Artykuły w czasopismach: „April revolution”

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오타 오사무. "April Revolution and Japan". SA-CHONG(sa) ll, nr 71 (wrzesień 2010): 197–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.16957/sa..71.201009.197.

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김기승. "April Revolution and Korean Nationalism". SA-CHONG(sa) ll, nr 71 (wrzesień 2010): 135–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.16957/sa..71.201009.135.

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Degaut, Marcos. "Out of the Barracks: The Role of the Military in Democratic Revolutions". Armed Forces & Society 45, nr 1 (22.06.2017): 78–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x17708194.

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Why some democratic revolutions succeed while others fail? The scholarly community has sought to address this issue from various perspectives, from rational choice approaches to collective action theories. Too little attention, however, has been paid to analyzing the role of the military. By discussing the different types of interactions played by the military in five cases of successful democratic revolutions—the 1910 Portuguese Republican Revolution, the 1958 Venezuelan Revolution, the 1960 April Revolution in South Korea, the 1989 Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia, and the 2000 Bulldozer Revolution in Yugoslavia—and three cases of failed revolutions, the 1905 bourgeois-liberal revolution in Russia, the 1989 Tiananmen Square Protests in China, and the 2016 Turkey’s coup attempt, this study finds out that the key factor in determining their outcome is the army’s response and that the military backing is a necessary condition for a democratic revolution to succeed.

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Lee, Soon-Wook. "April Revolution and Democratic Literature in Busan". HANGDO BUSAN 40 (31.08.2020): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.19169/hd.2020.8.40.1.

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Oh Chang-Eun. "Yeom Sang-seop and April 19 Revolution". Korean Language and Literature ll, nr 170 (marzec 2015): 455–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17291/kolali.2015..170.014.

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Hong, Jeong Wan. "The April Revolution and Changes in Modernization Discourses". Journal of Humanities 79 (30.11.2020): 105–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31310/hum.079.04.

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Price, R. F., i Julia Kwong. "Cultural Revolution in China's Schools, May 1966-April 1969". History of Education Quarterly 29, nr 1 (1989): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/368618.

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Asankanova, Asel Abylabekovna. "REASONS FOR THE APRIL PEOPLE'S REVOLUTION IN KYRGYZSTAN (2010)." Theoretical & Applied Science 86, nr 06 (30.06.2020): 167–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15863/tas.2020.06.86.33.

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Hayhoe, Ruth, i Julia Kwong. "Cultural Revolution in China's Schools, May 1966-April 1969". Canadian Journal of Education / Revue canadienne de l'éducation 14, nr 4 (1989): 501. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1495432.

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Chan, Anita, i Julia Kwong. "Cultural Revolution in China's Schools, May 1966-April 1969." Pacific Affairs 62, nr 2 (1989): 243. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2760586.

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Cho, Eun Sook. "The April Revolution and the Discovery of Child Citizenship". Critical Review of History 141 (30.11.2022): 47–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.38080/crh.2022.11.141.47.

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Lux, Abdullah R. "On ‘cultural revolution’ and the Arab culture of revolution". Contemporary Arab Affairs 5, nr 3 (1.07.2012): 398–426. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2012.699774.

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Given the media hype and attention devoted to the events of the 2010–2011 ‘Arab Spring’ it may perhaps be overlooked that the Arabs, and more than many other nations, possess long experience with diverse and profound long-term revolutions in the twentieth century. For numerous reasons and especially the sweeping and pervasive socio-economic and political changes some of these introduced, they may well be more appropriately categorized as ‘revolutions’ than those termed as such at the moment. This article explores one dimension of this phenomenon and demonstrates that the concept of what was specifically termed a ‘cultural revolution’ (originally by Lenin about 1923) was first introduced in the Arab world by Jamal ‘Abd al-Nasser on 19 December 1961, nearly four years before Mao Tse Tung's launch of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in 1966. For his part, Mu‘ammar Qadhafi, who admitted borrowing the term (if not the mechanism) from Mao, would announce a ‘cultural revolution’ with markedly different connotations on 15 April 1973 at Zuwarah, which signalled the beginning of the road towards implementation of the ‘Third Universal Theory’ (reaching final form in the Green Book) and the subsequent inception of the Jamahiriya in 1977. Although the theoretical and practical implications were distinct for Lenin, Nasser, Mao and Qadhafi, history suggests that it was Nasser – the giant of Pan-Arabism who would come to define and represent Arab socialism – who preceded Mao as the first to call for a ‘cultural revolution’ as a policy at the level of state. He saw this as indispensable to the project of political and socio-economic revolution in the service of a just and sufficient society, where ‘sound democracy’ was not the pro-forma Western variant in the service of unmitigated capitalism and powerful elites, but rather an expression of socio-economic parity and a guarantee against exploitation by one group or one human being of another.

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Nur, Bakheit Mohammed. "Religion, Politics, and Society: The Role of Political Islam in the Sudanese Revolution of December 2018 and Its Aftermath". Modern Africa: Politics, History and Society 11, nr 1 (14.08.2023): 11–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.26806/modafr.v11i1.390.

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December 2018 marked a new direction in Sudan’s political landscape as thousands of people revolted against President Omar al-Bashir and the Islamist regime that had ruled the country since 1989. Under authoritarian rule, Sudan suffered from genocide, war crimes, human rights violations and economic stagnation. As a result, Sudanese opposition groups organised demonstrations in 2018 to protest repression and demand change. This revolution galvanised unprecedented support from a wide variety of socio-cultural groups across the country. Protestors together with the army succeeded in ousting President al-Bashir from power in April 2019, setting in motion a process for political change in Sudan. This article analyses the practices performed by protestors in 2018 and 2019 and examines the social-cultural, political and religious dimensions of the Sudanese revolution. It also explores how the revolution’s protagonists contested the role of political Islam and how its antagonists reaffirmed their Islamo-political ideology in counter-revolutionary activities. The discussion also includes a violent atmosphere of the current war, which erupted in April 2023.

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김나현. "Revolution and Commemoration －the ‘April 19’ Memorial Poems of 1960－". 사이間SAI ll, nr 16 (maj 2014): 223–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.30760/inakos.2014..16.007.

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Ribeiro, Filipa Perdigão. "“Uma revolução democrática é sempre uma revolução inacabada” — or — “A democratic revolution must always remain unfinished”". Journal of Language and Politics 10, nr 3 (31.10.2011): 372–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.10.3.04rib.

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This article analyses the discursive construction of collective memories and the function of commemorative events for national identity. It focuses on how the 30th anniversary of the Portuguese 1974 revolution was portrayed in the government’s Programme of Action issued for the 2004 commemorations and in forty-three newspaper opinion articles also published in 2004. The 1974 revolution ended a 48-year right-wing dictatorship and has shaped subsequent historical events since the 1970s. When the Programme of Action changed the 1974 slogan ‘April is revolution’ into ‘April is evolution’, the written press responded by conducting a debate on this reframing. Using the Discourse-Historical Approach in CDA as the analytical framework, this paper highlights the discursive strategies on which the government’s manifesto was built and explores the opinion articles’ ongoing political and ideological tensions over the revolution, its commemorations, and how it paved the way into Europe, by describing the main macro-discursive strategies and raising issues regarding the (mis)representation of social actors and social action.

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Rosen, Stanley. "Guangzhou's Democracy Movement in Cultural Revolution Perspective". China Quarterly 101 (marzec 1985): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000015794.

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China's “democracy movement” seems, for the moment, to have passed into history. It began with wall-posters in Beijing in November 1978 and reached its high-tide the following February and March. By late March–April 1979, however, the first of a series of restrictions had been placed on participants, and the movement's most outspoken representatives, such as Wei Jingsheng, had been arrested. A year later there was a second crackdown, and even moderate members of the movement were ordered to desist. The final crackdown occurred in April 1981 and resulted in the arrest of more than 20 activists. Although the movement focused upon Beijing, where a wide variety of “unofficial” or “people's publications” (minjian kanwu) vied for domestic and international attention, many of China's provinces and cities produced their own “democracy activists” and publications.

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Lih, Lars. "The Ironic Triumph of Old Bolshevism: The Debates of April 1917 in Context". Russian History 38, nr 2 (2011): 199–242. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633111x566048.

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AbstractDuring the debates in Bolshevik party circles after Lenin's return to Russia in early April 1917, one central issue was the status of "Old Bolshevism." According to Lenin, Old Bolshevism was outmoded, whereas other Bolsheviks such as Lev Kamenev and Mikhail Kalinin defended its relevance. The central tenet of prewar Old Bolshevism was "democratic revolution to the end," a slogan that implied a vast social transformation of Russia under the aegis of a revolutionary government based directly on the narod. Far from being rendered irrelevant by the overthrow of the tsar, Old Bolshevism mandated a political course aimed at overthrow of the "bourgeois" Provisional Government. Lenin's innovative vision of "steps toward socialism" in Russia, prior to and independent of European socialist revolution was not a radical break with Old Bolshevism and it was not the central issue during the debates of April 1917. The actual Bolshevik message of 1917 (as documented by pamphlets issued by the Moscow Bolsheviks) was closer in most respects to the outlook of Lenin's opponents, as he came close to explicitly admitting. The usual characterization of the April debates as Lenin's successful attempt to imbue the Bolsheviks with a radically new vision of socialist revolution must therefore be rejected.

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Ermolovich, D. N. "External Factors’ Influence on Course of the April 25, 1974 Revolution in Portugal". Nauchnyi dialog 13, nr 1 (30.01.2024): 354–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2024-13-1-354-373.

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The article examines the Portuguese Revolution of 1974 from 1974 to 1976, focusing on the influence of external forces. The analysis extensively utilizes documentary materials published by the U.S. State Department during the period under consideration, as well as memoirs by Portuguese and foreign authors. The study explores the process of shaping the United States' new foreign policy towards Portugal after the revolution, comparing American and European approaches to the events in Portugal. The role of the USSR and other socialist countries is also examined. The research findings indicate that the revolution caught the American leadership off guard. Initially, the U.S. response was restrained, but their attitude changed after members of the Communist Party joined the government. The U.S. adopted a policy of exerting political and economic pressure on the Portuguese leadership to exclude communists from the government, supporting all opposition left-wing parties, and exploiting divisions within left-wing forces. The Soviet Union provided relatively modest support to Portuguese communists, while socialist bloc countries showed significantly greater involvement and enthusiasm. U.S. allies in Europe took more moderate positions. European diplomacy made significant efforts to avoid direct confrontation between the U.S. and the USSR, with the greatest challenge being to prevent the U.S. from demonstrating its power on the European continent.

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Yeo, Tae-chon. "Immortal standard-bearer(1960) and the vicinity of the April Revolution". Literary Criticism 81 (30.09.2021): 127–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31313/lc.2021.09.81.127.

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Ryu, Sang-soo. "The Humanitarian Activities of Korean Red Cross during the April Revolution". Journal of Studies on Korean National Movement 109 (31.12.2021): 245–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.19162/knm.109.2021.12.07.

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Gold, Thomas B. "Cultural Revolution in China's Schools, May 1966-April 1969.Julia Kwong". American Journal of Sociology 95, nr 1 (lipiec 1989): 236–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/229247.

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Song, Chae-il. "The Response Aspects of the 1960s Dramas to the April Revolution". Korean Literary Theory and Criticism 80 (30.09.2018): 109–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.20461/kltc.2018.9.80.109.

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RAVEL, JEFFREY S. "Allegory and April Foolery on the Eve of the French Revolution". Journal for Eighteenth-Century Studies 25, nr 1 (1.10.2008): 113–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1754-0208.2002.tb00247.x.

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Lamsal, Apar Kumar. "Mass Revolution and End of the Cultural Institution in Nepal". Researcher: A Research Journal of Culture and Society 1, nr 2 (21.02.2014): 11–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/researcher.v1i2.9882.

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From 6th April to 24th April of 2006, parliamentary political parties along with the ten years long strafing underground Nepal Communist Party (Maoists) stage a mass revolution against the Royal takeover of 2002 AD for the establishment of republican state. This mass movement gained much impetus then trailed by various organizations, trade unions, students, professional employees and the general mass throughout the kingdom of Nepal. Ultimately, the age-long monarchical institution was finished from the political and cultural scenario of Nepal. This article outlines the main events and outcomes of this revolution and analyzes it. This article is based on secondary sources along with event observation. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/researcher.v1i2.9882 Researcher 1(2) 2013: 11-22

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Accornero, Guya. "Back to the revolution: The 1974 Portuguese spring and its "austere anniversary"". Historein 15, nr 1 (3.12.2015): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/historein.275.

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<p>The 40th anniversary of the Portuguese revolution took place in 2014 in a context of deep social and economic crisis. In common with Greek, Spanish, and to an extent, Italian citizens, the Portuguese had suffered, in the previous three years, from the imposition of drastic austerity measures of fiscal contraction. These measures, aside from worsening the economic situation and increasing unemployment, have deeply undermined what in the country are considered the “conquests” of the 25 April 1974 revolution that ushered in Portugal’s democracy – a set of social rights in terms of labour law, healthcare and access to education. As in other countries, these conditions have not gone unchallenged by civil society, and there has been an intensification of protest. If the “conquests of April” seem to be targeted in particular by the austerity measures, references to the revolution have returned to be a constant element in the contestation of the “troika’s” impositions.</p>

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Noronha, Ricardo. "Political Economy of the Carnation Revolution (1974–75)". Journal of World-Systems Research 29, nr 2 (22.08.2023): 351–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2023.1207.

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Following the military coup of April 25th, 1974, Portugal experienced a revolutionary period characterized by unprecedented levels of labor unrest and political radicalization. As the social landscape suffered a profound transformation, key-sectors of the economy were nationalized, many firms went into self-management, and large areas of the south were swept by land occupation. When the country’s democratic Constitution was brought to vote on April 2, 1976, it contained numerous references to “socialism,” “self-management,” “planning,” and “agrarian reform,” bearing witness to a widespread commitment to build a “classless society.” What eventually took shape, however, was a mixed economy under a parliamentary regime, very similar to that of countries like Greece and Spain, both of which experienced far less dramatic democratic transitions. Drawing on the writings of Immanuel Wallerstein, Giovanni Arrighi, and Boaventura de Sousa Santos, this article analyzes the plans and strategies devised to ensure a socialist transition in the semiperiphery of the capitalist world-system during the 1970s.

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Mohammed, Inst Omar Muwafaq, i Inst Mohammed Salman Saleh. "The relationship between the authorities in the monarchy and republican regimes in Iraq". ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 225, nr 2 (1.09.2018): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v225i2.135.

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The study investigate the relationship of authorities sstarting from the formation of Abdul Rahman Al-Kilani interim government on 25 / October / 1925 and the issuance of the Iraqi basic law in 1925. In the Republican government after the revolution of July 14, 1958 it has put the interim constitution which did not abide by the feuding leaders (Abdel-KarimKassem and Abdul Salam Aref) and thus began the Second Republic, which came after the receipt of Abdul Salam Aref of power and the formation of a national council to lead the revolution, but he did not last long in government, Abdel Salam Aref declared on October 18, 1963 the news of the change of government in order to implement the principles of the revolution of July 14, 1958 announcing the establishment of the third Republic, and then passed the Constitution of April 22, 1964, but after seven days have been canceled this constitution to be replaced by a new constitution in the April 29, 1964 and was named the interim constitution.

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Pan, Fangfang. "Family Revolution by Law". NAVEIÑ REET: Nordic Journal of Law and Social Research, nr 9 (17.12.2019): 61–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/nnjlsr.v1i9.122150.

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The basic function of law is to protect, consolidate and develop social relations and social order that are favorable and suitable for the ruling class (Zhu, 1957). As the first law promulgated (April 13, 1950) after the founding of the People’s Republic of China (PRC, October 1, 1949), the Marriage Law has undergone three major revisions in 70 years. Based on a comparative analysis of the principles and important rules in the four marriage laws, this article studies the entire historical process of Chinese marriage law systematically. By combining amendments of laws with social changes, including party policies (Communist Party of China, CCP), economic systems and family structure, this article displays the intimate relationship between social change, law revision and family revolution in an interdisciplinary manner. The improvement of Chinese marriage law also provides a lens into Chinese lawmakers’ efforts on achieving gender equality, offering special protection for vulnerable groups to pursue substantive justice, protecting personal property and balancing the relationship between individual freedom and family and social stability.

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SHIN, Changhoon. "The April Revolution and the Sense of Place in Medical Space: Focusing on Major Hospitals in Downtown Seoul". Korean Journal of Medical History 33, nr 1 (30.04.2024): 103–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.103.

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This article focuses on the medical activities conducted by major hospitals in downtown Seoul during the April Revolution in 1960, examining their experiential context and significance. The influx of guns and bullets into Korean society following the liberation in 1945 intertwined with the political and social conflicts of the period, resulting in numerous assassinations, crimes, and terrorism. Gunshot wounds were traumas that became a part of the everyday life of Koreans, as well as scars which reflected their historical contexts.</br>At the same time, the frequent occurrence of gunshot wounds led to the development of medical capacities to treat them. The Korean surgical academia expanded its technical foundation with experiences during and after the Korean War. This progress was particularly noticeable in areas closely related to gunshot wounds, such as craniotomy, thoracotomy, vascular anastomosis, debridement, anesthesia, and blood transfusion. Major hospitals in downtown Seoul served as medical spaces where these experimental and technical foundations were concentrated, allowing them to minimize the death toll despite the massive gunfire by the National Police in April 1960. Thus, the aftermath of the epidemic of gunshots resulted in a rather paradoxical outcome.</br>This development became a resource for doctors and nurses, who added their revolutionary implications in reconstructing the experience of April 1960 in their various memoirs and reports. While memoirs reorganized general medical activities, portraying injured patients as participants in the revolution, reports provided forensic descriptions and interpretations of the deaths, giving authority to the main narrative of the revolution. As the interpretations and significance based on historical contexts gained prominence, major hospitals in downtown Seoul also developed a sense of place closely associated with the revolution.

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Gehrmann, Udo. "Germany and the Cossack community in the Russian revolution, April‐November 1918". Revolutionary Russia 5, nr 2 (grudzień 1992): 147–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546549208575586.

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Kim, Woo-Young. "After the April Revolution, the sense of transition and ethics of life". Korean Literary Theory and Criticism 80 (30.09.2018): 31–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.20461/kltc.2018.9.80.31.

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Jeon, So-yeun. "Family Romance Narratives of the April 19 Revolution shown in Love Narratives". Journal of Korean Fiction Research 94 (30.06.2024): 251–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.20483/jkfr.2024.06.94.251.

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Lee, Chang-hyun. "Aspects and Characteristics of Press Reports on the Korean War-era Massacres after April Revolution". Institute of History and Culture Hankuk University of Foreign Studies 88 (30.11.2023): 225–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.18347/hufshis.2023.88.225.

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This study shows how the press, after the April Revolution(1960), reported the massacres that had been occurred before/after the Korean War(1950-1953) and explains its characteristics. For these purposes, newspaper articles from the central/the local were analyzed as main materials and their perspectives were grasped from the editorials. The press covered the stories of the massacres from recording the testimony of the bereaved(victims) and revealed more such cases in various places. From mid-May to early June 1960, these articles were plastered on the pages of major daily newspapers. Thus, massacres emerged as a political and social issue after the April Revolution. The press produced a variety of discourse analyzing them. On the premise of their illegality, the media made legitimate claims such as finding truth, punishing the perpetrators, and compensating the victims. The press also specifically explored these alternatives.

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Zambrana Marchetti, Juan Carlos. ""Construcción de la nación": El arma económica desarrollada por los estados unidos en Bolivia". Bolivian Studies Journal/Revista de Estudios Bolivianos 23 (19.12.2018): 188–338. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/bsj.2018.184.

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Declassified documents show that when President Harry Truman created his Point IV Program (1949), he launched a global operation of soft “nation- building" through technical and economic assistance. Point IV Technical Cooperation Agreements were the master keys to intervening in other nations. This work covers the period from January 1951 to April 12, 1952, showing in detail how Bolivia became a laboratory for US experiments in these kind of interventions. On March 14, 1951, a pro-US Bolivian government signed the Agreement. The US did everything to prevent the rise of a revolutionary movement, but despite its efforts people mobilized, defeated the military and deposed pro-US government in the bloody revolution of April 1952. The MNR revolution set the stage for the definitive test of the effectiveness of the soft “nation-building” programs against a true leftist and anti-imperialist government.

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Douglas, Lee. "The Probable Revolution". Romanic Review 114, nr 2 (1.09.2023): 360–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00358118-10604246.

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Abstract On April 25, 1974, everyday Portuguese citizens transformed a military coup into collective popular resistance, thus initiating a revolutionary process that marked an end to the Estado Novo. Image-makers, aware of the historical event unraveling in plain view, occupied public plazas and roamed city avenues to document a popular uprising that marked a clear end to Portugal’s Fascist project. In this impetus to record radical change, film and its associated technologies promised not only to document, capture, and freeze history in the making but also to make it material, to transform the push and pull of the revolutionary project into something that could be preserved and kept. The article questions the notion that digitization produces a straightforward dematerialization of the analogue print by proposing the concept of digital (im)materiality. This (im)materiality, it argues, not only allows the transformation of revolutionary images into heritage but also makes possible their (re)activation in ways that both speak to the past and reinvent the future. Attending to the (im)materiality of Portuguese militant cinema makes it possible to approach these images not as texts to be interpreted but as social artifacts through which meaning, knowledge, and memories are made. Following Morgan Adamson’s call to consider how “images of resistance endure” and how “enduring images resist,” the article traces the (im)materiality of Portugal’s revolutionary filmic images with the aim of thinking across temporalities. So while, on one hand. the text unpacks how images of the Portuguese Revolution were produced and, subsequently, transformed into heritage, it also reflects on the author’s own engagement with the Revolution’s visual archives and her co-direction of the film essay A revolução (é) provável (The Revolution [Is] Probable, 2022), where splicing, cutting, and juxtaposing digitized images makes it possible to interrogate the material texture of history while also producing other forms or knowledge and knowing.

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Boyer, Cyrus, i Nicole Brenez. "Jacques Kebadian, From One Revolution to Another". Aniki: Revista Portuguesa da Imagem em Movimento 11, nr 1 (29.01.2024): 204–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.14591/aniki.v11n1.1019.

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The career of filmmaker Jacques Kebadian (born April 20, 1940, in Paris) is striking for its loyalty to people, ideas and revolutionary ideals. In the 1960s, the author of Trotsky (1967) took part in several far-left groups, a filmmakers’ collective (ARC, Atelier de Recherche Cinématographique/Film Research Studio), and many, often clandestine, interventions. His work then shifted to accompanying internationalist struggles, supporting undocumented migrants, commemorating the Armenian genocide, following artists he was close to, and portraying women in the Resistance whom he admired. We asked him to detail some of the stages on this unique trajectory. The interview was conducted in French, in July 2023, and then translated into English.

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Kwon Boduerae. "Revolution in 1960s' Literature : April Uprising and the Literary Strategy of Counter-Development". Studies in Korean Literature ll, nr 39 (grudzień 2010): 269–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.20881/skl.2010..39.008.

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Kim, Hyun-ju. "The study for correlation between April Revolution and Choi In-hoon's Early Novel". JOURNAL OF MODERN LITERARY THEORY 75 (31.12.2018): 85–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.22273/smlt.75.4.

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김미란. "The "Young Generation"'s April Revolution and the Cultural Politics of Resistance Rituals". 사이間SAI ll, nr 9 (listopad 2010): 11–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.30760/inakos.2010..9.001.

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Oh, Je-Yeon. "Formation and Differentiation of Unification Movement Organizations of Students Immediately After April Revolution". Historical Journal 67 (31.01.2019): 295–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.20457/sha.67.10.

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Brethower, Karen. "The dozing revolution wakes up. Keynote address NSPI national conference, April 6, 1988". Performance + Instruction 27, nr 5 (maj 1988): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pfi.4170270502.

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Shin, Changhoon. "The Emergence and Decline of the Sociopolitical ‘Neutralization’ Discourse around the April Revolution". SARIM 75 (31.01.2021): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.20457/sha.75.1.

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Muñoz Sánchez, Antonio. "O 25 de Abril na imprensa da República Federal da Alemanha". Relações Internacionais, nr 81 (marzec 2023): 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.23906/ri2024.81a06.

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The revolution of 25 April aroused public interest in Portugal for the first time in West Germany. Compared to other countries, however, the interest was rather modest. None of the Federal Republic of Germany’s newspapers sent a correspondent to Lisbon to report on the day-to-day events of the revolution, as did some European newspapers and even Neues Deutschland, the official organ of the German Democratic Republic’s ruling party. However, through the newspapers, the citizens of West Germany received a partial, superficial and biased view of the events in revolutionary Portugal. The treatment of the Carnation Revolution in the West German press says almost as much about Portugal as it does about the peculiar political culture of the Bonn Republic, which was deeply influenced by the Cold War.

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Lih, Lars T. "A Fully Armed Historiography". Canadian-American Slavic Studies 53, nr 1-2 (11.07.2019): 72–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-05301005.

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Abstract This essay disputes the traditional view of Lenin’s April Theses as radical, pitting him against his own party shortly after his arrival in Petrograd. Instead, Bolsheviks before and after Lenin’s arrival in 1917 remained true to the party’s class scenario of revolution embodied in the slogan, “All Power to the Soviets.”

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Wu, Yu-Shan. "Russia and the CIS in 2010". Asian Survey 51, nr 1 (styczeń 2011): 64–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2011.51.1.64.

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Russia's semi-democratic system and fuel-driven state capitalism gradually recovered from the financial crisis. The Putin-Medvedev diarchy functioned reasonably well, although the two have not worked out a plan for political succession in 2012. On external relations, Russia improved ties with the U.S., and Kyrgyzstan's April revolution appeared a blessing.

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Taylor, Lawrence D. "Gunboat Diplomacy's Last Fling in the New World: The British Seizure of San Quintin, April 1911". Americas 52, nr 4 (kwiecień 1996): 521–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008476.

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In considering acts of military intervention by foreign powers which occurred in Mexico during the Mexican Revolution, one is apt to think of the years 1914, 1916 and 1919, when U.S. forces invaded or occupied portions of Mexican territory. There was, however, one case of intervention of this sort during the revolution in which U.S. military personnel were not involved–the landing of a small party of British marines belonging to the H.M.S. “Shearwater” at the port of San Quintín on the northwest coast of the Baja Californian peninsula in April 1911.The British landing at San Quintm constituted a vestige or remnant of "gunboat diplomacy", an aspect of English foreign policy that had originated in the age of Palmerston and which reflected the unrivaled naval supremacy enjoyed by Great Britain during the period extending from the defeat of Napoleon in 1815 to the end of the Second World War. The episode represented, in a rather overt way, the hard-nosed attitude characteristic of British foreign policy at that time with regards to Latin America in general and other so-called "backward" regions of the globe.

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Heo, Jong. "The pattern and nature of the student movement in Daegu during the April Revolution". DAEGU HISTORICAL REVIEW 141 (30.11.2020): 227–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.17751/dhr.141.227.

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Völker, Thomas. "Ein Hauch von Frühling... Die Medienlandschaft in Kirgistan ein Jahr nach der April-Revolution". Zentralasien-Analysen, nr 43-44 (29.07.2011): 14–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31205/za.43-44.02.

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Kim, Sung Chul. "World Historical Significance of the April 19 Revolution illuminated by Tanheology (呑虛學)". Journal of Korean Association for Buddhist Studies 94 (31.05.2020): 211–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.22255/jkabs.94.8.

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정, 호기. "Labor Unions and Labor Disputes in Chonnam in the Period of the April Revolution". Journal of Local History and Culture 16, nr 1 (31.05.2013): 199. http://dx.doi.org/10.17068/lhc.2013.05.16.1.199.

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