Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Anti-conscription”
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Galiani, Sebastian, Martín A. Rossi i Ernesto Schargrodsky. "Conscription and Crime: Evidence from the Argentine Draft Lottery". American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 3, nr 2 (1.04.2011): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/app.3.2.119.
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We estimate the causal effect of mandatory participation in military service on individuals' subsequent involvement in criminal activities. To identify this causal effect, we exploit the random assignment of young men to conscription in Argentina through a draft lottery. Using a dataset that includes draft eligibility, participation in military service, and criminal records, we find that conscription increases the likelihood of developing a criminal record. The effects are significant not only for cohorts that provided military service during wartime, but also for those that served during peacetime. Our results do not support the introduction of conscription for anti-crime purposes. JEL (H56, K42, O17)
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Damousi, Joy. "Socialist Women and Gendered Space: The Anti-Conscription and Anti-War Campaigns of 1914-1918". Labour History, nr 60 (1991): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27509044.
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Kuzmin, S. A., i L. K. Grigorieva. "Organization of anti-epidemic measures when conscripting citizens for military service during the pandemic of the novel coronavirus infection COVID-19". Spravočnik vrača obŝej praktiki (Journal of Family Medicine), nr 2 (31.01.2023): 6–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/med-10-2302-01.
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The COVID-19 pandemic has been officially declared an international emergency by the World Health Organization. During this period of time, the state task of conscripting citizens for military service was carried out in our country. When performing this task, anti-epidemic measures were taken. Medical examination of conscripts was carried out at all stages of their route, starting from the military conscription office of the municipality to the assembly point of the military conscription office of the region. All conscripts had their body temperature measured, and they were provided with personal protective equipment — masks and gloves, which were changed every two hours. A PCR test was carried out in the municipalities, and a laboratory blood test in order to detect IgG/IgM SARS-CoV-2 antibodies was carried out at the assembly point of the region. The taken measures contributed to the successful completion of the task of preventing the introduction of the novel coronavirus infection COVID-19 into the troops and the mass spread of the disease.
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Destenay, Emmanuel. "The impact of political unrest in Ireland on Irish soldiers in the British army, 1914–18: a re-evaluation". Irish Historical Studies 42, nr 161 (maj 2018): 50–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2018.2.
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AbstractIn order better to understand the impact of political unrest in Ireland on Irish troops fighting in the First World War, it is necessary to acknowledge that the role of the 1916 Rising has been significantly overestimated, while the influence of the 1914 home rule crisis and the repercussions of the anti-conscription movement have been underestimated. The 1914 home rule crisis significantly impacted on the Germans’ view of the Irish and conditioned the treatment of Irish P.O.W.s from December 1914 onwards. In addition, the post-1916 Rising executions and the conscription crisis had a severe impact on Irish front-line units, while also sapping the morale of other British combatants. The 1916 Rising might have been dismissed as a military operation conceived by a handful of republicans, with little support from the wider population, but the conscription crisis brought about widespread defiance towards British rule throughout the whole of nationalist Ireland. In line with British public opinion, British front-line officers and men strongly resented Ireland’s refusal to support the war effort at such a crucial moment. The consequence was the widespread targeting and stigmatisation of their Irish comrades-in-arms. Some British officers and men resorted to a form of psychological pressure, aimed at the public shaming of Irish troops. This article draws on new primary sources available at The National Archives in London, Dublin City Archives and University of Leeds Library to argue that the 1916 Rising was not the only political event in Ireland to have repercussions for Irish battalions fighting in the First World War.
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Morgan, K. "Militarism and Anti-Militarism: Socialists, Communists and Conscription in France and Britain 1900-1940". Past & Present 202, nr 1 (1.02.2009): 207–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtn020.
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Irving, Nick. "Anti-conscription protest, liberal individualism and the limits of national myths in the global 1960s". History Australia 14, nr 2 (3.04.2017): 187–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14490854.2017.1319740.
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Van der Kloot, William. "Mirrors and smoke: A. V. Hill, his Brigands, and the science of anti-aircraft gunnery in World War I". Notes and Records of the Royal Society 65, nr 4 (20.07.2011): 393–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2010.0090.
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In 1916 Captain A. V. Hill was transferred from the infantry to the Ministry of Munitions to work on anti-aircraft gunnery. He determined the three-dimensional coordinates of flying objects by placing two mirrors far apart. The mirrors were viewed from a fixed distance above them and observers simultaneously marked the position of the object. He gathered brilliant men, most too old or too young for conscription, who became known as Hill's Brigands. They determined the coordinates of the explosions of shots fired with different fuse settings and fitted them with the ballistic equations to construct accurate gunnery tables. They solved the puzzle of erratic fuse timing at high altitudes. They developed apparatus to locate aircraft by sound. Travelling groups of Brigands worked with anti-aircraft gunners, which Hill regarded as the dawn of operations research. Hill was as adept at leading scientists as he was at doing science.
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Butler, Nicholas. "1968: Victorian anti-war movement gets an injection". Before/Now: Journal of the collaborative Research Centre in Australian History (CRCAH) 1, nr 1 (3.05.2019): 11–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.35843/beforenow.173265.
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When the 'baby-boomers' had reached university age, their understandings, habits and behaviours often collided with the political discourse of their parents' generation. By 1968, the Monash University Labor Club, fresh from its campaign to raise money for the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam (NLF), had discarded the mantle of Labor reformism and set itself on a path of a radical communist activism that scorned the efforts of the Communist Party (CPA) to contain its enthusiasm. In concert with similarly leaning student clubs at the other two Victorian universities it turned its attention to the protest movement outside the university, against conscription and the Vietnam Wm: That brought the inevitable clash with the older established anti war movement led by a loose blend of ALP, CPA, church groups and unions. This process led, in Scalmer's classification of protest actions, to the mode of political demonstrations leaping radically from 'staging' to 'disruption.'
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Kapuściak, Bartosz. "Walka kontrwywiadu wojskowego z Kościołem katolickim. Alumni w „ludowym” Wojsku Polskim w świetle dokumentów Wojskowej Służby Wewnętrznej". Przegląd Historyczno-Wojskowy 21, nr 4 (2020): 84–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.32089/wbh.phw.2020.4(274).0003.
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In 1959, following the introduction of the law on universal military service, seminarians were conscripted into the Polish „People’s” Army as part of compulsory service, initially dispersing them into numerous units. This was a form of repression which, according to the communist authorities, was supposed to curb the „unruly” behavior of individual church hierarchs. In the following years, there were changes in the way clerical students were dispersed in the army – they started to be grouped into three subunits, which allowed for better communist indoctrination led by the Main Political Directorate of the Polish Army, but above all for the counterintelligence „protection” of the seminarians organized by the Internal Military Service (IMS). Initially, military counterintelligence did not do well with recruiting seminarians as agents. With time, as the cooperation with Department IV of the Ministry of Interior (civil anti-church department) was developing, the IMS authorities managed to improve their operational work in the battalions where future clergymen served. Despite the partial resignation of clerical students from their studies and recruitment amongst them by IMS, thanks to the efforts of the Catholic Church a large number of young seminarians were saved, and their conscription into the army only strengthened the Church by verifying future priests through their military service at the very beginning. Eventually, year 1980 put an end to the conscription of seminarians into the Armed Forces of the People’s Republic of Poland. One of the numerous actions of the communist authorities against the Catholic Church proved to be ineffective.
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Capelos, Tereza, Ellen Nield i Mikko Salmela. "Narratives of Success and Failure in Ressentiment: Assuming Victimhood and Transmuting Frustration among Young Korean Men". Social Sciences 12, nr 5 (24.04.2023): 259. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci12050259.
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In this article, we examine toxic masculinity, anti-feminist, anti-globalisation, and anti-military conscription positions in the narratives of what constitutes success and failure among young South Korean men during the COVID-19 pandemic. Misogynistic accounts attributed to the globalised effects of neoliberalism and its evolution through South Korean meritocratic competition, compounded by the social isolation of the pandemic, remain a puzzle psychologically, despite their toxic emotionality. We use the analytical framework of ressentiment to consolidate references to moral victimhood, indignation, a sense of destiny, powerlessness, and transvaluation, as components of a single emotional mechanism responsible for misogynistic accounts. In an empirical plausibility probe, we analyse qualitative surveys with young South Korean men and examine the content of the far-right social sharing site Ilbe (일베) which hosts conversations of young men about success and self-improvement. Our findings show envy, shame, and inefficacious anger transvaluated into to moral victimhood, misogynistic hatred, vindictiveness against women and feminists, and anti-globalisation stances. We discuss how the content of these narratives of success and failure in ressentiment relates to the electoral win of the right-wing People Power party in March 2022 which capitalised on anti-feminist grievances. We also consider the socio-political consequences of ressentiment narratives in the highly gendered and polarised South Korean society and expand the study of ressentiment outside the context of Western democracies where it has been most extensively elaborated.
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Zalieto, Nataliia. "What Soviet Periodicals Can Tell Us About the Propaganda on the Women’s Service in the USSR’s Armed Forces (1941-1945)". PLURAL. History, Culture, Society 11, nr 1 (30.09.2023): 60–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.37710/plural.v11i1_3.
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The materials of Soviet newspapers are an important source for studying the policy of the regime regarding the service of women in the armed forces of the USSR. Based on the frequency of publication of these materials, the date of their publication, and the content, it is possible to make assumptions about the need for female personnel in the armed forces during a particular period of war, as well as to highlight and evaluate the government’s propaganda concerning female soldiers in general. However, the thematic articles contained almost no specifics about the service of women in the armed forces of the USSR as a mass phenomenon – they did not provide data on the establishment of women’s military units, general statistics on the presence of women in the Army, conscription data, etc. The totalitarian regime kept this information secret, unlike other members of the anti-Hitler coalition
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Forde, Susan. "Monitoring the Establishment: The Development of the Alternative Press in Australia". Media International Australia 87, nr 1 (maj 1998): 114–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x9808700112.
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The mainstream press in Australia, and indeed most Western nations, claims a strong and romantic history. But our alternative press also has a strong past, harking back to the days of the great general strikes and the anti-conscription movement, which were all captured in detail by the radical working-class press. Similarly, the counter-culture publications of the late 1960s and 1970s recorded and reflected a time of major social change and upheaval in our nation. This paper is principally an overview of the Australian alternative press, past and present, and is part of a larger study of the contemporary Australian alternative press. The study identifies 28 alternative publications and surveys editors' and journalists' attitudes to issues of objectivity, news values, ethics and news-gathering practices. A look at the alternative press industry has revealed publications with an overwhelming commitment to ‘filling in the gaps’ left by the mainstream, and providing context to issues which are generally given cursory treatment by the dailies.
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Yousefi, Najm al-Din. "Division and Discord among the Shia ʿUlamāʾ: New Lights on the Failure of the 1927 Anti-Conscription Movement in Iran". Iranian Studies 50, nr 5 (29.06.2017): 705–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210862.2017.1336588.
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Danielson, Leilah. "“It Is a Day of Judgment”: The Peacemakers, Religion, and Radicalism in Cold War America". Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 18, nr 2 (2008): 215–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2008.18.2.215.
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AbstractThis article argues that Christian beliefs and concerns shaped the political culture of anti-nuclear activism in the early years of the Cold War. It focuses in particular on the origins of the Peacemakers, a group founded in 1948 by a mostly Protestant group of radical pacifists to oppose conscription and nuclear proliferation. Like others who came of age in the interwar years, the Peacemakers questioned the Enlightenment tradition, with its emphasis on reason and optimism about human progress, and believed that liberal Protestantism had accommodated itself too easily to the values of modern, secular society. But rather than adopt the “realist” framework of their contemporaries, who gave the United States critical support in its Cold War with the Soviet Union, radicals developed a politics of resistance rooted in a Christian framework in which repentance for dropping atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki was the first step toward personal and national redemption. Although they had scant influence on American policymakers or the public in the early years of the Cold War, widespread opposition to nuclear testing and U.S. foreign policy in the late 1950s and 1960s launched them into leadership roles in campaigns for nuclear disarmament and peace.
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Yorke, Edmund. "The Spectre of a Second Chilembwe: Government, Missions, and Social Control in Wartime Northern Rhodesia, 1914–18". Journal of African History 31, nr 3 (listopad 1990): 373–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700031145.
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The 1915 Chilembwe Rising in Nyasaland had important political repercussions in the neighbouring colonial territory of Northern Rhodesia, where fears were raised among the Administration about the activities of African school teachers attached to the thirteen mission denominations then operating in the territory. These anxieties were heightened for the understaffed and poorly-financed British South Africa Company administration by the impact of the war-time conscription of Africans and the additional demands made by war-time conditions upon the resources of the Company. Reports of anti-war activities by African teachers attached to the Dutch Reformed Church in the East Luangwa District convinced both the Northern Rhodesian and the imperial authorities of the imperative need to strictly regulate the activities of its black mission-educated elite. Suspected dissident teachers were arrested, while others were diverted into military service where their activities could be more closely supervised. With the 1918 Native Schools Proclamation, the Administration laid down strict regulations for the appointment and employment of African mission teachers. The proclamation aroused the vehement opposition of the mission societies who, confronted by war-time European staff shortages, had come to rely heavily upon their African teachers to maintain their educational work. The emergence in late 1918 of the patently anti-colonial Watch Tower movement, which incorporated many African mission employees within its leadership, weakened the opposition of the missions, and served to consolidate the administration's perception of the African teachers as a dangerous subversive force. Strong measures were implemented by the administration soon after the end of the war, with large numbers of Watch Tower adherents being arrested and detained.
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Wang, J., M. Dey, L. Soldati, M. G. Weiss, G. Gmel i M. Mohler-Kuo. "Psychiatric disorders, suicidality, and personality among young men by sexual orientation". European Psychiatry 29, nr 8 (październik 2014): 514–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.eurpsy.2014.05.001.
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AbstractPersonality and its potential role in mediating risk of psychiatric disorders and suicidality are assessed by sexual orientation, using data collected among young Swiss men (n = 5875) recruited while presenting for mandatory military conscription. Mental health outcomes were analyzed by sexual attraction using logistic regression, controlling for five-factor model personality traits and socio-demographics. Homo/bisexual men demonstrated the highest scores for neuroticism-anxiety but the lowest for sociability and sensation seeking, with no differences for aggression-hostility. Among homo/bisexual men, 10.2% fulfilled diagnostic criteria for major depression in the past 2 weeks, 10.8% for ADHD in the past 12 months, 13.8% for lifetime anti-social personality disorder (ASPD), and 6.0% attempted suicide in the past 12 months. Upon adjusting (AOR) for personality traits, their odds ratios (OR) for major depression (OR = 4.78, 95% CI 2.81–8.14; AOR = 1.46, 95% CI 0.80–2.65) and ADHD (OR = 2.17, 95% CI = 1.31–3.58; AOR = 1.00, 95% CI 0.58–1.75) lost statistical significance, and the odds ratio for suicide attempt was halved (OR = 5.10, 95% CI 2.57–10.1; AOR = 2.42, 95% CI 1.16–5.02). There are noteworthy differences in personality traits by sexual orientation, and much of the increased mental morbidity appears to be accounted for by such underlying differences, with important implications for etiology and treatment.
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Bezugolny, Alexey. "The Manning of Polish Troops in the USSR and the First Polish Army: Problems of Ethnicity and Nationality, 1943–1945". Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, nr 4 (2022): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640021034-5.
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The author analyses the intricate process of recruitment of privates and non-commissioned (sub-officer) personnel for the Polish troops, transformed into the First Polish Army in July 1944, in the USSR in May 1943. The re-establishment of the Polish Army in the Soviet Union was linked not only to the tasks of expanding the anti-Hitler front, but also to a broader strategy of restructuring the Polish statehood on the principles of mutually beneficial military-political cooperation with the Soviet Union. The new Polish army was being built under constantly changing military-strategic and international political circumstances, which had a direct impact on its personnel composition and manning conditions. Mobilisations for the Polish army went through three very different stages, from conscription among the Polish population repressed in the pre-war period, to mobilisations in the liberated territories of western Belarus and Ukraine, and finally to mobilisations in the liberated territories of Poland itself. As it evolved, organisationally and numerically, the Polish Army's personnel became progressively more multi-ethnic and of less defined civilian status. The resolution of these problems required joint solutions with the newly emerging left-wing political forces and the Polish military command. The article draws on published sources and materials from Russian archives, primarily the Central Archive of the Ministry of Defence of the Russian Federation, which have not previously been used in the study of Soviet-Polish military cooperation during the Second World War.
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Mitrofanov, Andrey. "“Alpine Vendée”. Transformation of the Popular Protest in Savoy, 1793". Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, nr 5 (2022): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640019935-6.
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The author examines the course, forms and causes of the defeat of the anti-republican uprisings in the lands of the former Duchy of Savoy, annexed to France during the Revolution of the eighteenth century. The aim of the study is to analyse the transformation of popular protest in Savoy over the course of 1793. The events of January–October 1793 are considered in this article in the light of the concept of the “popular counter-revolution”. The annexation of the Savoy to France was strongly supported by its population, but immediately after the introduction of the civil system of the clergy and the circulation of banknotes, the social situation in the region came to a head. The decree of the French National Convention on mass conscription into the republican army also contributed to the social upheaval. The protest had its own characteristics and evolved from a traditional form of rebellion to a local civil war, in which a simple political programme of the rebels also emerged. However, the peasants were unprepared to participate in hostilities, had no military experience, and the forces and resources of the Sardinian army were limited. Realising that the plan to return Savoy under the rule of the king by the end of September 1793 was unworkable, the troops had to return to Piedmont. The restoration of the Republican rule over the rebellious department marked the beginning of a policy of revolutionary terror in Savoy.
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Akurang-Parry, K. O. "“A Smattering of Education” and Petitions as Sources: A Study of African Slaveholders' Responses to Abolition in the Gold Coast Colony, 1874–1875". History in Africa 27 (styczeń 2000): 39–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172106.
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By the mid-nineteenth century African societies had begun to use petitions as an instrument of agitation for reforms in nascent colonial policies. This was especially true of those societies located in the coastal enclaves where precolonial European and diasporic African influences were markedly profound. Compared with other African responses to European colonial rule, anti-colonial petitions are less spectacular. This explains, perhaps-deservingly so, why petitions or memorials, which also took the form of deputations, as a historical genre have been marginalized in the polemical studies of African responses to colonial rule. Such studies have included militant responses in the form of war, riots, social banditry, millennarianism, arson, strikes, avoidance of conscription, desertion, and mass migration. Other forms of African response, devoid of militancy or overly tumultuous actions, have been aptly described by James C. Scott as the Weapons of the Weak. These have included foot-dragging, the use of songs, and the protest politics of the indigenous African press.This study deals with how slaveholders in the Gold Coast responded to British abolition of slavery and pawnship in the Gold Coast in 1874-75. Specifically, I examine how the African intelligentsia in the Gold Coast Colony used quasi-legal means, essentially petitions, to oppose abolition and emancipation of slaves and pawns. This opposition was undertaken on behalf of slave/pawnholders, including the indigenous rulers of the coast, especially the Fante region. Additionally, the study draws attention to Africans' use of petitions as an important historical source that can benefit the study of various aspects of colonial rule and facets of African responses.
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Kreiner, Jared. "Overburdened Gauls: the case of Florus and Sacrovir’s revolt of 21 CE". Journal of Ancient History 9, nr 1 (1.06.2021): 147–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jah-2019-0029.
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Abstract In 21 CE, a series of localized movements broke out in Gallia Comata due to heavy debts among provincials according to Tacitus. Modern scholars have long argued that the indebtedness occurred because of rising interest rates, resulting from dwindling currency in circulation after decades of free-spending following Augustus’ victory at Actium, and that Gallic communities were subjected to an additional tribute to support the wars of Germanicus (14–16 CE), which continued unabated after the wars and pushed Gauls beyond their means. These claims are misguided, however, in that there is no certain evidence of a special tax to support Germanicus’ wars and that the argument for a dwindling circulation of currency in Gaul falters under closer inspection. Rather, the pressing statal and military needs imposed on communities in Gallia Comata after 9 CE on top of routine exactions could significantly increase burden levels levied on provincial populations, thus contributing to rising debts. Through examining how Roman logistics and conscription operated in this period, it is possible to trace how populations were impacted by such demands and which communities were most heavily affected by them, too. Individually, the impact of each factor is unlikely to have been burdensome enough to have caused large-scale resistance, it is only the cumulative effect that these explanations had on top of routine Roman extraction schemes that could create the conditions for this revolt. This paper argues that in extraordinary circumstances, such as the period after the Varian Disaster for Gallia Comata, the costs of supporting military campaigns places real short-term strains on local economies, which creates the conditions for revolt. The benefit of this approach is that it may explain other episodes of anti-fiscal resistance that broke out during or within a decade of wars in neighboring regions.
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Dotor Robayo, María Victoria. "Soldados indios: la “cuota de sangre” del Estado Soberano de Boyacá en el proceso de formación del Ejército Federal y del Ejército de la Unión Colombiana". HiSTOReLo. Revista de Historia Regional y Local 4, nr 8 (1.07.2012): 73–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.15446/historelo.v4n8.27560.
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El presente artículo tiene por objeto realizar un análisis social de la conformación del Ejército en el Estado Soberano de Boyacá. Partiendo de una interpretación política del liberalismo radical, se cuestionan los límites de este proyecto de marcado criterio civilista y antimilitar, pero que se vio abocado al ejercicio de la fuerza para defender su régimen, y por tanto tuvo que crear tropas, batallones, ejércitos e ir a la guerra. Prácticas en las que se hicieron evidentes los límites del liberalismo radical al recurrir a formas de reclutamiento contrarias a su discurso civilizador de formación de ciudadanía. Se visibiliza la figura del soldado boyacense como principal componente de las tropas de la Guardia Nacional, el que era reclutado en ejercicio de la discriminación étnica, regional y de clase, figura imprescindible en la comprensión de las guerras partidistas por la definición y construcción del Estado nacional colombiano.Palabras clave: liberalismo radical, ejercito, reclutamiento, soldado campesino, conscripción, Boyacá.Indian Soldiers: the "Share of Blood" of the Estado Soberano de Boyaca in the Formation Process of the Federal Army and the Army of the Colombian UnionAbstractThis article aims to make a social analysis on the formation of the Army in the Sovereign State of Boyacá. On the basis of a political interpretation of the radical liberalism, the limits of this proposal for marking criterion anti-military civil were questioned, but the exercise of force to defend its project was devoted, and therefore had to create troops, battalions, armies to go to war. Practices in which the limits of radical liberalism became evident to use forms of recruitment contrary to its civilizing discourse of citizenship training. It makes visible the figure of the “boyacense” soldier as main component of National Guard troops, which was recruited in exercise of the ethnic, regional and social discrimination, an essential figure in the understanding of the definition partisan wars and building of the Colombian national state.Keywords: radical liberalism, army recruitment, peasant soldier, conscription, Boyacá.
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Twig, Gilad, Inbar Zucker, Yair Zloof, Yaron Cohen, Aya Bardugo, Avishai Tsur, Miri Lutski i in. "RF28 | PSUN302 Obesity at Late Adolescence and Incident Type 1 Diabetes in Young Adulthood". Journal of the Endocrine Society 6, Supplement_1 (1.11.2022): A429—A430. http://dx.doi.org/10.1210/jendso/bvac150.893.
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Abstract Aims Studies in children reported an association between increased body mass index (BMI) and risk for developing type 1 diabetes (T1D), but evidence in late adolescence is limited. We recently investigated the association between adolescent BMI and type 2 diabetes in young adulthood (Diabetes Care 2020, 43(7): 1487-95) and here we studied on the same cohort the association between late adolescent BMI and incident T1D. Methods All Israeli adolescents, ages 16-19, undergoing medical evaluation in preparation for mandatory military conscription between January 1996 and December 2016 were included for analysis unless they had a history of dysglycemia (n=1,462,362; 40% women). Data were linked to information about adult onset of T1D in the Israeli National Diabetes Registry. Weight and height were measured at study entry and BMI was computed and transformed to age- and sex-adjusted BMI percentiles according to US Center for Diseases Control. The definition of T1D was determined based on anti-diabetic drugs and was confirmed for a subpopulation of the cohort to which islet autoantibodies data were available. Cox proportional models were applied, with BMI analyzed both as a categorical and continuous variable. Results There were 777 incident cases of T1D during 15,810,751 person-years (mean age at diagnosis 25.2±3.9 years). The median follow-up period was 11.2 years (IQR 5.8-16.3), with follow-up length shorter for individuals with a higher BMI. The crude diabetes rate showed a consistent graded increase across BMI groups from underweight to obesity; 3.6 to 8.4 cases per 100,000 person-years, respectively. In a multivariable model adjusted for age, sex and socio-demographic variables, the hazard ratios (HRs) for T1D were 1.05 (95% CI 0.87-1.27) for the 50th–74th BMI percentiles, 1.41 (1.11–1.78) for the 75th–84th BMI percentiles, 1.54 (1.23–1.94) for adolescents with overweight (85th–94th percentiles), and 2.05 (1.58–2.66) for adolescents with obesity (BMI≥95th percentile)(reference group, 5th-49th BMI percentile group). One increment in BMI standard deviation was associated with 25% greater risk for incidence of T1D (HR=1.25, 95%CI 1.17-1.32). when the presence of one or multiple (≥2) islet antibodies was added as a criterion for T1D definition, the HRs among those with adolescent obesity were 2.90 (1.80-4.68) and 3.14 (1.68-5.88) respectively. Results were marginally affected by level of adjustment for sociodemographic background, were similar when analysis was stratified by sex, and also persisted when the study population was limited to adolescents with unimpaired health in order to mitigate confounding by coexisting illness. The fraction of type 1 diabetes attributed to adolescent overweight and obesity (Population attributable risk%; PAR%) was 10.1% (95%CI 6.3%-14.2%). Conclusions Adolescent overweight and obesity in apparently healthy adolescents were associated with increased risk for incident type 1 diabetes in early adulthood. Presentation: Sunday, June 12, 2022 12:30 p.m. - 2:30 p.m., Monday, June 13, 2022 1:24 p.m. - 1:30 p.m.
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Destenay, Emmanuel. "Future directions in rural history: Ireland, the First World War and the search for historical evidence". Rural History, 9.12.2022, 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793322000255.
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Abstract A social history of Ireland (encompassing rural communities) is needed if historians are to fully come to terms with what really happened between 1914 and 1918 and to properly tackle the question of ‘consent’ and ‘constraint’ in relation to the war effort. In addition, historians need to devote a comprehensive book-length research to the April 1918 Conscription Crisis in Ulster (but more generally to the anti-conscription movement in Ulster), determining if the urban/rural – Belfast/countryside divide existed (and, if so, what its magnitude was). Finally, in a few years’ time, anyone will be able to say if the Republic of Ireland of today opted to anchor the global conflict in the collective memory of its people, or if the Centenary of the First World War was just a politically motivated parenthesis to commemorate a lost generation that still struggles to find its rightful place in modern Irish history.
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McCarthy, Scott Denis. "Popery, Politics, and Prejudice: Anti-Catholic Sentiment during Australia’s Great War Conscription Debates". Australian Historical Studies, 21.11.2022, 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1031461x.2022.2135747.
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Ong, Wei Jie, Chong Min Janrius Goh, Gregory Tee Hng Tan, Shazana Shahwan i Mythily Subramaniam. "A qualitative enquiry on the impact of mental illness stigma on caregiving role and experiences in Singapore". Frontiers in Psychiatry 15 (8.07.2024). http://dx.doi.org/10.3389/fpsyt.2024.1417514.
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IntroductionGiven that mental illness stigma is a common occurrence amongst people with mental illness and caregivers (CGs) can be a potential victim of stigma themselves, there is a need to examine caregivers’ perspective on the phenomenon. This study is part of a larger study which aims to qualitatively examine the concept of mental illness stigma amongst different stakeholders in Singapore.MethodsFocus group discussions (FGDs) were conducted amongst 21 informal caregivers to explore the experience of stigma encountered by them and their care recipients, and how it may implicate their caregiving experience. Both inductive and deductive thematic analyses were employed to analyze the data.ResultsThree overarching themes of stigma encounters that may have implication on caregiving experience were identified: 1) Stigma within the family; 2) Structural stigma; and 3) Stigma by association. Experience of stigma within family (e.g., social exclusion and lack of understanding) limits the caregiving supports available to CGs. CGs also took up a mediating role between their care recipients and other family who may hold stigmatizing views. Witnessing their care recipients being subjected to structural disadvantages (e.g., employment, school, and mandatory conscription) can induce emotional stresses amongst CGs and motivate them to protest and seek redress on their behalf. Furthermore, encounters of stigma themselves (e.g., being judged or blamed for their loved one’s condition) also led to feelings of guilt and self-blame amongst the CGs.DiscussionThese findings can aid the formulation of interventions in informing CGs on what to expect on their caregiving journey and supporting them in dealing with issues relating to stigma and highlight the importance of anti-stigma efforts in organizational settings such as schools, corporations, and government agencies.
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Panov, A., A. Zobov, A. Kuzin, A. Kucherov i S. Nikishov. "FEATURES OF EMERGING MORBIDITY PATTERN FOR VARIOUS CATEGORIES OF MILITARY PERSONNEL WITH ACUTE RESPIRATORY INFECTIONS OF THE UPPER RESPIRATORY TRACT." Russian Journal of Infection and Immunity, 9.10.2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.15789/2220-7619-fof-1428.
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Here we provide insights into conditions behind developing morbidity pattern in various categories of military personnel (a call-up for military service in military units and compounds, as well as cadets in military educational organizations of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation) with acute respiratory infections of the upper respiratory tract, having the greatest military-epidemiological importance for almost all military contingents.After investigating literary data, two groups of conditions for emerging disease patterns of acute respiratory infections of the upper respiratory tract have been identified: external (related to the impact of specific factors of military service on military personnel) and internal (related to the peculiarities of individual susceptibility to infections). Based on the results of the retrospective epidemiological analysis on incidence of acute respiratory infections of the upper respiratory tract, the peculiarities of the course of the epidemic process for infectious diseases among military personnel performing military service on conscription in military units and compounds, as well as in the Military Medical Academy named after S.M.Kirov for in the years 2011-2017 are shown. It is shown that the intra-annual dynamics of morbidity (according to the average monthly indicators) was uneven and formed two clearly shaped seasonal rises, significantly exceeding the upper limit of the year-round morbidity. At the same time, differences in the organization of educational and performance activities of different categories of military personnel have been identified, which have different effects on shaping morbidity. According to the 2011-2017 results of retrospective epidemiological analysis of personalized morbidity for cadets of the Military Medical Academy named after S.M.Kirov and comparative attendance analysis on revealed cases, the presence and relatively stable portion of military personnel who were more likely to have acute respiratory infections of the upper respiratory tract during entire 6-year training period is shown.Based on the results of the analysis of the calculated average annual incidence of diseases with acute respiratory infections of the upper respiratory tract, it was established that the distribution of cadets within the examined faculties of the S.M.Kirov Military Medical Academy was uneven in accordance with the four selected groups on the average annual disease incidence. There were highlighted cadets often sick and rarely acute respiratory infections of the upper respiratory tract. The results of the combined socio-psychological study in groups of frequent and rare sick cadets are presented, showing individual signs and behavioural features, according to which individual soldiers can be classified as contingents of increased susceptibility risk to acute respiratory infections of the upper respiratory tract for organizing personalized sanitary and anti-epidemic (preventive) measures.