Gotowe bibliografie tematyczne / Andiron Club of New York City

Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Andiron Club of New York City”

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Data publikacji: 26 lipca 2024

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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Andiron Club of New York City"

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Speyer, Katherine E. "New York State Club Association v. City of New York: The Demise of the All-Male Club". Pace Law Review 10, nr 1 (1.01.1990): 273. http://dx.doi.org/10.58948/2331-3528.1461.

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Ompad, Danielle C., Sandro Galea, Crystal M. Fuller, Darcy Phelan i David Vlahov. "Club Drug Use Among Minority Substance Users in New York City". Journal of Psychoactive Drugs 36, nr 3 (wrzesień 2004): 397–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02791072.2004.10400039.

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Lee, Mitchell. "Self and The City: Social Identity and Ritual at New York City Football Club". Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 47, nr 3 (24.11.2016): 367–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0891241616677581.

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This article addresses the construction of a singing culture at New York City Football Club (NYCFC) over the course of its inaugural season in Major League Soccer (MLS). Although being a supporter can provide many of the feelings associated with the term “community,” in order to capture the fluid reality of twenty-first-century group formation, this article rejects that label, preferring to understand NYCFC fandom as an emerging “social identity.” Such an approach enables us to recognize the many layers of identification that form people’s self-concepts. I argue that NYCFC fandom, and perhaps social identities more broadly, are realized through ritual interaction in the form of normative group behavior. In this case, song is the meeting point of the converging worlds of soccer fandom and New York City, negotiating a shared musical culture that gives meaning to a new social identity.
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Joyce, H. Horatio. "Disharmony in the Clubhouse". Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 78, nr 4 (1.12.2019): 422–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2019.78.4.422.

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In Disharmony in the Clubhouse: Exclusion, Identity, and the Making of McKim, Mead & White's Harmonie Club of New York City, H. Horatio Joyce offers the first sustained case study of one of McKim, Mead & White's New York clubhouses. The Harmonie Club was a Jewish club, and Joyce explores how and why a firm associated with powerful Protestant interests came to design its home. His reconstruction of that story provides an unusually intimate portrait of an instance when the categories of race, gender, and class intersected to shape American society in the Gilded Age.
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Kelly, Brian C., Jeffrey T. Parsons i Brooke E. Wells. "Prevalence and Predictors of Club Drug Use among Club-Going Young Adults in New York City". Journal of Urban Health 83, nr 5 (16.05.2006): 884–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11524-006-9057-2.

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Shubitz, Scott M. "LIBERAL INTELLECTUAL CULTURE AND RELIGIOUS FAITH: THE LIBERALISM OF THE NEW YORK LIBERAL CLUB, 1869–1877". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 16, nr 2 (29.03.2017): 183–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781417000056.

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This essay addresses the question of how the idea of liberalism and antireligious sentiment became associated during the Gilded Age. The subject of this essay—the New York Liberal Club, a debate and lecture group in New York City (1869–1877)—sheds light on the process in which liberalism, as an idea, outgrew its religious origins in early nineteenth-century America and more than ever became linked with antireligious sentiment. In the case of the New York Liberal Club, this development owed to the club's connection to social science and members' participation in the contentious debate over science and religion during the 1870s. In addition, it partly owed to club members' conception of liberalism as tolerance, open-mindedness, and a commitment to the free exchange of ideas. Because of this conception of liberalism, many club members saw liberalism and social science as a common cause, since both reflected a dedication to improving the world through free inquiry. Ultimately, these conceptions, as well as discourse at the club, led many observers in the public to incorrectly view all Liberal Club members (and liberalism itself) as in opposition to faith and religious belief.
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Buszek, Maria Elena. "Ladies’ Auxiliary of the Lower East Side: Post-punk feminist art and New York’s Club 57". Punk & Post-Punk 9, nr 3 (1.11.2020): 425–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/punk_00037_1.

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This article analyses the feminist art that emerged from New York City’s short-lived, post-punk venue Club 57 (1978–83), where music mixed with visual art, experimental film, performance and politics. A hub of New York’s ‘downtown scene’, Club 57 exemplified ways in which artists’ increasingly promiscuous experiments across media led them to abandon galleries and museums in favour of nightclubs, discos and bars. This tendency dovetailed with the practices of an emergent generation of feminist artists eager to both break out of the sexist art world and engage with popular culture and audiences. A look at the work of Club 57’s manager Ann Magnuson, the performances and collectives she organized there and at other downtown clubs and other significant women whose work Club 57 supported provides a snapshot of the feminist artists in post-punk New York City, many of whose art and activism continue into the present.
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Luvaas, Brent. "Post No Bill: The Transience of New York City Street Style". Fashion Studies 1, nr 1 (2018): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.38055/fs010101.

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The sidewalks outside New York Fashion Week are lined with makeshift plywood walls. They are designed to keep pedestrians out of construction zones, but they have become the backdrops of innumerable “street style” photographs, portraits taken on city streets of self-appointed fashion “influencers” and other stylish “regular” people. Photographers, working to build a reputation within the fashion industry, take photos of editors, bloggers, club kids, and models, looking to do the same thing. The makeshift walls have become a site for the staging and performance of urban style. This photo essay documents the production of style in urban space, a transient process made semi-permanent through photography.
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Bird, Jess. "Fire in the Bronx: Austerity, Quality of Life, and Nightlife Regulation in New York City Post-1975". Journal of Urban History 46, nr 4 (22.03.2019): 836–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144219836930.

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America’s underground economy has grown strikingly since the 1970s, reflecting consumer demand for cheap prices, workers’ search for alternative sources of income, and government intervention. Far from unregulated, this economy has been managed in crucial ways, revealing a fundamental paradox in free market rhetoric. This was particularly striking in New York City in the latter decades of the twentieth century, where a set of uneven responses to the underground economy expanded its boundaries through new licensing, zoning, and permitting requirements that many businesses could not conform to. A tragic fire at an immigrant social club in March 1990 revealed the problematic turns in municipal policy taken in the aftermath of the city’s fiscal crisis. The lead up and response to the Happy Land Social Club fire by city officials demonstrated a rise in punitive regulation aimed at New York’s marginalized residents in an era of alleged deregulation and small government fetish.
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Nanín, José E., i Jeffrey T. Parsons. "Club Drug Use and Risky Sex Among Gay and Bisexual Men in New York City". Journal of Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy 10, nr 3-4 (14.08.2006): 111–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j236v10n03_10.

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Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Andiron Club of New York City"

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Hadjistoyanova, Iliyana. "“Under the glorious inter-American flag of New York” : Club Cubano Interamericano and the process of Cuban American community formation in New York City in the early 20th century". Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/24331.

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This report explores Club Cubano Inter-Americano’s history in order to show how it helped situate Cuban immigrants within the Anglo and Latino communities in New York City in the early 20th century, and it examines the ways in which immigrants balanced their island heritage with community building in the United States. The different parts of the report focus on the organization’s foundation, leadership, activities, events, and treatment of race. A historiography of similar social groups provides a necessary background of the overall structure and goals of Cuban mutual-aid societies. Although the question of race was never officially present in Club-related rhetoric, a number of similarities link its makeup and functions to an existing tradition of Afro-Cuban mutual-aid societies on the island and abroad. The analysis of the New York Club Cubano Inter-Americano provides a glimpse into a part of the Cuban migration in the United States that simply does not fit with the rest.
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Książki na temat "Andiron Club of New York City"

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Waterman, Bryan Elliot. The Friendly Club of New York city: Industries of knowledge in the Early Republic. Ann Arbor: UMI Dissertation Services, 2000.

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Simmons, Martin. Union Club of the City of New York: The history of the club from the year of its founding to the year of its sesquicentennial, 1836 to 1986. New York: The Club, 1986.

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Club, Grolier, red. American painter etchings, 1853-1908: February 21 to April 1, 1989, The Grolier Club, New York City. New York City: The Club, 1989.

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author, Shockley Jay, red. (Former) Yale Club of New York City Building (now Penn Club of New York): 30-32 West 44th Street, Manhattan : built 1900-01 : [Evarts] Tracy & [Egerton] Swartwout, architect; upper stories 1992-94, [David P.] Helpern Architects. New York, N.Y.]: Landmarks Preservation Commission, 2010.

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The Persian pickle club. New York: St. Martin's Griffin, 1996.

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The Persian Pickle Club. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1995.

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Agni, Vlavianos-Arvanitis, Biopolitics International Organisation i Symposium on Business Strategy for the Bio-Environment (3rd : 1995 : Harvard Club of New York City), red. Business strategy for the bio-environment II: A corporate symposium, the Harvard Club of New York City, February 7, 1995. Athens, Greece: Biopolitics International Organisation/B.I.O., 1995.

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Bertuccioli, Bruno. The Level Club: A New York City story of the twenties : splendor, decadence, and resurgence of a monument to human ambition. Owings Mills, Md: Watermark Press, 1991.

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Club, Grolier. One hundred books famous in medicine: Notes for the exhibition at the Grolier Club, New York City, September 20-November 23, 1994. New York: Grolier Club, 1994.

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Sin in the Second City: Madams, ministers, playboys, and the battle for America's soul. New York: Random House, 2007.

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Części książek na temat "Andiron Club of New York City"

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Emblidge, David. "New York". W The Appalachian Trail Reader, 260–73. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195100914.003.0015.

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Abstract New York Ramblers hiking club on Black Mt., Harriman State Park, New York. Trail miles: 95 Trail maintenance: New York-New Jersey Trail Conference Highest point: Prospect Rock, 1,433 ft., on Prospect Mt., near Greenwood Lake Lowest point on the AT: 124 ft., near Bear Mt. Bridge Broadest river: Hudson, crossable on Bear Mt. Bridge Features: Surprisingly wild areas, with sharp climbs and descents, yet so close to New York City (views of Manhattan, 50 miles distant, at several points). First section of the AT was built in Bear Mt. State Park, 1922-23.
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"New York City Club Kids: A Contextual Understanding of Club Drug Use". W Drugs, Clubs and Young People, 40–63. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315578217-7.

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Bernstein, Iver. "Merchants Divided". W The New York City Draft Riots, 125–61. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195071306.003.0005.

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Abstract Merchants were the most identifiable social group in New York City during and after the draft riots and, indeed, through the Civil War epoch. Roland Barthes’s aphorism regarding the bourgeoisie-”the social class which docs not want to be named”-did not apply to New York’s lords of commerce. During the riot week they met on Wall Street to devise a “merchants’” response to the violence and form “merchants’ “ brigades. After the uprising some of these men created a “Committee of Merchants for the Relief of Colored People Suffering from the Late Riots.” They sent “merchants’ committees” to Washington to advise presidents and supervise legislation. They formed the “Society for the Diffusion of Political Knowledge” and “The Union League Club of New York” to publicize merchants’ positions on the issues of the war. In all these instances, merchants made themselves and their programs plain to view.
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Bernstein, Iver. "Industrialists". W The New York City Draft Riots, 162–92. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195071306.003.0006.

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Abstract More than any other group of New Yorkers, industrialists made the Republican Party controversial in July 1863. While the Union League Club mer chants helped to give the Republican Party of New York City its aristocratic, nativist, and coercive style, it was the industrialists and their aggressive brand of Republicanism that the draft rioters knew best. Industrialists were often the employers of the midweek rioters. They were the Republicans the rioters encountered six days a week at the shop and perhaps on the Sabbath in the person of a visitor from the charity society. It stands to reason that the industrialists did much to shape the rioters’ image of Republicanism as un-just and intrusive authority. How the industrialists came to be so aggressive-and how they made the Republican Party a magnet for political and social dispute-provide the final ingredients in the history of the origins of the July crisis.
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Hoffnung-Garskof, Jesse. "The Harlem of the Club Las Dos Antillas". W Cuba and Puerto Rico, 100–118. University Press of Florida, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9781683403302.003.0006.

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Jesse Hoffnung-Garskof examines the Cuban and Puerto Rican diasporas and analyzes of the multiracial origins of the club Las Dos Antillas in Harlem by focusing on race, space, and politics in early Antillean New York. As the author notes, Las Dos Antillas was one of several revolutionary exile clubs in the United States, established in the late nineteenth century, which served as the cauldron of a political alliance between Cubans and Puerto Ricans, both Black and White. Hoffnung-Garskof centers on the development of a racially inclusive ideology among Afro-descendant members of the Cuban nationalist movement, along with their Puerto Rican allies, who tended to settle in what would later become the Spanish Harlem neighborhood of New York City. This chapter draws upon the minutes and other archival materials on the Club Las Dos Antillas to reconstruct “a multiracial coalition in the broader experience of ‘migrating while Black’ in a city with a very small Black population” in the late nineteenth century. This historical experience of coalition building between mostly working-class Caribbean migrants gives new meaning to the expression “two wings of a bird.”
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Mirabal, Nancy Raquel. "Melba Alvarado, El Club Cubano Inter-Americano, and the Creation of Afro-Cubanidades in New York City". W The Afro-Latin@ Reader, 120–26. Duke University Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/9780822391319-016.

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"Melba Alvarado, El Club Cubano Inter-Americano, and the Creation of Afro-Cubanidades in New York City". W The Afro-Latin@ Reader, 120–26. Duke University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780822391319-017.

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Stenz, Margaret. "Sloan, John (1871–1951)". W Routledge Encyclopedia of Modernism. London: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781135000356-rem2068-1.

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Painter, etcher, and illustrator John Sloan was a leading figure in the Ashcan School, a group of turn-of-the-century urban realists who used dark palettes and heavy brushwork to paint the grittier side of New York life. In 1892, while working as an illustrator at the Philadelphia Inquirer, Sloan enrolled in evening classes at the Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts and co-founded the Charcoal Club, a group of local artists who met for informal discussions and sketching sessions in Robert Henri’s studio. Sloan followed Henri to New York City, where he became associated with ‘The Eight.’
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Kowsky, Francis R. "Possible Together, Impossible To Either Alone1859-1865". W Country, Park, & City, 137–74. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195114959.003.0007.

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Abstract By the time Vaux had reached his 34th birthday, in 1858, he could regard himself as well along the road to success. He had authored an important book on domestic architecture, designed a major bank building, and won the competition to design the nation’s largest municipal park. Undoubtedly buoyed by these achievements, Vaux sought and obtained entry into New York club life. As an early member of the Down Town Association (founded in December 1859), he often dined at its Exchange Place clubhouse, a building he may have taken charge ofremodeling in 1860.1 As one of the original 300 members of the Athenaeum Club, Vaux must have attended the opening of the organization’s quarters, a commodious building on Fifth Avenue near 16th Street, “fitted up with every convenience requisite for the comfort of its members.”2 In addition to dining and socializing, the Athenaeum, whose executive committee included art biographer Henry T. Tuckerman, endeavored to provide its members with high-caliber programs, such as the evening that Vaux and Jervis McEntee spent listening to a lecture by expatriate artist William Page.3 But most of all, Vaux valued his membership in the prestigious Century Association, a select circle of artists and men of letters to which Vaux was admitted in 1859.4 Over the course of his lifetime, he was to pass many stimulating and pleasurable hours there, including a gala Twelfth Night celebration when, lounging on a Turkish rug, he joined fellow Centurians in “smoking, drinking, laughing, or suddenly singing a note on a horn.” 5 At the Century, Vaux could enjoy the company of such artist friends as Jervis McEntee, Frederic Edwin Church, R. Sanford Gifford, Eastman Johnson, and George Henry Hall, one of whose pictures hung in Vaux’s home.6 These men shared Vaux’s Romantic esthetic philosophy, as well as his hope that someday Ame:rica would come to value its painters, sculptors, and architects as it did its practical men of business and industry.
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Kowsky, Francis R. "Country life in comparison with city life ... A question of delicate adjustment 1866-1872". W Country, Park, & City, 175–228. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195114959.003.0008.

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Abstract With theCentral Park and Prospect Park positions secured, and content in the knowledge of Olmsted’s eminent return, Vaux set off for a month’s vacation with his family in the Adirondacks. While there, he must have been putting together in his mind details of the report that was due to the Prospect Park commissioners in December. Left behind to work on various office projects was Bloor, who also minded the Vauxes’ house in their absence. Meanwhile, Olmsted made preparations in California for tying up his affairs and returning to New York, a process that included finishing plans for Mountain View Cemetery in San Francisco. On November 22, 1865, Vaux, together with Withers, Bloor, and Godkin, with whom Olmsted had agreed to coedit the newly established political weekly the Nation, went down to the pier to give Olmsted and his family a hearty welcome. When they disembarked from the steamer Ericson, the weary travelers must have felt glad to feel firm ground under their feet and to see familiar faces, for after three weeks of travel, bad weather had prevented their boat from docking the previous day. Unable to enter New York Harbor, they had spent the night beyond Hell’s Gate riding out one of the fierce gales of the century. During the next few days, there was much socializing at Vaux’s house, but Olmsted also surely applied himself to the task of adding his ideas to the drawings and written explanation that Vaux had commenced for the Prospect Park plan. In fact, the partners did not meet the December deadline; on January 14, Bloor was stilll assisting them on the work, staying until midnight with the two men at Vaux’s residence and continuing the task all the next day in the office. Eventually completed on January 24, 1866, the historic report went to the printer in early February. On February 20, Bloor dropped off the first copies at Vaux’s house and somewhat later distributed others to the Century and Athenaeum club libraries.1 One can assume that the big party that Vaux staged at his home on the evening of March 2 celebrated the completion of the Prospect Park report. Over glasses of claret and orange juice punch, artist friends and many
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