Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Albanians – education – kosovo (republic)”
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1
Stamova, Mariyana. "The Albanians in Yugoslavia from the late 1960s to the early 1980s". Historijski pogledi 4, nr 5 (31.05.2021): 130–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.130.
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The paper focuses on the events after the Brioni plenum of the Central Committee of the LCY in 1966. The turning point for the development of the national relationships in the Yugoslav federation became namely the Brioni plenim. This plenum and its decisions led to a liberalization of the national relationships in Yugoslavia, thus to the outburst of the Albanian problem, which was severely suppressed to this moment. This is the first major victory for the Albanians in Yugoslavia. In this regard, a movement has begun among the Albanian population in the multinational federation with the main goal of achieving full national recognition, including republican status for Kosovo. This new policy towards the minorities in Yugoslavia was introduced after the middle of the 1960s. Its expression became the new constitutional definition of “Yugoslav peoples and ethnoses”, which had to substitute the term “national minorities”. That led to changes into the rights of Albanians in Yugoslavia, and as a result their socio-political activity drastically aroused. The Yugoslav party leadership started again to look for a solution of the Albanian issue. Significant Yugoslav financial aid and investments were directed towards Kosovo, aiming at a closer incorporation of the Albanians in the Yugoslav federation and an interruption of their connection with Albania. After the Brioni Plenum, the Albanian problem in the Yugoslav Federation entered a qualitatively new state. The events in the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and the neighboring Republic of Macedonia at the end of 1968 played an important role in the further development of this problem and in the changes in the constitutional, legal and socio-political development of the Yugoslav Federation. So after the demonstrations of the Albanian population in Kosovo and Macedonia at the end of 1968, a “creeping Albanization” started in Kosovo. The Albanian political elite and intelligencia played the most important role in the imposition of the “Albanization” as a political line at the end of the 1960s. Albanians hold all important posts in administration, culture, education and political life of Kosovo. That led to an increasing mistrust between the Albanian population and the Serbian-Montenegrin minority, and the last was forced to leave its homes and to migrate in other republics and regions. The political leadership in Prishtina insisted the autonomous region to get equal rights with the republics as a federal unit. That is how at the beginning of the 1970s Kosovo issue transferred into a problem of the whole Yugoslav federation, not only a Serbian one. The Albanians in Prishtina were involved into the confrontation Zagreb-Belgrade and acquired a support from the Croatian side, as well as the Slovenian one in the efforts to take their problem out of Serbia and to put it on a federal level at the League Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY) and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). The processes in the political life of the autonomous region Kosovo were not isolated and were connected with the events in the Yugoslav federation as a whole, and precisely in Croatia at the end of the 1960s and the beginning of the 70s, which culmination was so-called “Zagreb Spring” in 1971. The Croatian crisis had an important influence on the national relationships in the federation and led to an inflammation of the national disputes. That had a direct impact on the political life of Kosovo. Searching for allies against Serbian hegemony and unitarism, which were the main danger for the Croatian republic, Zagreb’s political leadership supported Kosovo pretensions for the extension of the autonomous rights and the freedoms of the Albanians. The amendments to the federal system of Yugoslavia (1968-1971) and the new Yugoslav constitution from 1974 are reflected in Kosovo, which makes the Albanian problem not only a problem of Serbia, but also a common Yugoslav problem.
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Gjoshi, Ragip. "Opening of Albanian Schools for Learning the Albanian Language in Kosovo During 1941-45". European Journal of Social Science Education and Research 6, nr 3 (25.09.2019): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v6i3.p37-43.
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Difficult, long and troublesome was the journey of Albanian letters in all Albanian lands, especially in Kosovo. The marking of the 75th anniversary of the Albanian school, being commemorated this year in all Albanian lands, is a good opportunity to see the long-lasting path of Albanian education. There are many reasons, but some are more necessary to be written and spoken about. It is rare that nations had to pay dearly for the right to write on their own language compared to Albanian people. So much blood has been shed to escape assimilation. However, when World War II had spread largely over Europe, the Nazi-fascist powers had invaded other countries including all Albanian-inhabited areas. After Albania, Yugoslavia succumbed as well. At that time, the territories of today’s Republic of Kosovo were also occupied. At that point, Kosovo was divided into three occupation zones: Italian, German and Bulgarian. Almost most of Kosovo's lands belonged to the Italian occupation zone. Thus, most of Kosovo and Western Macedonia joined Albania with Royal Decree and King of Vicar Decree no. 264, dated 12. VIII. 1941. In all three areas of occupation, the administration of governance was established in the service of the occupiers. The long and harsh oppression had an impact that Albanians would experience and perceive the new circumstances in every aspect as a resemblance of a real freedom, because the tyranny of the 1918-1941 period had exceeded all genocidal dimensions. With the initiative of Albanian Minister E. Koliqi, a contingent of teachers was sent to Kosovo as Kosovo lacked educational-pedagogical staff. This work set in motion the reflection of Albanian intelligence in Kosovo in order to open Albanian schools for Albanian students everywhere as soon as possible.
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Basha, Kosovar. "The Education of Albanians in Yugoslavia after the Second World War until 1974." Historijski pogledi 6, nr 9 (20.06.2023): 205–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.205.
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The paper carefully deals with the constitutional aspect and the development of education in Yugoslavia, with special emphasis - Albanians. After the Second World War, Yugoslavia faced numerous problems both politically and economically. The first reforms that this country had to undergo initially required help from countries such as the Soviet Union. Among the first steps to be taken were the legislative reforms undertaken in 1946 by adjusting the Yugoslav Constitution. This constitution sanctioned important aspects of the political, economic, educational and cultural life of the country. The political life after the Second World War in Yugoslavia had undergone radical changes making it possible for countries like Macedonia to become independent states or to be created from scratch. The only country which was politically eliminated in this aspect was Kosovo, which was left under Serbia from 1945. By oppressing Kosovo politically in all aspects of life, Serbia exercised a segregationist policy towards the Albanian people of Kosovo. Harsh measures were exercised against the Albanian minority, including their relocation to Turkey through various Yugoslav-Turkish agreements, the imprisonment of many political personalities, etc. Political rights of expression were denied and political pressure continued at the national level. These forms were present continuously and did not stop until 1968 when the political situation began to change. Indeed, the Albanian minority in Yugoslavia made good use of the political circumstances after 1968 when, in general demonstrations in all the cities of Kosovo, they opted for more national rights and requested the establishment of the University of Prishtina. Non-Albanian minorities were included in the Yugoslav republics in all spheres of life. Since they were not in large numbers, their presence was not revealed apart from the Hungarians. The Hungarian minority also began to enjoy greater rights with the amendment of several articles of the constitutions of 1946, 1953, 1963 and 1974. The presence of Hungarian schools was evident with several such schools and a lot of students who were allowed to use and be instructed in their mother tongue. Other small minorities such as Russians, Bulgarians, Germans and others were few in number. The Albanian population in Yugoslavia was distributed across several republics such as Serbia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro and to a lesser extent Croatia and Slovenia. Political power in Yugoslavia which was largely led by Serbs until 1966 through the iron hand of Alexander Rankovic did not allow the Albanians to even use their national flag and to express any kind of dissatisfaction through various demonstrations or manifestations. The period between 1966-1974 was decisive for Albanians in Yugoslavia, especially since many important steps were taken in political terms, such as the replacement of Serbian politicians with Albanians, the establishment of many different schools and the massification of higher education in general. The Yugoslav constitutions with their reforms changed the direction of comprehensive development of political, social, economic and cultural life for all non-Albanian and Albanian minorities in Yugoslavia. The author has followed the descriptive and analytical scientific methods for dealing with this important issue for general historiography. A serious Yugoslav and Albanian literature covering this socially and scientifically important study has been used.
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Šiljković, Željka, i Martin Glamuzina. "Janjevo i Janjevci - od Kosova do Zagreba". Geoadria 9, nr 1 (11.01.2017): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/geoadria.131.
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Janjevci, one of the oldest ethnic groups of Croats, have lived in Kosovo for seven centuries, outside their mother country, among the majority of Serbs and Albanians. However, geographical isolation of their settlements, uninterrupted connections with their mother country (The Republic of Dubrovnik), and strong influence of the Roman Catholic Church have prevented their assimilation into a wider community. Crafts and trade were the principal occupations of Janjevo population, which have survived even after their emigration from Kosovo. The most important destination of emigrants from Kosovo was Croatia, especially its capital Zagreb. Since 1970s, East Zagreb with its small family houses has become their main colony, where they have been building houses, opening stores and workshops. Their accommodation to the new environment did not go very smoothly; in fact it was very troublesome, since patriarchal and traditional family relationships have survived up to the present day. The woman is still considered as a housewife and a mother, and woman's education is poorer than the man's education. However, new generations try to integrate into this new environment, but the result is the loss of their old speech, customs and their own culture, due to intensive assimilation process. In this way, they also lose a part of their own identity.
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Ibrahimi, MSc Shpresa, i Dr Sc Hamdi Podvorica. "Parental Responsibilities to Children in the Republic of Kosovo". ILIRIA International Review 4, nr 1 (30.06.2014): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v4i1.62.
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For a long time, in Albanian customary law, parental responsibilities were an exclusive competency of fathers. In positive law, especially with the reform of the legal system in the Republic of Kosovo, now both parents are fully equal in exercising parental responsibilities. Children are the future of any society, and therefore, their upraising, education and proper welfare of children is an objective and responsibility not only for the parents, but also of societal and state institutions. Although parent-child relations incorporate moral, biological and legal elements, the absolute power of parents must be shared between parents and proper social and educational policies, in the heart of which are always the best interests of the child.Kosovo has already adopted a complete legal framework, approximated to the standards of the European Union and international instruments which clearly provide on the rights of the child and responsibilities of parents and institutions in enjoying such rights. Within the range of this new legal framework, we make an effort of addressing parental responsibilities, which are exercised in terms of personality of children, and derive as a result of personal non-material relations. Our work is focused on a study of parental responsibilities in terms of giving a personal name, healthy development, education and upraising. We have also analysed several court rulings related to the rights of the child and responsibilities of parents in enjoying such rights, which we believe are to enrich and render the paper more interesting.
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Zenelaga, Brunilda, Vehbi Miftari i Alma Shehu- Lokaj. "New Trends in Students’ Reading Habits". Journal Human Research in Rehabilitation 14, nr 1 (5.04.2024): 177–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.21554/hrr.042417.
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The technology era has caused many changes in the reading habits of students, starting in 2011. However, the universities were not prepared for the enormous challenges they faced with the Pandemic, in late 2019 and early 2020. The pandemic has accelerated the habits of students toward digital resources and the use of more and more electronic materials. Facing this phenomenon, accelerated by the effects of Covid-19, the universities have to face the necessity of the adaptation of teaching methods which meant the use of digital materials. The article analyses the change in reading habits and the teaching methods in the Albanian and Kosovan context, showing how the universities in the Republic of Albania and Kosovo have been affected by these changes, embracing approaches to information technology. For this purpose, we have analyzed the changes in reading habits in different public and private universities in Albania and Kosovo. A tested questionnaire has been spread to 672 students in both countries, in different programs and different years of studies. The article shows that under the influence of globalization processes and the development of information technology, reading habits are changing at a frenetic speed, weakening hard copy reading and increasing electronic and that under the Pandemic Covid-19 universities changed the ways of offering teaching methods, accelerating the change of the reading habits of students and weakening the use of printed books as a tool for learning, as well as decreasing the time of reading for pleasure. A more dynamic world caused more focused universities and more rapid changes in the reading habits of the students.
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MacPherson, Douglas W., Jacqueline E. M. Weekers, Thomas F. O'Rourke, Cecilia Stiles i Brian D. Gushulak. "Health of Displaced Albanian Kosovars in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia: Fitness to Travel and Health Outcomes Assessment". Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 17, nr 2 (czerwiec 2002): 53–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00000182.
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AbstractIntroduction:During the 1999 conflict in Kosovo, an estimated 850,000 people were displaced from Kosovo. Many thousands of these people arrived in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM), for whom a humanitarian evacuation programme (HEP) was conducted by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the International Organization for Migration (IOM). More than 91,000 people were moved to third countries under this programme.Methods:A health assessment tool was designed, validated, and implemented to document the health status of the refugees prior to departure. The IOM evaluated 41,652 pre-travel “fitness to travel” medical assessments for refugees transported by the Organization. A colour coding system for fitness-to-travel was used to clearly identify refugees to the receiving health authorities according to their health condition at the time of departure.Results:A total of 41,652 fitness-to-travel assessments were performed between 05 April and 25 June 1999, and were entered into a database. There were 21,923 females and 19,566 males. The average age was 25.3 years (women, 26 years; men, 24.3 years). Of these assessments, 4,647 (11.2%) individuals who were deemed fit-to-travel required medical assessment at the host destination, and of those 1,204 required urgent care. The majority of health complaints were acute respiratory tract infections and hypertension.Conclusions:A rapid and efficient system for fitness-to-travel was created to assist in the management of health issues related to the urgent and mass movement of refugees. The collected health information was of use to health-care planners during the crisis and for those responsible for the health-care of newly arrived refugees. The lessons learned have implications for future similar operations and for the development of research and education programs for both the refugees and the host recipient nations.
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Bylykbashi, Herolinda. "Yes-no Questions and Wh-questions in English and Albanian Spoken Discourse: Focus on Political Debates". World Journal of English Language 13, nr 8 (5.10.2023): 412. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/wjel.v13n8p412.
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This paper aims to draw reliable conclusions regarding yes-no questions and wh-questions in English and Albanian spoken discourse. The study outlines the differences and similarities in these question types between the two languages.The corpus of the study includes seven Meet the Press (NBC News) interviews (totaling 2 hours and 51 minutes) with the former President of the USA, Donald Trump which contribute to the English spoken corpus. Additionally, there are two Rubikon (KTV) interviews (totaling 2 hours and 51 minutes) with Hashim Thaçi, the former President of the Republic of Kosovo that are part of the Albanian spoken corpus. A qualitative method is employed to compare, analyze, and draw conclusions based on the findings of the conducted research. The study finds that the English yes-no questions feature the inversion of auxiliary and modal verbs to the subject position. However, the Albanian yes-no questions are characterized by the interrogative particle ‘a’, which may be positioned as the initial or final element or be absent altogether. The results also offer compelling evidence of the differences in the number of wh-words used to ask wh-questions in English and Albanian. They also highlight the most frequently used wh-words and the respective functions of wh-questions in both English and Albanian.
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Mijalković, Saša, i Marija Popović-Mančević. "The ideology of 'Greater Kosovo' in the vision of Albanian narco-terrorist clans". Nauka bezbednost policija 25, nr 3 (2020): 31–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/nabepo25-27336.
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The paper reviews the evolution of the ideology and the path of creating the Albanian state in the Balkans, from the moment when it did not exist at all (during the Ottoman Empire) until today, when Albanians live in an internationally recognized state (the Republic of Albania) and in one self-proclaimed state (the so-called "Republic of Kosovo"). In that regard, this paper is based on two theses. According to the first, the focus of the original so-called state-building ideology about the need for all Albanians to live in one state, "Greater Albania", today is radically changed and diametrically opposed: "Kosovo Albanians" now do not want to join the Republic of Albania, but want an independent state - the so-called "Greater Kosovo", which would include parts of the territories of central Serbia, Montenegro, Northern Macedonia and Greece where Albanians live. The reason for the essential change of ideology is that the drug bosses of Albanian criminal clans that control the territory of Kosmet, and who were previously commanders of Albanian terrorist organizations, want their own "drug state", in which they would control all social flows and enjoy immunity from criminal prosecution. The second thesis on which this paper is based is that the attack on the Albanian mafia is at the same time a blow to the so-called quasi-statehood of the so-called Republic of Kosovo, i.e. on the levers of financial power, which is the backing for political power and international support for the so-called Republic of Kosovo.
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Eminov, Ilhan. "IS THE WESTERN BALKANS A FAVORABLE REGION FOR RECRUITMENT OF JIHADISTS?" Knowledge International Journal 32, nr 1 (26.07.2019): 187–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij3201187e.
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There are over 5 million Muslims representing 25 % of the region's population living on the territory of former Yugoslavia which had roughly 20 million citizens. By comparison, there are also around 5 million Muslims living in France, a country that had several colonies in the Muslim world, but the population ratio is different compared to the 60 million of the French population. Unlike the developed countries of Europe, the economies of the Balkan countries were destroyed by numerous interethnic conflicts. After the war of the '90s, the Balkans were living in a longtime economic and social crisis and a state of organized crime. With the beginnings of party pluralism, the different religions gained their former religious identity back.In Croatia and Slovenia, the Catholicism experienced a renaissance, same as the orthodoxy did in Serbia, Macedonia and Montenegro and the Islam did in Bosnia, Albania, Kosovo, Western Macedonia and Sandzak. After the disintegration of Yugoslavia and the fall of communism in the Balkans, the opportunity for increased foreign religious influence became a reality.Today, the image of a tolerant, open Islam from the communist era is still present, although it too is affected. During the several decades of communist rule, the traditional religious networks that affirmed an Islam shielded from Wahhabist and Salafist influences were disintegrated.108The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina intensified the implantation of the mujahidin in Bosnia in 1995. The traditional Muslim imams gradually lost their authority to the newcomers in a large number of mosques. At the same time, in light of its powerlessness, the state began to lose control in the field. It is estimated that some 67 mosques are controlled by radical Islam today, especially in rural and mountainous regions.109Under the pressure of great financial resourced which flowed in from Gulf countries, the education of Bosnian imams in Egypt and Saudi Arabia began. Step by step, Salafist imams were installed in the region preaching a more radical Islam. In such a situation, it was easier to recruit future Jihadists, especially among the socially vulnerable population.110 For example, one graffiti in Pristina (Republic of Kosovo) states: "Every woman will receive 200 euro a month if she wears a niqab".111 The radicalization spread in Bosnia and Kosovo with the greatest intensity. "Bosnia and Kosovo remain the most dangerous countries in Europe due to their political weakness and the high corruption rate. More than 75.000 weapons circulate in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and one Kalashnikov can be bought for the price of 200 euro and easily brought into the Schengen region", a former police officer of the EU in Bosnia and Herzegovina points out
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Todorović, Zoran D. "The Role of the Ministry of the Interior of the Republic of Serbia in the Conduct of Ethnic Cleansing of the Albanian Population in Kosovo and Metohija From 1998 to 1999". Kriminalističke teme 22, nr 1 (29.11.2022): 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.51235/kt.2022.22.1.73.
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The paper presents a short chronology of the political conflict in the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija (Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo, until the constitutional changes of 1989), which in the 1990s turned into an armed conflict in which the security forces of the Republic of Serbia from October 1998 to June 1999, carried out a planned action of ethnic cleansing of Kosovo Albanians. In the action, several thousand Albanian civilians were executed extrajudicially and between 800,000 and 850,000 Albanians were forcefully expelled to Macedonia, Montenegro, Albania and Bosnia and Herzegovina. This paper is based on the final judgments of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) by which the highest state officials and military and police generals in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republic of Serbia were convicted of joint criminal enterprise aimed at altering the ethnic structure in at least 13 Kosovo municipalities, especially in the period of the NATO alliance campaign from March 24 to June 12, 1999. The role of the Ministry of Interior in the joint criminal enterprise (JCE), as established by the ICTY judgments to the then Ministry of Interior leaders: Vlastimir Đordđević, head of the Public Security Department, Sreten Lukić, head of the Ministry of Interior Staff for Kosovo, (Vlajko Stojiljković, the Minister of Interior, was also accused, but he committed suicide in 2002) - is undoubted. Therefore, it calls for a public analysis and presentation of the role of this part of the repressive apparatus of the state of Serbia in the ethnic cleansing of Kosovo Albanians, as well as its role in the planned and systematic concealment of crimes. The concealment of the crime was conducted from March to June 1999 by the Ministry of Interior forces through secret operations of transfer of bodies of Kosovo Albanians from primary graves in Kosovo and their burial in mass graves at secret locations in Serbia. Three graves were discovered in 2001 and one in 2013, with the assumption that there are more because they are looking for another 1,086 Albanian victims and 562 victims of Serbs, Roma, Bosniaks, Egyptians, Ashkali and others.
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Sheremeti-Kabashi, Flurije, Festim Kutllovci, Besarta Mangjolli i Alban Hasani. "Investigation of heavy metal concentrations in the Kelmend tailings landfill and ecological assessment of pollution". Mining of Mineral Deposits 18, nr 1 (30.03.2024): 110–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.33271/mining18.01.110.
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Purpose.The research purpose is to determine the heavy metal concentrations in the Kelmend tailings landfill, an active landfill of Pb-Zn flotation waste from the Trepça mine located in the Stan Tërg district in northern Kosovo, as well as to assess the soil pollution level. Methods. The data is based on two sampling profiles: profile P1 in the south-west of the tailings landfill with 7 samples and profile P2 in the north-east of the tailings landfill with 5 samples within the framework of the project “Environmental geochemical research of the tailings landfill in Kelmend”, funded by the Ministry of Education, Science, Technology and Innovation of the Republic of Kosovo. Each sample was taken according to standards and was analyzed to determine the Pb, Zn, and Mn concentration, as well as pH value. Chemical analyses were performed in the ECCAT-certified laboratory in Tirana, Albania, using atomic absorption spectroscopy (AAS) equipment. Findings. The average concentrations of Pb, Zn and Mn in profile P1 were 1374.27, 564.7 and 1145.71 mg/kg, while in profile P2 – 796.68, 4510.0 and 14396.2 mg/kg. This significantly exceeds the limits of soil contamination according to Administrative Instruction (GRK), as well as the permissible limits for heavy metal content in soil by WHO and EU Directives. The studied samples clearly show a change in pH values in both profiles. In profile P1 the values are lower with an ave-rage value of 3.08 than in profile P2 with an average value of 6.48. This explains the importance and influence of pH on the mobility of heavy metals, especially in soil with acidic pH. Originality. The originality of the research consists of taking 12 samples from two profiles in the Kelmend tailings landfill, chemical analyses to determine heavy metal concentrations in the ECCAT-certified laboratory in Tirana, Albania, and followed by the statistical interpretation of the results. Practical implications.The tailings landfill in Kelmend is located near residential areas and is part of the amazing landscape of Shala of Bajgora. On a regional and local scale, the anthropogenic impact from this landfill remains may have already penetrated deeply into the natural material of the surrounding environment. This work highlights the importance of understan-ding the distribution and risk of toxic metals in sensitive ecosystems.
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Ismaili, Nevrije. "Albanian Songs of The Battle of Fushë Kosovë (1389)". International Journal of Religion 5, nr 10 (4.06.2024): 693–705. http://dx.doi.org/10.61707/5rqs1284.
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The corresponding song received this name because the fighting between the forces of the Balkan coalition and the invading Ottoman army took place in this space, near today's Pristina, the capital of the Republic of Kosovo. The Albanian variants of this theme convey in an original and special way the general picture of the Kosovo War. In this sense, we would say that the songs about the Kosovo War, 1389, among the Albanians, although in different variants, with significant differences, come as a specific creativity of the Albanians, distinct from the other variants of the peoples who sang them this major event in the history of the Balkans. The true purpose of the creators and the circulating media of the songs about the Kosovo War has been the reflection of a concrete historical event, with real characters, historically documented, in addition to created figures, which is a completely legitimate phenomenon for folkloric artistic creations in generally.
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Božinov, Vojin. "The revolt of the Albanians from Kosovo through the eyes of the Bulgarian diplomacy". Srpska politička misao 85, nr 3 (2024): 175–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/spm85-49976.
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Based on scientific literature and archival materials, the article analyzes the attitude of the Bulgarian embassy in Belgrade about the events in Kosovo since 1981. A special attention is paid to several important questions: what were the reasons that led to the rebellion of the students in Kosovo and by what methods the riots were quelled; what were the demands and goals of the demonstrators; what was the attitude of the Serbian and Yugoslav Communists towards the unrest in the autonomous region; how the complex situation in Kosovo may affect the neighboring Socialist Republic of Macedonia and what were the prospects for the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia after the adoption of the 1974 constitution.
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Pichler, Robert. "In the Shadow of Kosovo. Divergent National Pathways and the Politics of Differentiation in the Socialist Republic of Macedonia". Comparative Southeast European Studies 69, nr 2-3 (1.09.2021): 289–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2021-0028.
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Abstract The author examines the roots of Albanian nationalism in Yugoslavia, focusing on the Socialist Republic of Macedonia (SRM). He displays regional historical developments, interethnic relations, and Kosovo’s political impact upon Albanians in Macedonia. By analysing Macedonian and Albanian nation-building processes from an entangled and comparative perspective, he sheds light on shifting power constellations, divergent social developments, and asynchronous processes of national emancipation. After the occurrence in 1981 of Albanian demonstrations in Kosovo and in western Macedonia, officials in the SRM aimed at counteracting Albanian nationalism with a policy of differentiation—that is, they aimed at drawing a clear dividing line between Albanians loyal or disloyal to Yugoslavia. This punitive policy failed on all levels, further deepening the social divisions between the two major ethnic communities of the SRM and alienating even those Albanians well integrated in the common state and republic.
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Nika, Lulzim. "The Democratic Values of the Student Movement in Kosovo 1997/1999 and Their Echoes in Western Diplomacy". Review of European Studies 10, nr 2 (15.05.2018): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v10n2p167.
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After the fall of east orientated political system and coming of the pluralistic system in the Yugoslav federation, the nationalisms that claimed to dominate Yugoslavia, such as Serbian, Croatian and Slovenian nationalism came to the surface, which also led to the overthrow of Yugoslavia. Following the abolition of Kosovo's limited autonomy of 1974, in March 1989, the Milosevic Serb regime during the 1990s imposed violent measures in all Kosovo institutions by removing Albanian workers from their jobs. Thus, Kosovo, Albanians were expelled collectively from the education process in the Albanian language, and left school and university facilities. Efforts to reach an agreement between Albanians and Serbian representatives for education during 1992 were unsuccessful. In these difficult contexts, the parallel education system of Kosovo Albanians was organized. In these difficult circumstances, students and Albanian students continued learning outside school facilities. After ignoring the Kosovo problem in the peace agreement reached in Dayton for Bosnia, the dissatisfaction with the peace policy led by Dr. Ibrahim Rugova grew all over Kosovo. In these circumstances, professors and students with vision began to talk about the organization of peaceful protests against the Serbian regime. After a long process, a new student movement took place at the University of Prishtina, which marks the beginning of the great protest on 1 October 1997. In this paper, we analyse the attitudes of international diplomacy with a special emphasis on the West in relation to this movement following the 1 October 1997 peace protests in Kosovo.
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Hebda, Wiktor. "KOSOVO STATUS ACCORDING TO STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ZAGREB AND THE UNIVERSITY OF BELGRADE". Politika nacionalne bezbednosti 18, nr 1/2020 (25.05.2020): 201–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/pnb.1812020.9.
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Kosovo independence still remains a key issue on a global scale. In simple terms, there are two contradictory stands on the sovereignty of Kosovo. According to the first one, Kosovo declaration of independence is illegal due to the breach of international law and the constitution of the Republic of Serbia of 2006. Meanwhile the second stand proves that unilateral Kosovo declaration of independence was legal since Kosovo Albanians are fully entitled to the right of self-determination. The following paper presents an opinion on Kosovo independence expressed by the students of the Faculty of Political Science at the University of Belgrade and the University of Zagreb – two most important universities in Serbia and Croatia. The results presented in the paper are based on the survey carried out by the author in 2013.
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Demjaha, Agon. "THE STATE OF INTER-ETHNIC RELATIONS IN MACEDONIA AFTER 16 YEARS OF THE OHRID AGREEMENT". SEEU Review 12, nr 2 (20.12.2017): 8–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/seeur-2017-0016.
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Abstract Inter-ethnic relations between Albanians and Macedonians in Macedonia have been rather problematic since the times of former Yugoslavia. After independence, the new constitution of the Republic of Macedonia instead of improving it has further downgraded the position of Albanians and other minorities living in the country. The non-fulfilment of Albanians’ core demands led to an armed conflict in 2001. The Ohrid Agreement has in addition to ending the armed conflict, also provided for a range of legislative and policy measures to improve the position of the Albanians by ensuring equality and minority protection. However, 16 years after the Ohrid Agreement, inter-ethnic relations in Macedonia still remain burdened by prejudice and stereotypes, rather than cooperation and mutual prosperity. The main aim of the paper is to analyse the state of inter-ethnic relations in Macedonia, with special focus on relations between ethnic Macedonians and ethnic Albanians. The paper also offers an analysis of main factors that contribute to inter-ethnic tensions in the country and explores possible scenarios in the future. The most relevant part of the paper analyses the causality between inter-ethnic and interstate relations. The paper claims that similarly to most of the countries in the Western Balkans, inter-ethnic and interstate relations are basically the components of the same equation. The paper concludes that in Macedonia, Kosovo rather than Albania is much more relevant for the causality between inter-ethnic and interstate relations in Macedonia, and it also offers several reasons to support such thesis. Accordingly, the overall inter-ethnic relations between Macedonians and Albanians in Macedonia heavily depend on inter-state relations between Macedonia and Kosovo and vice versa.
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Weller, Marc. "The International Response to the Dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia". American Journal of International Law 86, nr 3 (lipiec 1992): 569–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203972.
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The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia consisted of six republics (Slovenia, Croatia, Serbia, Bosnia-Hercegovina, Montenegro and Macedonia) and two autonomous regions (Kosovo and Vojvodina). Its overall population was recently estimated as 23.69 million. There were 8.14 million Serbs, 4.43 million Croats, 1.75 million Slovenes, 1.73 million Albanians, 1.34 million Macedonians and 1.22 million “Yugoslavs,” as well as a variety of other minorities.Slovenia has a population of 1.94 million, 90 percent of whom are ethnic Slovenes. There are small minorities of ethnic Serbs, Croats and Hungarians.
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Dalipi, Dr Sc Samet, i MSc Nehat Demiri. "Rational Dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia - Way Toward Reconciliation". ILIRIA International Review 4, nr 1 (30.06.2015): 323. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v4i1.67.
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Within a decade, Kosovo has compromised twice: accepting the process of decentralization in order to achieve independence and international recognition, through the President Martti Ahtisaari’s Comprehensive Proposal for the Kosovo Status Settlement (2 February 2007), and finally, by approving to offer autonomy for Kosovo Serbs for the sovereignty, but still within the limits of the Ahtisaari Plan.Coincidentally, the same Serbian political parties which had fought three wars, resulting in dissolution of the state (Former Yugoslavia) at that time (the Socialist Party and the Serbian Radical Party), now are in power in the Republic of Serbia, and have the possibility to finally solve the Kosovo case, and to open the perspective for this part, Europe’s black hole, to be engaged in global integration. Statements by senior Serbian politicians are positively shifting, compared to the radicalization of the relations between Albanians and Serbs three decades ago and it is believed that the developments will evolve towards rational choice and acceptance by the parties. Being under pressure by difficult socio-economic situation and need for integration processes, both sides undertake risky and unpopular steps by signing unclear political and verbal agreements on normalization of relations, which may produce difficult solving externalities in the future. The risk lies in the possibility of further damaging the Kosovo’s “piece of the cake”, after every refusal step by the Serbian side, which will damage the interest of Kosovo side according to the “zero sum” game. Analyses of the dialogue process between Kosovo and Serbia reflect the mixed benefits to the parties, resulting in not very soon European integration, and with hope on difficult but necessary reconciliation between Albanians and Serbs in the region. The broken, after the war established, status quo is better than entering into a protracted conflict in the middle of Europe.
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Brovina, Ngadhnjim, i Bahri Gashi. "The Years of Uncertainty and Insecurity: The Legal and Political Status of Kosovo between 1989-1991". Historijski pogledi 7, nr 11 (6.10.2024): 258–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2024.7.11.258.
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This research holds great significance not only for the Albanians of Kosovo in the former Yugoslavia but also for the entire Balkan region during a highly important historical period between 1989 and 1991. It gives a succinct history of Kosovo, detailing Serbia's legal persecution and the nonviolent protests of the Albanians. This research combines a variety of official documents, local and worldwide literature, as well as international actions and judgments, using an analytical approach to the sources to create a thorough comprehension of the events and their causes. During the late 1980s and early 1990s, the Serbian state undertook a series of constitutional and legal changes that resulted in the limitation of Kosovo's autonomy. These restrictive changes caused a series of peaceful civil and political reactions from the Albanian population in Kosovo. Conscious of their position, the Albanians of Kosovo strive to assert their rights and preserve their cultural identity. This research aims to describe the constitutional and legal acts of the Serbian state as well as the political and civic responses of the Albanians in Kosovo. The study examines the cause-and-effect link between the oppressive acts of the Serbian government (cause) and the responses of the Albanian community (effect), illuminating the intricate dynamics that molded the course of the area. The research attempts to provide a nuanced and comprehensive view of the period of political and legal uncertainty by evaluating these changes within the specified timeframe. The methodology used in this research is based on material analysis, employing descriptive, historical, and analytical methods. The expected results of this research emphasize the challenges that Kosovo faces in the context of political and legal insecurity. The research highlights human rights violations, socio-political struggles, and efforts to preserve the identity of the Albanian community. The study also shows the reactions of the international community to these events and the impact of external actors on the situation in Kosovo. In conclusion, this research presents the answers to the research questions or hypotheses. It also explains why the years between 1989-1991 were a period that led to the beginning of an end for the system of the former Yugoslavia. It is evident that these years marked a critical and significant turning point in the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia. The legal repressions and political turmoil experienced by Kosovo during this period were decisive in the dissolution of the so-called Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). Understanding the events between the years 1989 and 1991 is crucial from a future analytical standpoint to comprehend the larger historical framework of Kosovo and the Balkans since these events had an impact on the neighboring nations as well. By concentrating on this significant time period, which had a significant influence on Kosovo's history and its road to liberation and independence, this research seeks to add to scholarly discourse. Recognizing the struggles and resiliency of the Albanian community over these years might provide important lessons for tackling problems and boosting stability in the area as Kosovo develops and moves forward.
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Sinani, Arsim, i Veli KRYEZIU. "Yugoslav Totalitarian Society, Discrimination Against Albanian and Bulgarian Minorities in Macedonia". Balkanistic Forum 32, nr 3 (15.09.2023): 167–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v32i3.9.
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The Balkans as a region of Southeast Europe is one of the most sensitive regions of Europe; this is where the sparks of war arose from the time of the Ottoman Empire until 2001 when a political solution was finally given to each problem of nationalities and inequalities in this region. The former Yugoslavia as an artificial creation of a state, lacking nationality, is one of the sources of conflicts which erupted with bloody wars caused by Serbia. The Yugoslav federation which gained political power after World War II consisted of 6 republics and 2 provinces. According to the Federal Constitution of Yugoslavia, all peoples must be integrated into Yugoslavia. Unfortunately within Yugoslavia there were privileged peoples, and others who were treated as secondary-class people. Albanians in Yugoslavia, most of whom belonged to the Autonomous Province of Kosovo, did not experience the status of equal population in Yugoslavia; Bulgarians were treated the same, most of whom lived in the Socialist Republic of Macedonia. The Republican government in Macedonia influenced by the Federal one has directly influenced Macedonia in the manner of discrimination against national minorities such as Albanians, Bulgarians, Hungarians, Roma, Ashkali, Turks, etc., while the: Serbian, Montenegrin, Macedonian people have been the most privileged ones within the Republic, as well as in the Yugoslav Federation.The communist regime in Yugoslavia denied any minority efforts for equality and prosperity. The most vocal in the quest for rights were Albanians and Bulgarians, who faced torture, draconian punishments, internment, and even murder in Yugoslav concentration camps. Yugoslavia, namely the Socialist Republic of Macedonia from 1945 until 2001, was the most dictatorial regime in the history of Southeast Europe for Albanians and Bulgarians; unfortunately the Bulgarian community in Macedonia, even with the new constitution, has not resolved its political, cultural, educational status etc…
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Gashi, Avdyl. "Historical Development of Education and Social Work in Kosovo". European Journal of Educational Research 11, nr 4 (15.10.2022): 2013–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.12973/eu-jer.11.4.2013.
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<p style="text-align: justify;">The aim of this article is to highlight the history of social work in Kosovo, regarding the major political climate from 1945 to the present. Unfavorable political developments that have existed in Kosovo for a long historical period have made it impossible to develop the social work profession compared to the countries of the region. Although the Former Yugoslav Federation claimed to be a socialist country, the social differences between states and provinces within this were large. The findings of the paper show that social work did not develop in Kosovo as a profession until specific structures, such as the emergence of the University of Pristina as a legal structure of education for Kosovo Albanians, which has been offering a degree program in social work for almost a decade now. The political orientation and organizational infrastructure are highly relevant for the execution and education of social work. Literature review is the methodological framework of this paper. Education and social work have been shown to be an extraordinary opportunity for the transformation of society.</p>
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Kostovicova, Denisa, i Albert Prestreshi. "Education, gender and religion: identity transformations among Kosovo Albanians in London". Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 29, nr 6 (listopad 2003): 1079–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183032000171375.
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Mladenovich, M., i M. Tomic. "The unilateral declaration of independence of Kosovo and Metohija is a precedent in international politics". Гуманитарные и юридические исследования 10, nr 1 (2023): 77–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.37493/2409-1030.2023.1.10.
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The attempt to secede from Kosovo, which began in the nineties of the twentieth century, ended with NATO’s aggression against Yugoslavia, which formally usurped the southern Serbian province by the most powerful Western countries. The threat to the national security of the Republic of Serbia by the armed aggression of the NATO Pact is a unique example of the violation of all existing international legal norms prohibiting aggression against a sovereign and independent state. It is emphasized that even with the introduction of the Interim International Administration (UNMIK), the security situation has not stabilized. The political decisions of the representatives of the international community were framed in the paradigm of “absolute independence” of Kosovo and Metohija, despite the dissatisfaction of the then top officials of the Republic of Serbia. The illegal attempt to secede from Kosovo and Metohija through the adoption of the Declaration of Independence in 2008 by representatives of the Albanian national minority raised a number of political, economic and social questions about the strategy of the subjects and forces of the national security system of the Republic of Serbia. It is indicated that the ongoing dialogue between representatives of the Provisional Kosovo Institutions and representatives of the Republic of Serbia contributed to the signing of agreements in various fields. However, their implementation has a negative impact on the sovereignty, i.e. the jurisdiction of the institutions of the Republic of Serbia. The international administration created to date has failed to ensure the implementation of UN Security Council resolution 1244. The article analyzes the dynamics of events that led to the unilateral declaration of independence in violation of all norms of international law, including the right to political self-determination. The results of the work indicate an uneven interpretation of some norms regulating the status of national minorities (in this case, Albanians), as well as an attempt by Western countries to impose a solution to the Kosovo problem on the Republic of Serbia exclusively through various forms of recognition of the so-called independence.
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Mojašević, Aleksandar. "How to untie "the Kosovo knot"? An integrative approach to the Serbian-Albanian conflict". Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta Nis 62, nr 98 (2023): 73–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfn1-43426.
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This paper presents Mnookin's conceptual framework for identifying and overcoming obstacles to the efficient and fair resolution of individual and group conflicts and disputes. This is followed by review of the basic elements of the negotiations between the Republic of Serbia and the self-proclaimed Republic of Kosovo, a summary of the results of those negotiations, as well as the views of the Serbian public opinion on the declaration of independence of the so-called Kosovo and the Kosovo issue in general. After that, the paper presents the basic elements of two well-known theories of intergroup conflict in order to shed light on the nature of conflict between the two ethnic groups (Serbs and Albanians). Finally, the previous negotiations of the two parties are placed in the presented conceptual framework of negotiations in order to identify the key points of contention in the previous negotiations of Serbia and the so-called Kosovo and offer potential solutions for overcoming them based on the presented theoretical model of negotiation in the presence of a third party (mediator). The key finding is that the negotiations can be concluded with a fair agreement, but only if the real (material) interests of the two parties are respected, primarily the emotional ones, that is, those arising from the nature of the conflict between the social identities of the two ethnic groups.
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Filimonova, Anna Igorevna, i Kseniya Dmitrievna Kot. "The negotiation process and the Martti Ahtisaari Plan as a way to the unconditional state independence of the "Republic of Kosovo"". Uchenyy Sovet (Academic Council), nr 4 (18.03.2021): 257 (322)—269 (333). http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/nik-02-2104-02.
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The article presents an analysis of one of the most acute and urgent problems of our time — the acquisition of the de facto independence declared by Pristina on February 17, 2008 by the separatist forces of the Kosovo Albanians, represented mainly by the former leaders of the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army, of the sabotage and punitive character of the fighting, and the Albanian politicians completely subordinate to them by that time. The authors focused on identifying the role of the UN (UN Security Council and the UN Civil Administration in Kosovo and Metohija — UNMIK), the United States, the EU, and Serbia since the beginning of the illegitimate process of negotiations, not on the implementation of the binding UN Security Council Resolution No. 1244, but on the completely contradictory negotiations on the status of Kosovo and Metohija, the failure of which, however, led, as planned, to the proclamation of the creation of the "Republic of Kosovo" and its subsequent strengthening on the basis of the principles underlying the preparation and conduct of these negotiations, as well as the Martti Ahtisaari Plan. The article covers the period from the end of the NATO military aggression against the FRY (June 1999) to February 17, 2008 – the starting point of the creation of the quasistate of Kosovo. The materials of the article can be used in the educational process within the "International Relations" and "Political Science" program tracks. English version of the article on pp. 322-333 at URL: https://panor.ru/articles/negotiation-and-martti-ahtisaariplan-as-a-path-to-the-unconditional-state-independence-of-the-republic-of-kosovo/65975.html
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Janova, Arjan, i Oktaj Hasani. "The attitude of the international community to the October 1997 student protests in Kosovo, before and after the outbreak". UNISCI Journal 20, nr 58 (15.01.2022): 27–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31439/unisci-131.
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During the administration of the former Yugoslavia, the Albanian population of Kosovo was denied the basic right to education. Albanian students, although they were numerically in the majority at the University of Pristina, did not even enjoy the basic rights to education in the Albanian language, despite the fact that this university was Albanian and was founded by Albanians more than 20 years ago. This situation pushed Albanians to organise themselves to defend their freedoms and rights, especially in the field of education. The student protests of October 1997, organised in a spirit of cooperation between students, civil society and teachers, became one of the many factors that brought the treatment of the Albanian people under Slobodan Milosevic's regime to the attention of the world.
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Kolaj Ristanović, Irena. "Serbsko-albańska koegzystencja w Kosowie w latach 1878–1912 na przykładzie osmańskiego państwowego systemu edukacyjnego". Bracia, wrogowie, renegaci. Słowiańszczyzna i muzułmanie na Bałkanach w xix i xx w. 150, nr 2 (2023): 283–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.23.017.17954.
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Serbian-Albanian coexistence in Kosovo in 1878–1912: the example of the Ottoman State Education System The principle of equality proclaimed by the Edict of Gulhane (tur. Gülhane Hatt-ı Şerîf) in 1839 resulted in many changes in the socio-political sphere of the Ottoman society, but also with several legal acts regarding education issued by the Ottoman authorities. The Constitution of the Ottoman Empire from 1876 proclaimed equality between all citizens of the state regardless of ethnicity and religion. Even though, relations between the Albanian and Serbian populations in the Kosovo Vilayet were tense in all aspects of socio-political spheres. The representatives of Albanians, as a majority in the vilayet, defended the status of Islam as a dominant religion and Christianity as a religion of slaves (rayah). As the Ottoman authorities issued many legal acts regarding formal basic education in Islamic primary schools (mekteb) during the second half of the 19th century, tensions and misunderstandings between the Serbian and Albanian populations increased. This paper analyzes relations between Serbs and Albanians in the Vilayet of Kosovo in 1878–1912 in the area of implementation of the right to primary education for both communities as this issue has not been researched in detail until now. Our research is based on interdisciplinary approach to the subject and the use of primary archival sources of the Ottoman and Serbian provenance, as well as the relevant literature.
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Gjoshi, Ragip. "Chronicle of Designing of Textbooks – ABC Books, Reading Comprehension and Grammar Books in Albanian Language in Kosovo 1886 – 2019". European Journal of Social Science Education and Research 6, nr 3 (25.09.2019): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v6i3.p44-52.
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According to the pedagogue and scholar of the school textbooks, the textbook is a basic and mandatory school book, which serves as a basic tool and source of knowledge in the given field of study. Created in support of the education curriculum and didactically shaped, taking into account the psychophysical skills of the students, the subject matter of the course, the type of school, the degree and the profile of education. Students use it in all stages of the learning process and in everyday self-education. It is known that the existence of the scripture is mentioned by the old Babylonia when tile plates were used to write the textual content, as early as four thousand years ago. In addition to that, in ancient Egypt, the texts were written in papyrus, which was used even in old Greece and later in Rome. The parchment was used in the middle Ages, whereby it is believed that the texts were written two thousand years ago. The story of the proper text begins with the discovery of Jan Gutenberg's printing press in 1438. This is where the textbook as a massive book of education derives from. It was an epochal discovery. Meanwhile, while it is known that although Albanian is one of the oldest languages in Europe, it is however documented late. The first documents of the Albanian language are considered from the 15th century (Formula e Pagëzimit, Fjalorthi i A.Von Harfit dhe Perikopeja e Shen Matineut). Meanwhile, Buzuku (Meshari 1555), for us Albanians, is the starting point for text design. It was the time when the didactic reformer Czech pedagogue Jan Amos Komenski (1592-1670), with the first text in Latin, illustrated Orbis sensualium pictus (The Sensual World in Photography), arrived as the founder of the textbook theory. However, it can be concluded that the ABC book, the literature and grammar texts in particular, and the textbook in general, in Kosovo were of multiple importance to Albanians who were deprived of the right to education in Albanian language. The history of textbook design in Albanian language in Kosovo is very new. After the Renaissance, which was marked as a bright epoch in the effort to draft textbooks for Albanian schools, "The Literary Commission" (Komisia Letrare), established in Shkodra in 1916 would join to serve in the name of this cause. The aim of this body was to gather and publish the visions of Albanian folk literature such as: poetry and songs, tales, traditions, lessons, etc. Recently, efforts have been made to compile literary bibliographies in Albanian language. Nevertheless, it would be useful to continue with a bibliography of Albanian Language reading comprehension books in the school tradition in Albania, Kosovo and other areas where Albanians live and are educated in Albanian language. In Kosovo, Mati Logoreci is a pedagogue, is considered to be among the first textbook writers. This patriot and intellectual is a treasure of Albanian tradition in many fields, especially of education and school, as didactic, text analyst, organizer, controversial to highlight scientific, educational, social values. Mati Logoreci has an indisputable value in the history of the Albanian didactic thinking, in particular, the current educational values, adding to these values also some features of contemporary personality traits, traditional learning, within the learning methods. Logoreci was among the first Albanian educators in Kosovo. The path to development of the book in Albanian language in Kosovo was difficult, which at the same time is the best indicator of the situation of this group of the Albanians.
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Kerimi, Salim Kadri. "Iseljavanje Turaka iz Jugoslavije u Tursku: 70. godina od “Džentlmenskog sporazuma”". Historijski pogledi 6, nr 9 (20.06.2023): 184–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.184.
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This (2023) year marks the 70th anniversary of the achievement of the so-called “Gentlemen’s Agreement”, for the emigration of Turks from FPR of Yugoslavia to the Republic of Turkey. According to some indications and documents, this agreement was reached between the President of FPR of Yugoslavia Josip Broz Tito and the Minister of Foreign Affairs (MFA) of the Republic of Turkey, Fuad Köprülü, in Brioni, on January 22nd or 23rd, 1953. In order to operationalize this agreement, about three months later an “Agreement between the State Secretariat for Foreign Affairs of the FPR of Yugoslavia and the Embassy of the Republic of Turkey in Belgrade, for the emigration of Turks”, was signed. After reaching the two aforementioned agreements the process of emigration of the Muslim population of Yugoslavia to Turkey gained dramatic proportions. Beside the Turks, especially between 1953 and 1968, a large number of Albanians, Bosniaks and Pomacs immigrated to Turkey. In other words it was the largest exodus that took place in Europe in the period after the Second World War. As it is already known, the emigration of Turks and other Muslim populations of Yugoslavia to Turkey in the 50’s and 60’s of the 20th century was not new, because the emigration of the aforementioned population began in the second half of the 17th century - after the second defeat of the Ottoman army at the gates of Vienna in 1683, and continued in the period after the Second World War. In a period of more than 300 years, the most massive emigrations of the Muslim population from the territory of former Yugoslavia took place especially after the Russo-Ottoman War of 1877-1878, after the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) and the First World War (1914-1918). The emigrations which took place after the Second World War, that I am writing about, are characteristic in that they took place in a peacetime period, as a result of the insidious abuse/ disrespect by the Yugoslav side of the agreement from 1953, which was signed between representatives of Yugoslavia and Turkey. Among the researchers of this issue, there are different views about the total number of emigrants who emigrated from Yugoslavia to Turkey in the 50s and 60s of the 20th century, and especially about their nationality. Albanian historians and other authors from Albania and Kosovo go so far as to treat almost all emigrants from Kosovo and Macedonia as Albanians. Unlike them, Albanian historians and other authors from Macedonia admit that there were Turks among the emigrants from Macedonia, but that the dominant part of the emigrants were allegedly Albanians. Unlike them, I and several other authors from the Republic of Northern Macedonia (V. Achkovska, B. Ilievski, G. Todorovski, and others) claim that the majority of emigrants from the Republic of Macedonia were Turks.
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Rexhaj, Xhavit. "Higher Education in Kosovo: A Prolonged Transition". International Higher Education, nr 84 (1.01.2016): 29–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/ihe.2016.84.9123.
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Stojanović, Stanislav. "The redefinition of the relationship between the Serbian and Albanian nation: The basis of the security consolidation of Kosovo and Metohija". Vojno delo 74, nr 3 (2022): 99–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo2203099s.
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A lot of arguments support the view that the so-called Republic of Kosovo represents a model of a state that is based on violence, injustice, imposition and the absence of any idea of compromise. The national arrogance and aggressive ideas of Greater Albania, as well as the megalomaniac, violent and undemocratic character of the actions of the interim authorities in Prishtina, represent a real danger for further dissolution of the Balkans, which is why this area is perceived as an area of unfinished conflicts. From the point of view of accomplishing national interests, Kosovo and Metohija represents the greatest security challenge for the Republic of Serbia. The danger of further collapsing and diminishing the Serbian ethnic space, especially of changing the original Serbian character of the southern Serbian province and threatening the identity heritage of the Serbian nation represent particularly dangerous trends in the conflictual character of relations between Serbs and Albanians. The importance of Kosovo and Metohija and the severity and complexity of the problem that the southern Serbian province faces emphasize the necessity of defining a long-term strategy for its solution. With its content, it has to be a clear expression of conceptual readiness for solving the complex Kosovo-Metohija problem. At the basis of such a strategy, which is the starting hypothesis of this paper, is the necessity of redefining the relationship between the Serbian and Albanian nation and stopping the inertia of centuries-old mistrust and animosity between them. The stated position, which has a strategic character, is the cornerstone of the security stabilization and reintegration of Kosovo and Metohija. The main methodological procedures of the research process in this paper are comparative historical method and the method of document content analysisthe case study method, comparative analysis method and historical method.
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Zejnullahi, Veton. "Albanians in Presevo Valley and Their National Rights". European Journal of Language and Literature 2, nr 1 (30.08.2015): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejls.v2i1.p90-99.
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The situation of Albanians in Serbia, especially in three municipalities bordering with Kosovo-Presevo, Bujanovac and Medvegja, which are known as the Presevo Valley region remains the same even after the Kosovo war and after the war that took place in this region between Serbian government forces and ethnic Albanian fighters LAPMB. Since in this region the majority of the population is Albanian, then the object of study will be focused in the situation of the population there and the challenges facing it in everyday life and problems they encounter, starting from the most basic ones like: education, information, health, use of language, use of national symbols and many other problems. Presevo Valley throughout the stages of its history has always been marked with the various tensions depending on the circumstances, which have escalated to armed conflicts as happened during World War II when fighters of this area contributed greatly to the fight against fascism and Nazis, but even in the latter case when the war took place between government forces and ethnic Albanian Serbian organized around LAPMB. We will also see that the Albanian population in this region is indigenous to the early centuries of history being part of the Ancient Dardania and despite many invaders, Albanian population managed to preserve its national identity. Therefore the aim of this paper is to show the state of Albanians in the Presevo Valley focusing on historical, political, economic, demographic, cultural, educational, health, national rights - the symbols and language, information, migration and many problems other faced by the people of this region.
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Kastrati, Shqipe, i Albana Kastrati. "Europian Union and dilemas unresolved balkan". Technium Education and Humanities 3, nr 1 (25.11.2022): 27–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/teh.v3i1.7867.
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The Europian Union is a “sui generis”organization(a special type),which one is evolving over the time.This organization is a conglomerate of nations which have a single goal,the progres of their country,in principle,always working through the advancement of the organization in general. Ways of organizing and the functioning of the EU, with some modifications, the weathered dignity,the challenge of growth.How ever,the changes can only move forward.
Given this fact,we refer to the most important challenge of Europe and his Constitution.Ratification of the Treaty of Lisbon cut”troubled souls”in the EU since it is know that the treaty contained over 70% of the content of the Europian Constitutional Treaty.We can say that the Europian politics,this time has passed the test of challenging which was submitted to the mark the continuation of reforms in contradiction with their slowdown and stagnation.
With the beginning of the democratic development in Easter Europe,the Albanians were the first who asked for their right to self-determination.For European recognition of the new republic crucial was status of a Republic and the combination of the principles of the concept of “European” and that “classic”. When there was not stability in Balkans,when the war in former Yugoslavia started in Slovenia,Croatia,Bosnia and Herzegovina,Kosovo was not independent,when the war began in the Presheva Valley,and in Macedonia,Kosovo was not independent. In a conclusion the answer to this wrong perception would be: the independence of Kosovo has stabilized the Balkans.
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Mitrović, Miroslav. "The paper on the strategic communication on the Kosovo-Metohija security issue". Vojno delo 74, nr 3 (2022): 127–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo2203127m.
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Strategic communication is an expression of the state soft power, which expresses its strategic commitments, supports the state influence on the international scene and enables a more favourable status in providing national interests. It is the subject of strategic studies of all developed countries that strive to achieve their interests in international relations. It also represents a systemic approach to crisis response, as well as support to managing crisis and conflicts. A synergistic approach to the accomplishment of national interests and support in crisis management and post-conflict relations is the basis of the idea of this paper. Its general framework is based on the analysis of the genesis of the Kosovo-Metohija conflict from the general historical, sociological and cultural basis of the relations between Serbs and Albanians in the territory of the southern Serbian province. Furthermore, the paper deals with the aspect of strategic communications within the Kosovo-Metohija security issue. The chronological overview shows the development of the conflict in the territory of Kosovo and Metohija, as well as the key activities of strategic communication caused by those events. The examples of strategic communication that are key in defining the security situation in Kosovo and Metohija have been singled out. On the basis of the analysis of the state of the discussed problem, the preconditions that can be said to represent the basis for establishing the communication environment of the Kosovo-Metohija security issue are listed. In conclusion, a general framework of the strategic communication of the Kosovo-Metohija security issue is proposed, through an adapted media, public diplomatic, negotiation and representation strategy. Such a framework of strategic communication represents the basis of support for solving the Kosovo-Metohija security issue in accordance with the objective goals and national interests of the Republic of Serbia.
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Nikolajević, Milan, i Dragoljub Sekulović. "The Albanian National Army at the beginning of the 21st century". Bezbednost, Beograd 65, nr 2 (2023): 132–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bezbednost2302132n.
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The Albanian National Army is a terrorist organization that operates on the territory of several Balkan states in the areas it considers to be the so-called geospace of "Greater Albania". It was created very soon after the end of the war in Kosovo and Metohija and has since then promoted the new Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) under a different name. The idea of the so-called Greater or Natural Albania dates from the middle of the 19th century. Namely, in 1878, a group of Albanians and Albanian champions, assisted by the Turks, formed their first organization, the League of Prizren, in the town of Prizren, Kosovo and Metohija, where they proclaimed the ideas of the so-called Greater Albania, as well as the fight against Orthodox Christians in the Balkans. That struggle continues today. It started with the so-called Kosovo Committee, and it continued until the end of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st century with the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA or UÇK). The idea of the so-called "Greater Albania" never died. It culminated in the wars of 1998 to 1999, as well as in new armed conflicts in 2000 and 2001 in the area of southern Central Serbia and part of today's North Macedonia. The inheritors and executors of this idea are the new terrorist organizations created by the reorganization of the KLA, namely "OVPMB", "ANA", "ONA" and "OVČ", as well as the armed formations of the so-called "Kosovo". These organizations will not be significantly different from their mother, the KLA, except that they will face new challenges. The great Western powers will also show their interests and will immediately provide their moral and economic support to the terrorists in the fight against the Serbian and Macedonian authorities.
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Han, Alex E. "Education and Healthcare Reforms in Post-Conflict Setting: Case Studies in Kosovo". Asian Journal of Humanity, Art and Literature 8, nr 2 (31.12.2021): 85–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.18034/ajhal.v8i2.613.
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Kosovo is a small country that was first declared an independent state on 17 February 2008. Albanians make up 90% of the overall population, whereas the Serbs, Turks, Bosnians, and Roma make up to 10% of the total population as the minority group. Before 1999, Kosovo was part of the Yugoslav organization, but after the March –June 1999 conflicts, the North Atlantic Treaty Forces (NATO), thus bringing Kosovo under United Nations administration (Solana, 114-120). Post-conflict recovery is heavy for Kosovo as it entails rebuilding numerous systems' infrastructure for both the healthcare system and education system (Solana, 114-120). The infrastructure and procedures need to be carefully reorganized to curb both communicable and non-communicable diseases to restructure family care and also to better the education provided in Kosovo. The new state is experiencing a slow economic growth rate of less than 4% causing a slow growth rate of both the education and the healthcare system. This rate of economic growth is caused by almost half of the Kosovo people being unemployed and young. The state of the education system in Kosovo has been affected by many different players that have over the years disintegrated the education system and particularly left adverse effects on children and women. According to the PISA international exam for international students OECD exam that was conducted to test the ability of learners to study, Kosovo students became the last three position out of the 73 counties that took the test for math and reading. This shows that the quality of education at these schools is still low. This indicated poor planning in the Kosovo education system for instance the high congestion in schools since due to the overcrowding, students do not get to experience the personalized teaching they require hence both the learners and teachers end up feeling stressed, poor funding for schools in Kosovo, poor working standards and low salaries for teachers. These reforms were to help Albania to reform from the adverse effects of conflict by the Serbians. The aim of these reforms for both healthcare and education was to improve the current unfavorable conditions like lack of equipment as the learners would sit on the floor and write on each other’s backs and hospitals lacked equipment for work.
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Milosavljevic, Sasa, Jovo Medojevic i Aleksandar Valjarevic. "Changes in the ethnic structure of the population of AP Kosovo and Metohija settlements 1948-2022". Glasnik Srpskog geografskog drustva 103, nr 1 (2023): 237–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gsgd2301237m.
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AP Kosovo and Metohija is a unique geographical area in Europe, during which the most complex demographic processes, caused by: political conflicts, the NATO bombing of 1999, and took place during the 20th century and the first decades of the 21st century: killing, ethnic cleansing, persecution and segregation of the population. Since June 1999, about 220,000 people were displaced from Kosovo and Metohija. Most of them were Serbs, followed by non-Albanian populations: Montenegrins, Gorans, Roma and Ashkali. The mass persecution of the Serb and other non-Albanian populations has resulted in tremendous changes in the ethnic structure of the Province. Previously, heterogeneous settlements became ethnically homogeneous with a dominant Albanian population. With 93% of the total population Albanians is dominated, while other ethnic communities have a participation of 7%.
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Nikoçeviq, Elmedina. "THE ROLE OF CAPACITY- BUILDING FOR SCHOOL DECENTRALIZATION IN KOSOVO". Problems of Education in the 21st Century 41, nr 1 (5.04.2012): 52–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.33225/pec/12.41.52.
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After the war in Kosovo (1999) many powers concentrated in school were drawn out the former Department of Education, led by UNMIK. Many responsibilities were transferred from central to local level in the period from 2003 until 2010, but there was no assignment at school. Obviously, the return of powers to schools is having many difficulties. The Ministry of Education, Science and Technology in Republic of Kosovo has still no clear strategy on how to make the decentralization of educational system. This paperwork deals with analysis of the existence of capacities for successful implementation of decentralization process of school system. It also identifies the challenges and difficulties faced by principals and teachers in meeting the school needs because of a lack of competencies in school management. The study uses survey data generated from 29 primary and secondary school principals and 172 primary and secondary school teachers in Republic of Kosovo. According to the survey and interview results, schools in Kosovo do not enjoy autonomy. Their needs are addressed at the municipal level. Key words: decentralization, capacities, roles, legal infrastructure, pre- university education.
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Devedzic, Mirjana. "Controversies of demographic development in the Pcinja county". Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, nr 131 (2010): 319–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1031319d.
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Pcinja county is an administrative region bordering Bulgaria, Macedonia and Kosovo, and is featured by a number of demographic peculiarities and extremes. In Central Serbia, this county is certainly the region with the most heterogeneous ethnic distribution; this fact determines differences in fertility transition and the speed of demographic ageing. Almost 90% ethnic Albanians from Serbia inhabit the Pcinja county, and so do 40% of ethnic Bulgarians. In addition, this county is featured by strong intra- and inter-regional demographic differentiations, both spatial and structural. Reduction of polarization of demographic development in Serbia at macro and intermediate levels (excluding the Kosovo territory), as well as minor differences between urban and rural environments, have made the county rather specific. Thus this relatively small province includes the one with the highest fertility rate and with the youngest population in the entire Republic of Serbia, five levels of demographic age in only seven administrative entities, the municipalities with the highest and the lowest international migration, a concentration of municipalities with the highest masculinity, municipalities with extremely high illiteracy rates, municipalities without atheists, and so on. Common features of this demographically heterogeneous province are underdevelopment and poverty. They do not manifest in the same way all over the territory; they are rather modified by various cultural factors. .
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Kastrati, Ardian. "The Role of Education for Identity Formation Among Albanians and Serbs of Kosovo: the Application of the Difference-Blinded Approach for Establishing Citizenship Regime in a Multi-Cultural Society". European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 6, nr 1 (30.04.2016): 146. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v6i1.p146-153.
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As a result of striving accession to the EU, all states in southeast Europe have as precondition to solve inter ethnic conflicts and to balance the system in a way that makes the relations between dominant group and minorities one of the mutual respect, based upon the principle of non discrimination. In Western Balkans some of the most controversial issues in the past decade have revolved around the educational rights. The fragile society of Kosovo faces many challenges, and the system of education is just one of them. The ongoing dialogue between Serbia and Kosovo and painful process of state building often overshadows important educational issues. The educational system of Kosovo is segregated, extremely divisive and highly politicized. It is widely accepted that education has strong impact on individual’s identity formation. In this context ethnicity, nationality and citizenship constitute just a few of the possible identities within the individual’s self-conception being the most relevant to the relationship between citizen and the state. In the analyses of the theoretical foundations of multiculturalism the role of education in a culturally diverse society is very important for identity formation based on the concept of the citizenship as identity. By constitution Kosovo is a multicultural society but the meanings and expressions of this are contested both within the dominant Albanian majority and Serbian minority. Conceiving comprehensive discussions if Albanians and Serbs of Kosovo in the future could potentially accept to identify themselves through the citizenship of the new state before their ethnic and national based identities (cross linked with Albania respectively Serbia), it is a broad topic and beyond the scope of this paper, but for the purpose of this study the concept of the citizenship as identity is considered only in a narrower context - that of the role of education in identity formation
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Thaçi, Lulzim, i Xhevat Sopi. "The differences in formative assessment evaluation between teachers and students – a non- parametric analysis". Cypriot Journal of Educational Sciences 17, nr 5 (30.05.2022): 1631–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/cjes.v17i5.7256.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This study aims to assess the impact of the application of formative assessment on student success in the Republic of Kosovo and to highlight the differences in assessment between teachers and students. The research included 217 teachers and 245 students from 34 lower secondary schools, from different cities and villages of the Republic of Kosovo. Separate questionnaires were prepared for both groups, while 5-point Likert questions were used to measure the evaluation of the effects of formative assessment. The non-parametric one-sample Wilcoxon signed rank test and Mann–Whitney U test methods were used to analyse the results and test the hypothesis. The results of the Wilcoxon test with 95% confidence level show that both teachers and students evaluate positively the effects of formative assessment, while the Mann–Whitney U test results show that for particular aspects there are significant differences in assessment between these two groups for the formative assessment method.
Keywords: Formative assessment, learning outcomes, teaching practice, curriculum, non-parametric methods, Kosovo.
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MULOLLI-JAHMURATAJ, Maliqe. "Education Policies in Pre-University Education of the Republic of Kosovo for Non-Majority Communities of Roma, Ashkali and Egyptian". PRIZREN SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL 4, nr 1 (30.04.2020): 57–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.32936/pssj.v4i1.143.
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The Republic of Kosovo is a country that observes all the rights and obligations of its subjects with no discrimination in national, racial, linguistic sense. Even though we have these rights in place, in practice the situation is different and not very positive. This is since the non-majority communities Roma, Ashkali and Egyptian in Kosovo face several problems in different areas, especially when it comes to their right on integration to education. This paper will address and evaluate current policies and legislation of Kosovo for inclusion in education as a condition for completion of the education system.
This paper will be developed by considering the assessment of the Constitution and relevant legislation referring to the right to education for non-majority communities. Given all this legislation, it will be assessed in harmony with the practical problems that exist regarding access to the education system for non-majority communities. Therefore, this paper aims to bring innovation in this field of research aiming to identify how much the Republic of Kosovo is keeping a pace with the standards for inclusion in the education system, what are the reasons that in current state of play we do not have a satisfactory inclusion in the education by category of children from non-majority communities of Roma, Ashkali and Egyptian in pre-university education.
Key wordS: Inclusion, Children from Non-Majority Communities of Roma, Ashkali and Egyptian, Education Policy, Pre-University Education.
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Bojičić, Radica, i Anđelka Tripković. "State of organic production in Kosovo and Metohija: Great perspective or idea without the future". Ekonomika poljoprivrede 69, nr 2 (2022): 549–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/ekopolj2202549b.
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The resource potential of the agricultural sector in Kosovo and Metohija is not sufficiently used, but there is certainly a need for agricultural production, as one of the primary activities, in places inhabited by non-Albanians. The aim of this paper is to analyze the development and potential of organic production in Kosovo and Metohija. For the purposes of this paper, an original questionnaire was formulated, based on when a direct survey conducted in July and August 2021 was conducted. Also, the owner of the only agricultural cooperative "Zubin Potok" in this area, was interviewed. The research showed that a more than thirty/four percent (34,7%) of respondents answered that they plan to expand production, good part of the respondents (23,3%) pointed out that they are interested in a some kind of education if it would be organized by professionals, while more than 90% of respondents involved in organic production said it would mean some form of subsidy or local or international aid. The authors point out that for the development of organic production in Kosovo and Metohija, it is necessary to provide financial support to farms, but also to build a stable market of organic products, which would contribute to the stability and competitiveness of this food production system.
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Stroup, Nicholas. "Program Accreditation and Anticipatory Socialization to Doctoral Education in Kosovo". Journal of Comparative & International Higher Education 11, Winter (15.03.2020): 196–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.32674/jcihe.v11iwinter.1520.
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The study outlines labor market considerations for the Republic of Kosovo’s higher education institutions related to (1) the employment of doctoral degree holders and (2) maintaining program accreditation. It then identifies how discourses of accreditation at the national and supranational levels influence the anticipatory socialization of students to doctoral study in Kosovo. Future analysis willinvestigate popular discourses that contribute to graduate student anticipatory socialization, such as debates over degree quality or perceptions that higher education in Kosovo misaligns with the national labor market.
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Robaj, Avdullah. "SOCIAL PROTECTION AND DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION". Journal Human Research in Rehabilitation 13, nr 2 (13.09.2023): 321–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.21554/hrr.092315.
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Contemporary states take a variety of measures, ranging from economic, social, cultural, and health to legal ones, to ensure the protection of the individual and the family. Social protection is substantially a form or a field of fulfilment of human needs. Economic assistance, social services and social care are considered social programs which aim to alleviate poverty, eliminate social exclusion, provide social care, enable the reintegration of all individuals, families and groups in need. The Republic of Kosovo, through positive law, has undertaken a series of economic and social measures which ensure the protection of the individual and the family. Social protection in the Republic of Kosovo is not defined by a special law, but it is defined by a package of laws. Thus, currently, in Kosovo there is necessary legal infrastructure for social protection beneficiaries, although not complete in the desired form and quality.
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Arënliu, Dr Sc Aliriza, Dr Sc Dashamir Bërxulli i Dr Sc Mytaher Haskuka. "Social distance in terms of demographic features – Kosovo population study". ILIRIA International Review 3, nr 1 (30.06.2013): 293. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v3i1.113.
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Kosovo aims for development of a state over the Kosovo state identity, which includes all communities living in Kosovo. Integration of all communities in public institutions and life remains one of the challenges of Kosovo society. The social distance refers to the extent of understanding of another group, which characterizes parasocial and social relations. Another definition is the lack of availability and relations in being open to others. Bogardus states that social distance is an outcome of affective distance between members of two groups. Earlier studies have shown that the social distance or gap is related to the ethnic background, education level and earlier interaction with other ethnic groups. Also, studies have shown a link with social/political activism. Further, it has been proven that social distance is manifested at three different spatial dimensions, their own self in a reciprocal co-product: physical, symbolical and geometric. The study aims to explicate social distance in a relation with demographic records of respondents to a research undertaken in Kosovo in 2010, in which 1296 citizens (64.4% Albanians, 13.9% Serbs, 6.9% Turkish, 5% Roma/Ashkali/Egyptian (RAE), 6.9% Bosnian and 2.7% others). Social distance has been measured by asking the respondents about the groups or persons they would object in terms of neighborhood: they, who speak another language, have another religion, have homosexual orientation, etc. Comparisons of average social distance in relation with ethnic sub-groups, gender, level of education, experience in earlier trips to the countries of the European Union (EU), size of settlement and the region of origin of the respondent, show significant differences, at p < 0.05. Also, the research also reviewed the link between social activism and activism in civil society and social distance. In these terms, outcomes are less clearer, thereby suggesting that social activism or activism in civil society not necessarily influences the narrowing of the social gap. Outcomes are discussed in due account of permanent efforts to involve minorities in governance and public life in Kosovo.
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Suvakovic, Aleksandra. "Communication as necessary factor of a collective remembrance of the common life on example of Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo and Metohija". Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, nr 171 (2019): 327–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1971327s.
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Far-reaching consequences that linguistic policy may leave in the future decades are denoted in the paper, especially in regions where two nations with their differences interlace. After the World War II, it was enabled for the Albanians in the region of Kosovo and Metohija to get education entirely in their mother tongue, Albanian language, which simultaneously reduced the range of interactions with fellow citizens of Serbian nationality, the ability to understand each other, reducing also their professional possibilities. The years that followed only deepened the linguistic barrier between the two nations living in the same region, which inevitably led to constantly growing ethnic distance and escalation of conflicts. Empirical researches regarding the linguistic and ethnic distance between the Serbs and Albanians were conducted among Serbian students in Kosovska Mitrovica and Albanian students in Pristina after a long time, in December 2016 and January 2017. An opinion poll in the field was implemented along with the representative sample, while Likert scale and modified Bogardus scale were used as instruments. The obtained results showed both the ignorance of the language of the other ethnic group and unwillingness to master that language, as an obstacle for communication. The results could be the guidelines for future state linguistic and educational policy in this region. Ethnic minorities have an indisputable right to foster their mother tongue and culture but necessarily must also master the language of the state whose territory they live on. On the other hand, the Serbian population also should get to know the language of fellow citizens - Albanians, primarily for establishing communication and better understanding, but also for improving the quality of life. Establishing such a linguistic policy would gradually remove linguistic barriers, leading to the reduction of ethnic distance. It would create also the presumptions for overcoming the ?ethnic cultural memory? that deepens differences by its unilaterality, i.e. it would create conditions for the transmission of over-ethnic memory to a common life in the region where such life existed. It would represent the first condition for establishing a common ?cultural memory?.
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Çeliku, Xhyla, i Anthony Preston. "The Ohrid Framework Agreement in North Macedonia between its institutional implementation and political instrumentalization". South Florida Journal of Development 5, nr 7 (17.07.2024): e4121. http://dx.doi.org/10.46932/sfjdv5n7-019.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This article focuses on the peace agreement reached through international mediation in North Macedonia, known as the Ohrid Framework Agreement. In 2001, this agreement successfully brought together the conflicting parties: the government of the Republic of Macedonia (now North Macedonia), and the armed Albanian forces under the emblem of the National Liberation Army (UÇK). This agreement prevented the escalation of conflict on the scale of the Bosnian and Kosovo War, contributing to the easing of interethnic relations in North Macedonia. It aimed to advance the rights of non-Macedonian ethnic groups, particularly the rights of Albanians, who constitute numerically the second largest ethnic group in North Macedonia at around 30%, according to the latest population registration in 2022. This agreement was intended to be implemented within five years after its signing in 2001. However, even after 22 years, it remains unrealized concerning the fair representation of non-Macedonian ethnic groups within the state structure. Furthermore, it continues to be used as a discriminatory tool by the North Macedonian state. Worse yet, it has become a political instrument for achieving votes through employment, primarily favoring individuals closely associated with the ruling parties, party militants, and relatives of party leaders. This has resulted in the creation of a caste of state political administrators. On the other hand, it has led to unprecedented segregation among Albanians in North Macedonia, with the slogan: ‘This one belongs to us, that one not.’ Consequently, those who are not considered ‘ours’ are compelled to emigrate abroad in search of better living conditions. Over time, this has resulted in a significant exodus, primarily among young people, with official statistics estimating up to 700,000 individuals.