture would be created. The author believes that, taking into account the above material, an interreligious and intercultural dialogue is necessary in Russia, which should become its original civilizational idea.
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Aylarova, Svetlana A. "Invitation to Dialogue (about S.I. Gabiev’s book “Arabs, Islam and Arab-Muslim Culture”)". Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, nr 4(2020) (25.12.2020): 12–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/10.29025/1994-7720-2020-4-12-20.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the book of the Dagestani educator Said Gabiev “Arabs, Islam and Arab-Muslim culture” (1915). Its relevance is due to the fact that many of its provisions can be used in the modern process of spiritual and moral education. This work has practically not been studied since its publication, the events that followed after 1915 did not contribute to this. The article states that S.I. Gabiev is a European educated intellectual who has absorbed the democratic values of Russian culture, and at the same time is a Muslim believer, an expert on Islam. The book is the first experience of Islamic-Christian dialogue in public thought in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century, where the task is to acquaint the reader with the history and culture of Islam, to overcome negative stereotypes, prejudices and prejudices about Islam characteristic of the public consciousness of Europe and Russia. Ignorance of Islam, a prejudiced attitude towards it was, according to the author, especially destructive for Russia, which included a multimillion Muslim population. S.I. Gabiev analyzes the Islamic dogma of predestination (fate), which, in his opinion, was the cause of the stagnation that reigned in contemporary Muslim society. The author insists on the need for modernizing transformations in society, for cleansing Islam from historical social and cultural “stratifications” that contradict Islam. Pointing to the exceptional vitality of Islam, the author is confident in the revival of Muslim culture and thought, in the political independence of the Arab-Muslim states. S.I. Gabiev proceeded from the fundamental possibility of mutual understanding of the country’s two religious and cultural universes: Christian and Muslim, in the process of which a new Russian culture would be created. The author believes that, taking into account the above material, an interreligious and intercultural dialogue is necessary in Russia, which should become its original civilizational idea.
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Gukasyan, Gurgen. "ASPECTS OF THE POSITION OF SOME ARAB MASS MEDIA ON THE SITUATION AROUND UKRAINE AND THE ROLE OF RUSSIA". Eastern Analytics 14, nr 2 (2023) (2023): 85–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2023-02-085-097.
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The article provides an overview of some publications in a number of English-speaking regional and international Arab mass media, with an emphasis on materials concerning the problem of the position of the Arab media and some Arab countries in relation to the situation in Ukraine and in relation to Russia. For this purpose, several new publications are given from among those closest to the official position, as well as other articles appearing in the opinion section of authors from media close to the Arabian monarchies, Lebanese and Egyptian media that differ in the presentation of the material. Also is given the opinion of the opposition Syrian author criticizing Arab media sources, as at the same time this opinion gives a kind of outline of the position of these media.
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Madloume, Reham. "From the History of the Spread of Islam in the Territory of East Africa". Uchenie zapiski Instituta Afriki RAN 58, nr 1 (15.03.2022): 101–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2022-58-1-101-106.
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The article examines the role played by Arab traders in the spread of Islam on the east coast of Africa in the 19th century. The impact of Arab culture on the modern life of the people of East African States is also being considered. The history of the spread of Islam is more than a thousand years old; in this work, special attention is paid to the study of the period of the Muscat rule of Zanzibar, the influence of the Arabs also on the economic, social, political, cultural (linguistic) spheres of the local population (African tribes). It also examines the impact of Arab culture on the modern life of the population of East African states. The relevance of the topic is based on the fact that at the moment there are about two billion Muslims, which makes the youngest of the world’s religions the second largest adherents, after Christianity; the origins of the spread of Islam are still of interest to scholars of the Arab world, as well as researchers of the world community. This explains the range of sources and literature chosen by the author – the works of Arab, English-speaking and Russian scientists.
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Schbley, Bassima, i Mark Kaufman. "Social work practice with Arab Muslim women living in Western societies". Journal of Practice Teaching and Learning 7, nr 2 (20.12.2012): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1921/jpts.v7i2.344.
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This article discusses how practice teachers and others involved in social work education can enhance the quality of services being provided to Arab Muslim women living in Western societies. It draws upon the relevant literature, as well as the results of a small-scale survey by the lead author of Arab Muslim women living in the United States. The authors argue that social work learning cannot be separated from the influence of culture, which sometimes includes religious beliefs and practices.
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Melnikova, S. V. "Dynamics of the arab countries' involvement to the israeli-palestinian peace process (1967–2002)". Vestnik of Samara University. History, pedagogics, philology 26, nr 4 (30.12.2020): 30–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2542-0445-2020-26-4-30-37.
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The paper presents an analysis of the evolution of the Arab countries` involvement to the resolution of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The research was carried out through a historical analysis of the Israeli-Egyptian peace accords, the Madrid peace conference, the Oslo Process, the Israeli-Jordan peace agreements, and the Arab peace initiative. The author presents the gradual evolution of the Arab countries position to the Palestinian issue from the absolute non-recognition of Israel and open enmity to the end of the boycott and to the establishment of diplomatic relations with Israel. The author also identifies the causes and the consequences of this change in the approach of the Arab countries. Results show that the main reason was the weakening of the USSR and its collapse, which predetermined the need for Arab countries to seek a new source of support in the face of the United States. Moreover, the importance of the Palestinian problem decreases for Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, while influence of the economic factor and security issues increases. Other Arab countries such as Egypt, Lebanon, Syria and Jordan do not have sufficient resources to defend their position on Palestine. Another important factor is the destruction of the united Arab position, and the decline in the popularity of the concept of pan-Arabism. The author concludes that the Palestinian-Israeli conflict ceases to be a stumbling block for resolving the larger Arab-Israeli conflict, and becomes a bargaining chip. Thus, it can be assumed that even with the resumption of the Palestinian-Israeli peace process the participation of Arab countries in it will be comparably formal. While a gradual rapprochement of Israel with its neighbor countries, the conflict will continue to evolve spontaneously with regular cases of Palestinian resistance until the irrevocable Israeli occupation is over.
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Hanafi, Sari. "Writing sociology in the Arab world: knowledge production through Idafat, The Arab Journal of Sociology". Contemporary Arab Affairs 6, nr 2 (1.04.2013): 220–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2013.782719.
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This article analyses the 18 issues of Idafat, The Arab Journal of Sociology, published from 2008 to 2012, including some specific variables (submission data, author nationality, article keywords, use of references). While all published materials are analysed, only 120 articles written by Arab authors are scrutinized. The objective is to unfold the way Arab sociologists produce knowledge in sociology. A special focus will be placed on the language of citations and references. This article argues that some institutional settings in addition to the economy of knowledge production make the balanced use of references in Arabic and foreign languages difficult. What are the resources upon which they rely? To answer to this question, the article presents the results of an online 27-question survey about the use of references by researchers who hold a master's or a PhD degree from any university in the Arab world or who have dealt with a topic related to the Arab world.
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Kirchanov, M. V. "WORLD CUP 2022 IN QATAR AS A STIMULUS OF SOCIO-POLITICAL DISCUSSIONS OF ARAB INTELLECTUALS". Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 7, nr 3 (29.09.2023): 386–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2023-7-3-386-394.
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The author analyzes the information discourse of the World Cup 2022 in Qatar through the prism of the liberal Arab media. It is assumed that the Qatari Championship turned out to be both a sporting and political event. The article highlights the main problems that formed the information agenda, as well as the vectors and trajectories of the interpretation and perception of the Championship by liberal analysts and experts. It is assumed that the Championship stimulated political and ideological contradictions between Arab experts. The author believes that Arab analysts formally used sports events to actualize the political, social and economic problems and contradictions of the Middle East in the information discourse. It is shown that the Championship underlined political contradictions, visualizing the lines of ideological demarcations between Arab intellectuals, who used sports as an information occasion for discussing political problems actively, including authoritarianism, democracy and human rights. The article analyzes the main vectors and trajectories of the politicization and ideologization of sport in the liberal segment of the Arab information discourse. The author presumes that the reaction of political elites to criticism of the liberal media was minimal, as the economic effect outweighed the reputational losses from liberal accusations. Therefore, it is shown that the reaction of the liberal media to the Championship 2022 in Qatar had a limited effect, contributing to the visualization of the liberal trend in the modern Arab world, highlighting the political and economic contradictions between the Arab states.
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Romdhoni, Ali. "Al-Qur’an: Memerangi Illiteracy, Mencipta Peradaban Ilmu Pengetahuan". JOURNAL OF QUR'AN AND HADITH STUDIES 1, nr 1 (26.03.2015): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/quhas.v1i1.1318.
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This article would like to show that the Qur’an has influenced the development of Islamic civilization and sciences. In order to prove that, this article will tackle two questions, firstly when did the Arabic literacy tradition develop in Arab community, and secondly, which factors did influence the development of Islamic civilization. This article argues against Ibn Khaldun (d. 808 H), who claims that literacy depends on the economic development. According to the author of this article, this condition is not relevant with the Arab community, since the economi condition of the Arabs at the time was not prosperous. This article argues that piety, religiousity, and Muslim dedication to learn from the Qur’an which influence the development of Islamic civilization.
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Kirchanov, M. V. "POLITICS OF MEMORY IN THE MIDDLE EAST: ASSIMILATION FEATURES OF THE WESTERN MEMORIAL PROJECT IN ARAB LIBERALISM". Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 6, nr 3 (16.09.2022): 342–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-3-342-352.
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The purpose of the study is to analyze the liberal version of the politics of memory in the modern Arab world. The author analyzes the features and main directions of constructing the past by Arab intellectuals. The novelty of the study lies in the analysis of liberal trends in the actual memorial culture of the Arab world. Methodologically, the article is based on the principles of interdisciplinary historiography of historical and cultural collective memories. The author distinguishes the concepts of "historical politics" and "politics of memory". It is assumed that “historical politics” is conducted by political elites for the reproduction of conservative stability and loyalty. The author analyzes the “politics of memory” as a number of practices and strategies of Arab liberal intellectuals using radical humanitarian epistemology for construction and promotion of new versions and forms of the past, forming alternative memorial cultures and canons. The article analyzes the activity of liberal Arab intellectuals in contexts of the heterogeneity of modern intellectual historical culture. The article also analyzes attempts to transplant a radical humanitarian epistemology as a form of revision of historical memory. It is assumed that the liberal form of the memorial politics is alternative and marginal simultaneously, but theoretically and methodologically, the ideas of Arab liberals are comparable with the main trends in the development of Western interdisciplinary historiography of memorial cultures.
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Alvakilli, Noha, i Yulia Sirota. "DEMOGRAPHIC, ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS OF ISRAEL MINORITIES". Administrarea Publica, nr 2(114) (2022): 79–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.52327/1813-8489.2022.2(114).08.
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In this study, the author develops the idea that, in the last twenty years, in Israel, there is a significant gap in the infrastructure sector between the minority and the Jewish society. They affect the potential of Arab society for economic development, prompt local authorities to develop human and economic infrastructure that will integrate the Arab population into the Israeli economic fabric, including the contribution to the national product. The author aims to analyze the reasons and the main findings of these gaps. The author intends to help improve the situation
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Ahmedov, Vladimir M. "Inter-Arab Relations and Perspective of the Syrian Reconciliation: Historical and Political Dimensions". Oriental Courier, nr 1 (2022): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310021413-2.
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The article studies main developments in Inter-Arab relations and its eventual implications on the Syrian crisis. The author pays special attention to the historical preconditions of Arab’s interaction in the 20th century, focusing on its actual political, ethnic, ideological, regional dimensions that formed security and political environment for the Syrian Reconciliation. The author studies current situation in Syria in view of abilities to peacefully resolve the conflict by political instruments rather than military options. Main attention is paid to Arab’s politics towards Syrian conflict and its ability to emerge Damascus from political isolation and support Syrian reconciliation processes. Political steps and tendencies of major regional and international players in the Syrian crisis are analyzed with regards of some differences among Arab states. The author supposes and demonstrates that the further developments depend on the way Arab states interact with Russia, Turkey, and Iran in the field of Syrian crisis to provide transformation of their previous agreements on the security system in Syria. The author believes that despite all the complexity of this crisis and specific of Inter-Arab relations peace in Syria is quite possible. A lot depends on political will and the readiness for mutual compromises between key internal and external actors in the Syrian crisis.
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Ergashevna, Gadoyeva Lobar. "THE CONCEPT OF MAN IN ARAB-MUSLIM PHILOSOPHY". Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Research Fundamentals 3, nr 12 (1.12.2023): 5–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.55640/jsshrf-03-12-02.
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In this article, the author presented his research results on the place of antropology philosophy in Islam. Islam is a science, a philosophy, and a religion at the same time. This is a monolithic, powerful worldview system that determines the entire life path of a person from beginning to end. It does not exist outside of Islam.
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BOSTANCI, Mustafa. "Turkish-Arab Relations in the Axis of the Question of Palestine and the Establishment of Israel State". JOURNAL OF HISTORY AND FUTURE 9, nr 2 (18.06.2023): 244–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.21551/jhf.1294348.
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The question of Palestine issue began when Jewish immigrants settled in Palestine from the 1880s and formed large colonies on the land they purchased, and it evolved into a chronic problem with the establishment of the State of Israel.
The recognition of Israel's independence by Türkiye induced intense reactions in the Arab Middle East and sabotaged the development process of Turkish-Arab relations. Following this act of recognition, Türkiye quickly became distanced to the region and despite all the moves attempted afterwards, Türkiye failed to erase its scars and the desired level of relations could not be achieved. Moreover, the impact of Türkiye's recognition of Israel was deeply felt in the Cyprus issue that emerged in the 1960s, and Türkiye was deprived of the support of the Arab States in this vital question. Considering this recognition and the question of Palestine as a whole, it is understood that Türkiye's abandonment of its stance in support of the Arabs is a concrete indicator of its inconsistency in its foreign policy.
In this article, the author aims to examine and clarify the question of Palestine and the impact of the foundation of Israel State on Turkish-Arab relations.
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Ibrahim, Zeinab. "Education In The Arab Gulf States and the Arab World". American Journal of Islam and Society 18, nr 4 (1.10.2001): 172–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v18i4.1993.
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Education In The Arab Gulf States And The Arab World: An AnnotatedBibliography is divided into six parts. Each part contains between one toten chapters according to the topic. In the preface, the author mentions thatshe includes all references found in US libraries and the Libraryof Congress and does not include references from Arab countries. Shealso mentions that she was "selective" in her choices of what to includeand what not. For example, literature from the social sciences thatcontained a lot of stereotyping and biased information about Islam, Arabsand Arab society in general was excluded. Unpublished works alsowere not included. The author then describes her method of listing thebibliography: when there was literature available on the Arab world ingeneral, she included that, and then she would list the seven Gulf States inalphabetical order. If there were no references for a country, then thecountry is not mentioned and she jumps to the next country in that order.Part One contains only one chapter, which is the introduction. ElSannbarypresents an historical overview of the Gulf States, which is herfocus: Bahrain, Iraq, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the UnitedArab Emirates. A map of the region is presented on page four. She surveysthe history and the present conditions of the seven states economically,politically and educationally. The rest of the chapter includes a one-pagesummary on all the topics, which are mainly the chapters that follow.Part Two comes under the heading "General Background andResources", and consists of three chapters. Chapter Two, "Context ofEducation", contains 165 entries. It starts with the Arab World (entry 1-52)followed by Bahrain (52-60), Iraq (61-76), Kuwait (77-95), Oman (96-102), Qatar (103-108), Saudi Arabia (109-154), and the United ArabEmirates, (155-165). This is the system followed throughout the wholebook. When there is no literature available on a country, it is notmentioned. Chapter Three, "Bibliographies and References", starts withgeneral references (166- 215), and then is followed by Iraq (216), Kuwait(217), Oman (218-2190, Qatar (220-223), United Arab Emirates (224)and finally educational references (225-259). Chapter Four, "Religion andEducation," lists 120 entries (260-380) ...
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Hamid, Shadi. "Arab Nationalism in the Twentieth Century". American Journal of Islam and Society 22, nr 1 (1.01.2005): 101–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i1.1728.
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In Arab Nationalism in the Twentieth Century, aptly subtitled From Triumphto Despair, Adeed Dawisha provides us a most compelling narrative. He tells of a time, not long ago, when Arabs still believed that a glorious futurewas ahead of them. Today, the very thought of a fiery, charismatic Arableader, adored by his people and rising to oppose the West, seems silly andunrealistic. But four decades ago, Egyptian President Gamal Abd al-Nasserwas hailed as nothing less than a modern-day savior, and it seemed – if onlyfor an instant – that the unification of the Arab world was not just probable,but a historical inevitability. Dawisha goes beyond the successes, excesses,and outright failures that defined Arab nationalism at its height. Using awide variety of English and Arabic source material, he weaves a complicatedpicture, analyzing in detail how Arab nationalism was born and how itwould die just as quickly.Central to his argument is that, from the beginning, Arab nationalismfaced an uphill battle in its bid to win over an otherwise indifferent (and illiterate)populace. The author takes particular issue with George Antonious’thesis that leading up to World War I, the region’s elites and masses had beenstirred by “the Arab will to freedom.” It would prove terribly difficult for thenationalists to compete with entrenched pan-Islamic identities. For this reason,the most prominent early advocates of the nationalist ideal wereChristian, such as the Syrians Negib Azoury and Ibrahim al-Yajizi. TheMuslim elites were suspicious, seeing in Arab nationalism, with its secularemphasis, a perfidious plot to divide them ...
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Demczuk, Andrzej. "Democracy and the Arab Spring. The effects of the revolutions in the Arab world". Wschodnioznawstwo 16 (20.12.2022): 29–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20827695wsc.22.003.16752.
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The main objective of the article is to examine the Arab revolutions in the early 2010s in a context of establishing democracy, in order to determine what lessons can be learned from the experiences. It starts with an overview of the revolutionary movement – the Arab Spring, that swelled across the MENA region, overthrowing some long-standing authoritarian regimes. Next, it analyzes the uprisings to indicate political, economic and social successes and failures in parts of the region. Finally, in the summary of the study, based on the conducted examination, the author discusses the results of the analysis and explains why these findings are important and thought-provoking. Demokracja i Arabska Wiosna. Skutki rewolucji w świecie arabskim Głównym celem artykułu jest zbadanie arabskich rewolucji na początku 2010 r. w kontekście ustanowienia demokracji, w celu ustalenia jakie wnioski można wyciągnąć z tych doświadczeń. Praca rozpoczyna się od przeglądu ruchu rewolucyjnego – Arabskiej Wiosny, która rozrosła się w regionie MENA, obalając niektóre wieloletnie reżimy autorytarne. Następnie analizuje wystąpienia, aby wskazać sukcesy i porażki polityczne, gospodarcze i społeczne w niektórych częściach regionu. Wreszcie w podsumowaniu, na podstawie przeprowadzonych badań, autor omawia wyniki analizy i wyjaśnia, dlaczego wyniki te są ważne i skłaniają do refleksji.
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Haque, Amber. "Fear and Anxiety in the Arab World". American Journal of Islam and Society 21, nr 3 (1.07.2004): 142–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v21i3.1775.
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The title is certainly catchy, as not much has been written on fears and anxietiesin the Arab world. Much, however, has been written on Muslims andIslam post-9/11. While some writers genuinely try to understand the variousIslamic ideologies and Muslim cultures, others seek to paint a rather dim anddepressing picture of Muslim societies. This book attempts to describeArabs, as well as their fears and anxieties, in the garb of “interdisciplinaryresearch.” It is divided into seven chapters and contains a section on notes,a bibliography, and an index. The chapters address issues related to Arabpolitics (e.g., political identity, nationalism, and minority issues) and moregeneral areas (e.g., religion and Arab culture). The author is a professor ofpolitical science and diplomacy at the Notre Dame University in Lebanon.In the preface and opening chapter, Nehme introduces the growingfield of political psychology, which draws upon various psychological theoriesto interpret human political behavior. Although he admits that thebest results can be obtained through collaborative research betweenexperts in each discipline, he dares to make an independent attempt to analyzeArab fears and anxieties from a Freudian perspective.The book’s first few pages are quite a turn-off, as many preposterousstatements are made. Playing psychologist, Nehme asserts that worldevents are themselves natural experiments and, therefore, his assumptionsare “empirically based” (p. 2). He diagnoses the problem of violenceamong Arabs as resulting from a “built-in consistency of anxiety” (p. 3),“most Arabs no longer appeal to God … instead, they call on their governmentsfor relief” (p. 4), “they are afraid of everything” (p. 7), “Arab menare afraid that their wives will be sexually attracted to other men if theyleave home to work” (p. 8), and so on. He goes on to characterize suicidaltendencies among Arabs as a “death wish” that is not new in Arab history,as it develops their inner power … through acquiring weapons, and states ...
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Fituni, L. "«Arab Spring»: Transformation of Political Paradigm in Context of International Relations". World Economy and International Relations, nr 1 (2012): 3–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-1-3-14.
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The author presents his own original conception of the 2011 Arab upheavals. First, he tries to find parallels between the Arab Spring and the 19th century European Spring of Peoples. Second, he dwells on the idea of three types of transition in the Arab World: economic, demographic, and ideological. Third, he reflects on the issues of democracy and autocracy in the Arab countries emphasizing the role of youth. Fourth, he puts forward some new ideas as regards the relationship between Europe and the Arab World, offering such terms as “democratic internationalism” and “young democratic safety belt” in the Mediterranean region.
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Kyrchanoff, Maksym. "Perception of the 2022 FIFA World Cup in Qatar in Arab liberal analytics as a form of politics of memory". Socium i vlast 1 (2023): 74–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1996-0522-2023-1-74-84.
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Introduction. The author analyzes the informa- tional discourse of the World Cup in Qatar through the prism of collective historical memory. It is assumed that the Qatari Championship turned out to be both a sporting and political event. The article highlights the main problems that formed the information agenda, as well as the vectors and trajectories of the interpretation and perception of the Championship by liberal analysts and experts. Goal. The purpose of the article is to analyze the main directions of the liberal perception of the World Cup in Qatar in the information discourse of “Al-Araby Al-Jadeed” through the prism of the historical politics of memory. Methods. The author uses the methods proposed within the memorial turn in modern interdiscipli- nary historiography, which make it possible to iden- tify and systematize the features of the transfor- mation of the collective historical memory of Arab societies through the prism of sports, actualised by the 2022 World Cup in Qatar. Scientific novelty. The article is one of the few at- tempts to interpret the historical politics of memory in modern society in the context of the perception of sports as an element of the memorial culture and historical experience of the Arab societies of the Middle East. Results. The article analyzes the main vectors and trajectories of the use of sports for the politiciza- tion and ideologization of historical memory. It is assumed that the Championship stimulated political and ideological contradictions between Arab experts on the issues of collective historical and political experience, as well as its reflection in memorial cultures. The author believes that Arab analysts formally used sports events to update the political, social and economic problems and contradictions of the Middle East through the prism of historical memory, visualizing the trauma of the colonial and orientalist heritage. Conclusions. It is shown that the Championship ac- tualized political contradictions in the perception of current historical experience, visualizing the lines of ideological demarcation between Arab intellectuals who actively used sports as an information occa- sion for discussing the problems of historical poli- tics and the politics of collective memory, including the perception of the place and role of authoritari- anism, democracy and human rights in contempo- rary memorial cultures. The author believes that the reaction of the elites to the attempts of the liberal media to turn sport into a space for memo- rial conflicts and wars of memory was minimal, as the elites were focused on maintaining control and receiving economic dividends from the World Cup. It is shown that the politicization of sports has become the contribution of modern liberal media to the aggravation of wars of memory as a form of memorial conflicts in the Arab world.
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Naumkin, Vitaliy V. "The Muslims and the Arabs: two ummas". Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, nr 1 (2022): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080018396-2.
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The article follows up on the topic explored through the author’s research efforts, as detailed in multiple publications . Drawing upon a thorough-going and consolidated notion of the evolution underlying various systems of group solidarity adhered by the Arabs, the author has developed a new approach, set out in a concise manner herein, which is based on the idea of co-existence between the Muslim umma that unites all Muslims, whether Arabs or non-Arabs, and the Arab umma that unites all Arabs, regardless of their creed. These two communities are shown to have overlapped and interacted with each other, especially during the process of building inde-pendent national states in the Middle East. Within the framework of this approach, the etymology of the term umma and its strain throughout vari-ous stages of the Arab history is reviewed. It is noted that this term is one of the most polysemic in the Arab-Muslim cultural vocabulary. This is illus-trated by the examples showing its usage in the Qu’ran - the holy book for Muslims. Special emphasis is laid on the usage of this term with reference not only to the community of humans, but also animals, both in the Qu’ran and the Hadiths. The article concentrates on the analysis of various um-maist theories developed on the basis of conceptualization of the term um-ma, where a significant part is played by feelings and emotions, particular-ly, love as one of the structural elements of such theories. Serious attention is paid not only to the different interpretation options of this term, particu-larly by the Arab nationalism ideologists, but also manipulations with it carried out on behalf of these or those political forces.
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Shahinya, Arsen K. "The Colonization of the Early Medieval Vilayet of Armīniya by Arab Muslims". Archiv orientální 85, nr 1 (18.05.2017): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.47979/aror.j.85.1.1-17.
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The aim of this article is to establish the time frames and main directions of the colonization process in relation to the Greater-Armenian, Caucasian Albanian and Iberian lands captured by the Semitic-speaking Arab-Muslim tribes in the early Middle Ages. A parallel task is to identify the occupied areas in these countries of the Armenian Plateau and the Southern Caucasus and provide a list of the tribes that ruled over each of these areas. These lands were united by various tribal groups from the Arabian Peninsula, Syria and Upper Mesopotamia during the 8th and 9th centuries, and this was achieved within the framework of the Arab vilayet of Armīniya. Under the early ‘Abbasids (al-‘Abbāsīyūn, 750–1258) the colonizers gradually transformed these areas of Armīniya into their own domains, and then into their hereditary emirates. In order to fulfil the above aims, the author makes use of contemporary accounts and chronicles, as well as an examination of the coins in use in the area under scrutiny and its surroundings. At the end of the article, moreover, the author provides, in alphabetical order, a complete list of the Arab-Muslim tribes that settled in the different regions of Armīniya and, during the course of the 9th century, created their hereditary emirates. This identification is made by the author, who uses square brackets as a means of providing the reader with additions to the quoted translations emanating from the texts penned by classical authors.
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Uspenskaya, N. A. "Higher Education in Arab Countries: from Past to Present". MGIMO Review of International Relations, nr 2(35) (28.04.2014): 307–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-2-35-307-312.
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The article describes the problems of higher education in the Arab countries from the time of caliphate in the 7th century to present time. The Arab caliphate had a number of scientific centres based on the principles of ancient Greek science and culture. The author stresses the role of interpreters and translators in the development of science, preservation and development of the ancient school of knowledge. Many of ancient scientific books appeared in Europe only in Arabic translation. That means that science and education in the Arab countries was mostly based on ancient science. One of great problems of education in the Arab countries is the recession of its quality and backwardness as compared to European education. The reason is lack of finances and unstable situation in the region. The author illustrates the article with the situation in educational institutions of Egypt. Egypt has one of the oldest and most individual systems of education in the Arab countries. The article shows secular universities as well as one of the most influential religion universities, Al-Azhar. Today, religion education in oriental countries is gaining more and more importance. Religion penetrates all spheres of society. The financial streams in the Arab countries are controlled by Muslim circles.
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Krystall, Nathan. "The De-Arabization of West Jerusalem 1947-50". Journal of Palestine Studies 27, nr 2 (1.01.1998): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2538281.
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This article describes the progressive depopulation of the Arab neighborhoods of West Jerusalem following the outbreak of the fighting in late 1947. By the time the State of Israel was proclaimed on 15 May 1948, West Jerusalem already had fallen to Zionist forces. Quoting from eyewitness accounts, the author recounts the widespread looting that followed the Arab evacuation and the settlement of Jewish immigrants and Israeli government officials in the Arab houses. By the end of 1949, all of West Jerusalem's Arab neighborhoods had been settled by Israelis.
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Al-Qasem, Anis Mustafa. "Arab Jews in Israel: the struggle for identity and socioeconomic justice". Contemporary Arab Affairs 8, nr 3 (1.07.2015): 323–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2015.1054613.
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This article is based on a study in Arabic by author that formed the final chapter of the book Yahud al-bilad al-‘arabiyyah (The Jews of the Arab Countries) by the late Palestinian historian Khairiyyah Qasimiyyah. It examines the problem of identity among Jews of Arab origin in Israel and the resurgent use of the term ‘Arab Jew’ used by Jewish academics and activists in Israel. It also considers the issues of discrimination and socioeconomic injustice against the Arab Jewish community since the early history of Israel. Finally, it discusses the potential for joint action by Arab Jews and Palestinians for the cause of social justice and pluralism in Israel.
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Kuznetsov, V. A. "Arab World in 2010s: Metanarrative Games". Journal of International Analytics 11, nr 3 (31.12.2020): 95–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2020-11-3-95-112.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the socio-political transformation of the Arab world in the 2010s. The author analyses its changes through the concept of neo-modernity, which was already developed in a number of his earlier publications. The key thesis is the idea of a new turn of society to metanarratives, or “big stories” after postmodern relativism led to attempts to abandon them. In the first part of the article, the problem of metanarratives is considered at the theoretical level. The author proposes a methodology for studying socio-political processes and determines the influence of the condition of neo-modernity on political reality. The second part of the article highlights the main modern (liberal, left, nationalist, conservative) and premodern (tribal, Islamist) “big stories”. These “stories” determine the content and nature of public and political life in the Arab world in the 2010s and problematize new aspects of social relations. It shows how the actualization of metanarratives affected the course of the political process in Arab countries, as well as the organization of political systems, building new relations between societies and states. The third part of the article is devoted to the analysis of international political processes in the region. The influence of “big stories” on the configuration of the regional subsystem, armed conflicts, the composition of key actors, the specifics of their strategies, their identity and the identity of the region as a whole is revealed. In conclusion, the author shows a possibility of gradual harmonization of the system of regional relations in the case of the formation of hypertext, which makes it possible for the coexistence of actors guided by different narrative strategies.
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Samarskaia, L. M. "Arab Nationalism in Palestine in the Beginning of the 20th Century". MGIMO Review of International Relations 12, nr 4 (9.09.2019): 54–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-4-67-54-71.
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The article is dedicated to the emergence of the Arab national movement at the beginning of the 20th century. This topic is still relevant in our days since revealing the origins of political and social processes in the Middle East of the 21st century is necessary for their understanding. The main issues which are considered by the author are the following: which factors had crucial influence on the emergence of Arab nationalism (panarabism as well as regionalism), when exactly it was formed and what were the specifics of its emergence in Palestine.The author defines three main periods in the genesis and formation of the Arab national movement at the beginning of the 20th century. The first is the Nahda, the Arab cultural revival of the second half of the 19th century, which became a foundation for the later development of nationalist ideas. However, the author tries to show that the cultural revival itself was not nationalistic. The second key period is the political expression of the Arab national movement in the first decades of the 20th century, with the ottomanist and later pan-Turkist policy of the Ottoman government having the decisive influence. This policy was nationalist in essence. Zionism, as noted in the text, was not such an important issue for the nascent pan-Arab movement before the First World War, although it caused concern among the locals in Palestine. The third key stage, that was decisive in the Arab national development, is the Great Arab Revolt, which, despite the fact that it was not massive and universal, forced the pan-Arab movement enter the international arena for it attracted the attention of the great powers – mainly with the help of McMahon–Hussein correspondence. In result, during the postwar settlement, pan-Arabism became more popular and internationally recognised phenomenon, although eventually it happened to be divided into a multitude of regional movements, in particular – Palestinian nationalism fostered by the Anglo-French division of influence zones in the Middle East.In general, the formation of the Arab national movement was a multidimensional and gradual phenomenon influenced by a variety of factors. At the same time, the emergence of the regional groups had its own specifics; originally belonging to the Pan-Arab movement, although with their own features, after the First World War these groups became largely independent.
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Gerasimov, Igor V., i Yaser H. Akel. "Medical Terms in the Arabic Manuscript Kitāb al-mi’a fi al-ṭibb (“Hundred Books on the Skills of Medicine”) by Abu Sahl Isa b. Yahya al-Masihi (the 11th Century)". Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Asian and African Studies 13, nr 2 (2021): 197–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu13.2021.205.
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The article is based on the manuscript “Hundred books on skills of Medicine” by Abu Sahl al-Masihi from the collection of the Oriental Department of the Gorky Library of St. Petersburg State University (Ms. O 667). The author of this written monument was regarded as the teacher of Ibn Sina (Avicenna). The text of Abu Sahl al-Masihi is an encyclopedic medical treatise of the XI century. It consists of one hundred “books”, each of which is a separate and independent chapter dedicated to a specific problem of theoretical or practical medicine. The article presents an analysis of Arabic medical terms found in the table of contents to the first book. They can be divided into four categories: borrowings from other languages, obsolete terms, terms found in the Qur’an, and terms with Arabic roots. The authors of the article cited fragments of Quranic texts as an illustration of the early origin of some terms for physiological states. The medical knowledge and traditions of the Arabs played a decisive role in the development of Arab-Muslim medieval medicine. Medical terms of the Arabs, introduced into scientific circulation in the early Middle Ages, are actively used in modern Arabic. The results of the lexical analysis of medical terminology from the first “book” of the treatise reflect the scale of the phenomenon called Arab-Muslim medieval medicine.