Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Andrew's Church (Norwich, England)”

AbstractThe aim of this article is to illustrate the importance of employing archival sources in order to identify when and to what extent a language was used during a particular period in history. It takes as an example Trudgill’s claim that from about 1565, as a result of immigration by Dutch and French speakers from the Low Countries, Norwich was a trilingual city for as much as two hundred years. After a brief description of multilingualism in early modern England and an analysis of the term trilingual, it discusses how Trudgill uses secondary sources to substantiate his claim. The article then challenges this claim, by employing archival material in order to assess how long after 1565 Dutch and French continued to be used in Norwich in the most important social domains: the church, the home, education, the work domain, the law and literature. What emerges is that although certain functions within the church domain continued to be performed in these languages into the eighteenth century, as a result of language shift and attrition, Norwich ceased to be trilingual in any meaningful sense by the middle of the seventeenth century.

The English Catholic apologist John Heigham (1568–1632) deserves to be better known in light of the significant historical consequences of his efforts in the field of Catholic apologetics. Heigham’s tract, The Gagge of the Reformed Gospel (1623) accused the Reformed Church in England of heresy and innovation and summoned the readers back to the Roman Catholic Church. This work was answered by Richard Montagu (1577–1641), the future bishop of Chichester and Norwich in his book, A New Gagg for an Old Goose (1624). Montagu’s book provoked a storm of controversy within the Church of England because the author simultaneously replied to Heigham’s Catholic arguments and attacked Calvinism within the Church of England, which he labelled ‘Puritanism’. A series of books attacking Montagu were then published by English Calvinists who accused Montagu of popery and of betrayal of the Reformed cause. These disputes contributed to the Calvinist/Arminian division within the Anglican Church, a religious controversy that was one of the contributing causes of the English Civil War. Thus the seed planted by Heigham’s tract grew into a forest of religious controversies and ended in a war. This article summarizes the content of Heigham’s tract and the principal ideas of his Catholic apologetics, after recounting the main events of Heigham’s little known life. Then Montagu’s response will be surveyed and the reactions it spawned.

AbstractTwo late fifteenth-century rood-screen panels in Sparham church, near Norwich, display images of corpses that are apparently unique in surviving medieval art. One is painted with two standing corpses dressed in finery, the other with a corpse arising from a tomb within a church, with a font to one side. Both panels are notable for their surviving inscriptions, and others now lost. Together, these works constitute one of the most significant English contributions to the genre of death imagery, yet their uniqueness and artistic importance has not been recognized to date. Using a range of medieval and antiquarian sources, this article aims to provide a comprehensive account of the Sparham panels’ physical and historical context, iconography and meaning. The strong possibility that they functioned as a ‘surrogate sepulchral monument’ is discussed at the end of the paper.

Recently it has been suggested that fundamental disagreements over the theology of grace had little impact upon parish life in early Stuart England. However, by considering the local circumstances and wider national repercussions of an open debate over predestination in the 1630s between two Norwich lecturers, William Bridge and John Chappell, this article will argue the contrary. It will show that the public nature of the clash between Bridge and Chappell, examined by the church courts, ensured that predestination became a politically divisive issue within Norwich's parishes on the eve of the English Civil War.

The basis for this article was a paper given at the Annual Symposium of the Costume Society in Norwich in 1998, on the theme of religious dress. It has been expanded with further research. This article traces the history and development of special dress worn for the sacraments of confirmation and first communion in the Church of England and the Roman Catholic Church. Before the 1850s no special dress was required; the growth of the fashion for increasingly elaborate white dresses and veils post-1850 seems to have been fostered by the growing affluence of the middle classes and by the fashion press. Special dress for Anglican confirmation declined in popularity in the later twentieth century, while dress for Catholic first communion, in contrast, has become, like dress for weddings, an occasion for an orgy of consumerism.

Early in the fifteenth century, Thomas of Elmham, who grew up in Norfolk and became a monk of St Augustine’s abbey, Canterbury, began to write and illustrate an ambitious history of his monastery. It may be that his interest in history arose from his early years at Elmham, site of the see of East Anglia in late Anglo-Saxon times. This could explain why he became a monk at the oldest monastic establishment in England instead of at the local Benedictine houses, such as Bury St Edmunds, Ely, or Norwich. Clearly he developed his historical interests at St Augustine’s with its ancient books and relics, even though, apart from the chapel of St Pancras and St Martin’s church nearby, pre-Conquest buildings were no longer to be seen.

When John Edward of Brington in Northamptonshire abjured heresy in the ‘Greneyerd’ of Norwich cathedral close on Palm Sunday 1405, he was presented to the gathered crowds as a living example of the dangers of diversity in the Christian faith. Because heresy was feared as a fundamental challenge to doctrine, authority, and social harmony, the agents of Church and crown went to great lengths in the period between 1382 and the Reformation to advertise its depravity and illegality. The anti-heresy message was not, however, a simple one, and the judicial performances that constitute the Church’s propaganda campaign on this issue sometimes used highly equivocal rhetoric and images. In these performances heresy was capable of being represented as a minority sectarian problem, or one diffused throughout society. In truth it was both, and so the anti-heresy message had to encompass much more nuance than one might imagine. This essay focuses on the campaign against the lollards in late medieval England, in particular John Edward’s staged abjuration, which is recorded in a letter sent by the presiding bishop, Henry Despenser, to his archbishop, Thomas Arundel. This certification presents a compelling tableau vivant encompassing the penitent, the crowds, and the authorities of Church, crown, and city. In their efforts to stage-manage the abjuration of heresy, however, these authorities had not only to navigate the complexity of anti-heretical rhetoric and present it to a large audience, but, perhaps more importantly, had to overcome considerable rancour and division within their own ranks, to present a unified front against the threat of heresy. For they had to show diat there was a unity from which heretics were deviating. Edward’s abjuration, therefore, offered an important opportunity to demonstrate repentance, and to invite the clergy and people of Norwich to consider the dangers posed by their own tendencies towards disunity.

A memorial for Mary, Queen of Scots, and for two of her ladies-in-waiting, Barbara Mowbray-Curle, wife of Gilbert Curle, a secretary of the queen, and her sister-in-law, Elizabeth Curle is kept in St Andrew's Church in Antwerp (Belgium). The monument was founded by Barbara's son, Hippolytus. After the execution of the queen the ladies left England and settled first in Paris and afterwards in Antwerp. The article concentrates on the two sons of Barbara, who became Jesuits. Little is known about the elder, James. He died in 1615 in Spain, probably still a Jesuit student. The younger one, Hippolytus (who died in 1638), acted as a manager in the Scots College in Douai (France). He is praised as one of the principal benefactors of the college. More particularly the article comments on the testament he drew up when he joined the Jesuit order in September 1618, of which an authenticated copy is kept in the Scottish Catholic Archives. It offers a telling insight into the situation of the Curle-Mowbray family in exile. It reveals also the family's major concern: the restoration of Catholicism in Scotland through the training of a suitable clergy.

This paper explores Julian of Norwich’s experience of divine love through her understanding of “poynte,” culminating in her mystical revelation of the blood of Jesus. In the medieval context of plague, war, and hopelessness, Julian experiences the blood of Jesus on the cross present in the Eucharist as a place of safety and joy, something which can speak to the contemporary reader during this time of pandemic, racial strife, and global pessimism. First, the stage is set by historically examining the socio-cultural milieu of fourteenth-century England, mystical spirituality, and sacramental practice of the Eucharist in the medieval Church. Next, the image of blood as it relates to Julian Norwich’s idea of time expressed as “poynte” in her Showings is presented to illuminate the transformation of suffering into God’s great love which upends all social and religious barriers to unify people in neighborly love. Contemporary implications are made for viewing the Eucharist as icon of remembrance through which Christ is experienced in his suffering at a kingdom table of divine love for a world that suffers and bleeds. Julian of Norwich presents visions of healing, restoration, and theosis where all of humanity’s wounds are healed by Jesus’ bloody wounds. In a Eucharistic preview of the festal banquet of kingdom shalom, Julian’s vision of divine love as a place of safety and joy inform a present Eucharistic table where all are welcome for Jesus is present with his suffering ones and iconically in the faces of his wounded children gathered around the table.

The topic of my research is the Hungarian students at the universities of England and Scotland in the modem age (1789-1914). In this topic, prof. emer. George Gömöri carried on research-work on Hungarian students in England and Scotland (16—17th century) and there are other researchers and historians who are concerned with making scientific investigations on H ungarian and Transylvanian students abroad like Richard Hörcsik and Agnes Simovits. Moreover, regarding to the Transylvanian Unitarians: Elisabeth Zsakó and Andrew Kovács have to be mentioned. My research includes the studies of students from the Hungarian Kingdom and from Transylvania. I burrowed in sources and I collected references and trying to find all of the H ungarian students who studied in England and Scotland during the long 19th century. First of all I examined the matriculation books of Oxford and Cambridge which contain facts about the students’ birth-places, nationality or their origin, the date of entry, and their fathers' name. I also checked the registers of the colleges in w hich I found the same data. Furthermore, I burrowed in the documents of the H ungarian Protestant church districts, especially the documents of foreign affairs and of the educational administration. I also searched through the annual reports of Universities. After all I completed my data from different encyclopedias, like Pallas, Szinnyei's or Révai's. During the long 19th century 13 English and 4 Scottish universities existed. I found H ungarian and Transylvanian students in 4 English universities and in all the Scottish ones. Altogether there were 226 students. A couple of them studied in more universities. In England: 138. In London: 70, in Cambridge: 32, in Oxford: 30, in Manchester: 1, the target universities of 5 students are unknown. In Scotland: 101. In Edinburgh: 91, in Aberdeen: 5, in Glasgow: 3, in St. Andrew's: 2. (I mention that during my research I found 2 other Hungarian students who studied in Belfast.) Before 1860 we can't talk about the flow of students, according to my research there were only 10 students. 1 have to emphasize that my research has not been finished yet, consequently the num bers may change in the future. Studying in England and in Scotland wouldn't have been possible without the foreign or the home scholarships and foundations. I found that the greater part (more than 50 per cent) of the students who studied in England and in Scotland, traveled and studied with the assistance of English and Scottish foundations. More than 80 of the Hungarian students learnt theology at the Neu> College in Edinburgh, where a foundation was founded in 1863 for H ungarian and Czech reformed theological students; which granted 50 pounds per capital for 2 people from both of the countries in every year. Another foundation existed for Transylvanian Unitarians by the Manchester New College which institute was situated in London, than in 1889 it moved to Oxford. This college welcome 20 Transylvanian Unitarians who studied theology, pedagogy and other arts. For Transylvanian Unitarian women there was another scholarship - so-called the Sharpefoundation - in London at the Charming House School, which made possible for 16 Transylvanian women to study different studies in England between 1892 and 1914. Besides these foreign foundations there were H ungarian ecclesiastical relief funds which helped students who would have liked to study in England and Scotland. I found Szalapfoundation among the documents of the Trans-Danubian Church District. In other church districts there were other aids about 200 korona/crowns per capital and in special cases the church district awarded 400 crowns to a student to cover his travel expenses. In H ungary there were other foundations at the universities to maintain the students who wanted to study in England. After having finished their studies in Hungary, the medical students could gain experiences in England with the Benc-travelling-scholarship and w ith the Schordann-scholarship. In the early years of the 20th century medical students studied at the universities of England and Scotland for 2 years in general. Tor engineers there was the Abraham Ganz scholarship which made the way free to England. Furthermore, I found a Joseph Ferenc jubilee scholarship, it was the foundation of the city of Budapest which made possible for students to study abroad, especially in London. Besides these, other state-foundation existed for students. The religious distribution of the students is the following: Reformed: 100, Unitarian: 38, Catholic: 6, Jew: 8, Evangelical: 4. It can be ascertained that the greater part of the students were reformed and Unitarian who according to my research studied theology at the universities of England and Scotland. Regarding the origin of the students, more than 22% came from Transylvania. The 50% of the Transylvanians chose London as a destination. It is worth examining what kind of jobs they took and what kind of articles and books they wrote in connection with their English and Scottish studies after they had returned from England or from Scotland. The majority became teachers and pastors. First of all they examined the educational system of England and Scotland, secondly they saw the renewal of the Free Church of Scotland so they played an important role in the changes of the Hungarian Reformed Church. For instance the new institution whereas priests are working in prisons came from Scotland too. Owing to the fact that there were H ungarians who studied medical science in England, they acquainted H ungary with new scientific achievements. Those who became the m asters of English language found employment in diplomacy or they became interpreters and translators. As a result of their works, the writings of Darwin, John Stuart Mill and Shakespeare could be read in Hungarian. Those who got job in connection with politics or law, examined the Anglo-Saxon system of law and the English parliamentarism. They wrote books about the comparison of the H ungarian and English system of government, also about the international law ... etc. A m ong the Hungarian engineers Andrew Veress w ho finished his studies in England took part in building the first Romanian railway. What is more, the botanist, paleontologist and mineralogist Elek Pávai Vajna, who originated from Transylvania, studied natural sciencies in England. O n top of all, the famous Asia-scientist Aurel Stein studied in England too. Thanked to other students who were engaged in horticulture the English style of parks became know n in H ungary. As a conclusion I w ould like to summarise my experiences. The revealed data shows that the m ajor part of Hungarian students who studied in England and Scotland, were Reformed theological men students w ho studied with the aid of foreign foundations after 1860. W ithout a scholarship it was hard to get to England and Scotland, because of the distance and the other reason w as that the University of Cambridge and Oxford w ere elite schools and too expensive for Hungarians. In these schools the members of H ungarian aristocratic families could study like Ziehy s, Batthyány's, Esterházy's and Festetics’s. Thanked to their foreign studies the Hungarian students brought back the new scientific achievem ents and knowledge from England/Scotland w hich led to the modernization and scientific renewal of Hungary.

The Reverend Charles Grenfell Nicolay (1815-1897) made an important contribution to early geological work in Western Australia as a scientific adviser to the Colonial government and founder of the Colony's first public collection of rocks, minerals and fossils. During his early career he taught geography at King's and Queen's Colleges in London, before leaving London in 1858 to serve as the Anglican Church Chaplain to the British residents in the city of Salvador, Bahia, Brazil. We describe here some of his geological activities in Brazil over the period 1858-1869. He assisted Charles Frederick Hartt (1840-1878) and Louis Agassiz (1807-1873) on the Thayer Expedition of 1865-1866 in their geological investigations of the province of Bahia, most notably providing geological descriptions of the diamond deposits of the Chapada Diamantina, then a diamond province of world importance. After returning to England, he presented his findings on the Chapada Diamantina to the British Association for the Advancement of Science meeting in Norwich in 1868. From May to August 1869, he made a brief return visit to Brazil acting as a geological advisor to the Brazilian Turba Company, who were hoping to exploit bituminous sedimentary deposits adjacent to the Bahia de Camamu, Bahia, in the production of oil and gas. Following his arrival in Western Australia, he corresponded with the Reverend William B. Clarke (1798-1878), in 1871-1872, on the subject of Brazilian diamonds, as Clarke sought to understand the diamond occurrences in eastern Australia. Through Clarke, Nicolay's description of the geology of the Chapada Diamantina was circulated to the Australian scientific community.

Trinity Hall, Cambridge was founded in 1350 by William Bateman, Bishop of Norwich, for the study of canon law and civil law, as provided in its statutes. It later developed a direct connection with Doctors’ Commons in London, the College of Advocates practising in the church and admiralty courts. In the period 1512–1856, of the 462 admitted as advocates, 85 were from the Hall, including 15 masters and 45 fellows. From 1558 to 1857, the Hall had 9 out of about 25 Deans of Arches: two under Elizabeth, three at the end of the seventeenth century, three in the eighteenth century and one in the nineteenth. It has also provided more than 24 diocesan chancellors. As a result, within Cambridge University, Trinity Hall became the ‘nursery for civilians’, and the usual home for the Regius Professor of Civil Law. Among the first 12 of these (1540–1666), the Hall had 5. From 1666 to 1873, all of the next 12 holders were Trinity Hall by origin or adoption. Uniquely, all four of those holding this chair from 1757 to 1847 were clergy. These included Samuel Hallifax, Regius Professor of Civil Law 1770–1782. What follows deals with the life and career of Hallifax; his legal treatise An Analysis of the Roman Civil Law Compared with the Laws of England (with particular reference to its treatment of ecclesiastical law), its use and later editions; and the part played by it in a development which saw Trinity Hall become the centre for the new Civil Law classes (1816–1857), the forerunner of the modern Cambridge Law Tripos.

AbstractA recent trend in historiography on the Dutch Revolt is to examine the role of transnational networks and how the positions and practices that exiles developed outside the Low Countries contributed to the Revolt and helped to shape the confessional landscape of the emerging Dutch Republic. A recent study by Silke Muylaert (2020) on migrant churches in England engages with this trend. One church that Muylaert analyses is the Flemish church in Norwich. This article builds on work on Norwich by Muylaert and other authors such as Raingard Esser to analyse the transnational networks to which members of the Norwich community belonged and the positions and practices that they developed, which contributed to events before and at the start of the Dutch Revolt, and specifically to shaping the nascent Dutch Reformed Church.It does so in four ways. First, it analyses the prosopographies of exiles who returned to the Low Countries to participate in sectarian activities in the prelude to the Dutch Revolt. Second, it analyses the role of preachers in disputes that arose amongst the exiles about whether to support armed resistance against the Spanish in the Low Countries. Third, it examines the impact of publications printed in Norwich by exiles in the years immediately before the start of the Dutch Revolt. One important work first printed in Norwich was Den Ziekentroost (Comfort for the Sick), which became a key text for pastoral care in the Dutch Reformed Church. Fourth, the article analyses how exiles in Norwich helped to build up the Dutch Reformed Church and shape the confessional landscape in the Dutch Republic. Amongst the activities they engaged in were preaching, printing, bookselling, and translation.

/82/ IN The Name of God Amen I John Rastrick of Kings Lynn in the County of Norfolk Clerk being mindfull of my mortality and the uncertainty of this present Life and being Sommon'd by age and infirmities to bethink my Self of my Departure out of this world and having thro’ Gods mercy the free use of my reason and understanding Do make this my last Will and Testament, written all with my own hand in manner and form following first I Comitt my Soul into the hands of Jesus Christ my Glorified Redeemer and Intercessor and by his mediation into the hands of God my reconciled father with trust and hope of the heavenly felicity and my Body to be decently Interr'd without Unnecessary Expences at the Discretion of my Executrix in hopes of a glorious Resurrection to eternall Life thro’ the merits of Jesus Christ my Saviour and as Concerning that Earthly Estate wherewith God hath blessed me which I Shall leave behind me I dispose thereof as followeth Imprimis I doe hereby ratifye and confirm the Joynture that I have given to my dear wife Elizabeth by Indent bearing date the 29th day of May Anno Domini 1696 of my Estate in Heckington and Asgaby in the County of Lincoln willing that it goe according to the Tenor of the said Joynture and Settlement as also that Estate in Sutton St Marys and in Holland in Lincolnshire which Jane the quondam wife of James Horn Enjoyed as her Joynture by her said Husband and unto which my Son William Rastrick is heir at Law this (with the forementioned Estate at Heckington and Asgarby) I do hereby as far as I have power ratifye and confirm to the said my Son William as his Inheritance to be Enjoyed by him after the decease of his mother my present <dear> wife Elizabeth above mentioned Item I give and bequeath my now Dwelling house with the Gardens and appurtenances Situate lying and being in Spinner Lane in Kings Lynn in Norfolk aforesaid which I purchased of my good friend Mr John Williamson Deceased as also that Close or pasture conteining by Estimation four acres more or less lying in Kirkton near Boston in Lincolnshire near the gate called Forefen Stow which I bought of Gregory Mapleson late in the tenure of widow Lee of Brother Toft as also that three acres of pasture lying in Sutton St Marys in Holland in Lincolnshire aforesaid Given to my wife Elizabeth by her great uncle Mr John Horne /83/ of Lynn Regis in Norfolk aforesaid Unto my five Daughters Sarah Martha Hannah Ann and Deborah Willing and appointing that the said lands be sold and the money be Divided amongst them for their portions at the Discretion of their Mother my present dear wife Elizabeth aforesaid She having hereby bequeathed to her a power to Live in the said my mansion house in Spinner Lane in Lyn as long as She pleases and to retein or hold the other Lands in this paragraph bequeathed for her and her familys maintenance till her said Daughters Shall marry or be Some other honest way Disposed of by or with her their said Mothers liking and Consent and if any of them Dye before they be soe disposed of I will that the monys raised upon the said Lands be divided amongst the Survivors at her/their mothers Discretion Item my Will is that if my Son William Should Depart this Life having no family or heir of his own that then (after my wife Elizabeth's Decease) all my Estate and lands before mentioned or value of them when Sold (Excepting my four acres in Kirkton) shall be equally Divided amongst my Daughters aforesaid Share and Share like and if any of them die while Single her portion Shall be equally divided amongst her Surviving Sisters and my Will is that in case my Son William Should die without heir of his own Body that then the before Excepted four acres in Kirkton Shall be accounted no part of my Estate so Divided but it Shall be given and I hereby bequeath it in that case only to the Church of Kirkton in Holland aforesaid where I was Sometime Minister as an augmentation to the vicaridge there for Ever according to and by virtue of an act of parliament not Long Since made in such cases provided that is impowering and to make and so Setling such augmentactions and this Conditional provision I make partly in Consideration of a legacy once left me and given to me as minister there and partly also because my Daughters will in the said Case of their Brothers Death have Competent portions without the said pasture Item I give all my Books manuscripts mathematical Instruments Tellescopes Double Barometer and all other things whatsoever of that kind found in my study and parler adjoining Shelves Drawers Cases &c as also my picture done by Deconing To my Son William Rastrick provided and upon condition that he continue a minister and preacher of the Gospell whether in a Conforming or nonConforming Capacity But if he should not be a minister or Continue a preacher So that he shall have little occasion for them or Should depart this life in a Single State and leave no Son a Scholler to Enjoy them or capable of using them that my will is that if any pious learned Studious minister Conformist or non conformist Shall marry any of my Daughters he Shall have all my Books manuscripts &c before mentioned over and above what her portion as before provided or bequeathed Shall be But if that Should not be then my will is that yet my said Library shall not be auctioned out or Sold to any Booksellers but be disposed of to raise a publick Library for the use of the Dissenting Ministers in the City of Norwich leaving it to their liberty what (by Collection made) to give my Surviving Children for them or my Son William if he live and yet desist from preaching or the Dissenting ministers there for the time being may treat /84/ with the City and upon agreement for their own free use of it add my library to theirs selling the lesser of the Duplicates and with that mony buying Such Books as Shall yet be leanting to the whole and all to be managed at the Discretion of the said Dissenting ministers in Conjunction with an Equall number of the City Clergy whom they the Dissenting ministers shall chuse Item I give to my Son John Rastrick now or late in Carolina if he be yet living the Sum of five pounds of lawfull mony of England to be pay'd him within three months next after his return into England if he so return and also to his Children (if any such be prov'd to be) the Sum of twenty Shillings each to be paid them within the like terme after their arrival in England and if he or they Shall Settle and be diligent he in his Calling (which is that of a Stocking weaver) or they in any honest calling and Shall be of Sober life and Conversation then I hereby recommend to my Executrix to give him or them Such further Encouragement as She according to her ability and at her Discretion Shall think fitt Item I give unto my Son Samuel Rastrick at London Silk dyer the Sum of ten Shillings also to my Daughter Elizabeth the wife of Edmund Burton of Wisbich the Sum of five Shillings to be paid them within Six months after my Decease they having had their portions before Item I give to our maid Servant Susannah Hating (to be paid her within three months after my decease) the Sum of forty Shillings over and above her due wages Item all the rest of my goods and Chattles undisposed of I give and bequeath unto my said dear wife Elizabeth whom I do hereby constitute and appoint Sole Executrix of this my last Will and Testament to see my debts discharged and my legacys or childrens portions paid and my Body decently Interr'd at the least Expence posable and I do desire my good friend Mr Nathaniel Kinderley of Sechy Bridg to be Supervisor of this my last Will and Testament In witness whereof I have hereunto Set my hand and Seal the Twenty Sixth day of July in the year of our Lord one Thousand Seven Hundred twenty five John Rastrick Published and declared to be the last Will and Testament of John Rastrick the Testator and Signed and Sealed in the presence of us James Hackgill John Money Thomas Wilson