Książki: „Against the American anti-slavery society”

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Theodore Dwight Weld and the American Anti-Slavery Society. Jefferson, N.C: McFarland & Co., Publishers, 2011.

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The transformation of American abolitionism: Fighting slavery in the early Republic. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002.

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The problem of democracy in the age of slavery: Garrisonian abolitionists and transatlantic reform. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2013.

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J, Bader Eleanor, red. Targets of hatred: Anti-abortion terrorism. New York, N.Y: Palgrave for St. Martin's Press, 2001.

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Alent'eva, Tat'yana, i Mariya Filimonova. Reformers, nonconformists, dissidents in the USA (XVII - XIX centuries). ru: INFRA-M Academic Publishing LLC., 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/1946225.

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The monograph examines the problems of US history related to the development of the reformist and dissident movement during the XVII-XIX centuries. There are civilizational, socio-cultural, ethno-cultural conditions for the emergence of nonconformist moods. Special attention is paid to the anti-slavery movement, which most vividly expressed public protest against the state's policy on the issue of slavery. The article also analyzes the activities of President A. Lincoln during the Civil War. The authors focus on essays on the lives of extraordinary personalities: William Penn, Ethan Allen, Hugh Henry Breckenridge, Noah Webster, Henry Carey, Thomas Cooper, Fanny Wright, Horace Mann, Charles Sumner, John Fremont, Thomas Higginson. These are not just biographical sketches, as the contribution of these outstanding Americans to solving the pressing problems of American reality is characterized. Some of the personalities are analyzed in domestic American studies for the first time. It is designed for specialists in the field of history and humanities, students, bachelors, masters, postgraduates and anyone interested in the history of the United States.

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Cox, Samuel Hanson, James a. Thome i Samuel E. Cornish. Debate at the Lane Seminary, Cincinnati: Speech of James A. Thome, of Kentucky, Delivered at the Annual Meeting of the American Anti-Slavery Society, ... Against the American Colonization Society. --. Franklin Classics Trade Press, 2018.

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Cox, Samuel Hanson, James a. Thome i Samuel E. Cornish. Debate at the Lane Seminary, Cincinnati: Speech of James A. Thome, of Kentucky, Delivered at the Annual Meeting of the American Anti-Slavery Society, ... Against the American Colonization Society. --. Franklin Classics Trade Press, 2018.

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James A. (James Armstrong) 18 Thome, Samuel H. (Samuel Hanson) 1793- Cox i Samuel E. Cornish. Debate at the Lane Seminary, Cincinnati: Speech of James A. Thome, of Kentucky, Delivered at the Annual Meeting of the American Anti-Slavery Society, May 6, 1834. Letter of the Rev. Dr. Samuel H. Cox, Against the American Colonization Society. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2021.

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Meyer, Sabine N. “Talking against a Stonewall”. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252039355.003.0004.

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This chapter examines the emergence of a High License consensus in Minnesota during the period 1888–1897. In the decade after the passage of the High License Law, there was an almost complete standstill of temperance reform in Minnesota due to the existence of a High License consensus. The moderate reformers, the leaders of the Republican Party, and even many of the law's opponents argued in favor of maintaining it. This situation did not change when two groups of Minnesotans joined the radical reformist camp: the Scandinavian Americans and the members of the state's Populist movement. This chapter also discusses the temperance activism of Irish women, with particular emphasis on the Woman's Christian Temperance Union's fight for women's rights, and the German Americans' use of the temperance movement to strengthen their ethnic position in American society. Finally, it considers how the High License consensus resulted in greater cooperation among the High License Law's opponents and in the founding of the Minnesota Anti-Saloon League (ASL).

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Malamud, Margaret. Receptions of Rome in Debates on Slavery in the U.S.A. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198803034.003.0006.

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American abolitionists not only invoked the Roman allusions and comparisons employed by the revolutionary generation’s fight for liberty from the British crown, but also adapted or subverted them in service of the black struggle for freedom. Rather than rejecting Roman society outright because it was a slaveholding society—the primal “Roman error” from their perspective—many abolitionists instead deployed figures and images from Roman antiquity in their own struggles against the despotism of chattel slavery. Supporters of emancipation and black civil rights, this chapter shows, thus engaged in an intense debate over the correct reception of ancient Rome with proslavery Southerners, who argued that slavery in both Rome and America enabled liberty and civilization. Bringing the discussion into the present day, this chapter offers a contemporary example of arguments over the correct reception of ancient Rome in relation to American slavery and the American Civil War.

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Society, American Anti-Slavery. Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery Society. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2018.

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American Anti-Slavery Society. Declaration of Sentiments and Constitution of the American Anti-Slavery Society. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2022.

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Society, American Anti-Slavery. Platform of the American Anti-Slavery Society and Its Auxiliaries. Forgotten Books, 2019.

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Osborne, Evan. The Rise of the Anti-Corporate Movement. Praeger, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798216009191.

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Against the backdrop of Enron and the other high-profile cases of corporate malfeasance, it is easy to paint today's executives as villains and blame big business, and corporations generally, for a wide array of social ills. Is the criticism warranted? Not quite, says Evan Osborne, as he traces the history of anti-corporate sentiment and assesses the fever-pitch hatred, by some, of all things corporate. While not perfect angels, Osborne argues, corporations confer many more benefits to society than ills. Moreover, they are an essential engine of human progress, and longstanding legal principles are more than adequate to address their flaws. And that makes the rising tide of anti-corporate sentiment dangerous. Why? Look at the facts: Large corporations inspire both awe and fear. On the one hand, they create jobs, introduce scientific and technological breakthroughs, open up borders through trade, and provide indispensable products and services that make life easier. On the other hand, many think they undermine the will of the people, encourage bribery and corruption, finance oppressive regimes, ruin values and culture, befoul the environment, and encourage economic inequality. It was no accident that the terrorists of September 11 targeted the World Trade Center, an iconic symbol of American financial power. In this provocative book, Evan Osborne pulls back the curtain to illuminate how corporations have evolved as an essential element of society, and how opposition to them has developed out of proportion—a fire fanned by anti-business activists, the media, and other groups. He sets the record straight, explaining how corporations work, how they have evolved in the context of other institutions, the net benefits they provide—and how to deal with their undeniable imperfections. At the same time, he shows how anti-business claims have become more strident and where these arguments fail to stand up to scrutiny.

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Bontemps, Arna. Lincoln and the Negro. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037696.003.0005.

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This chapter discusses the role of Abraham Lincoln in the fight against slavery in Illinois. Among the people who abhorred slavery were some who objected to having large numbers of Negroes for neighbors. Two types of anti-slavery sentiment arose, one based upon moral principles and the other upon economic principles. There were those who advocated abolition to elevate the Negro to citizenship and those who objected to slavery merely because it was an economic evil. This chapter considers the divided opinion on the problem of the freed Negro, led by the American Colonization Society, who disseminated propaganda against the Negro, and Lincoln, who was sympathetic toward the plan to colonize freed Negroes. It also examines how Lincoln, an astute politician, steered a course midway between the two points of view, and concludes with a look at his friendship with William de Fleurville of Springfield.

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American Anti-Slavery Society. The Fugitive Slave Law and its Victims: American Anti-Slavery Society. CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2015.

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Phillips, Wendell 1811-1884, American Anti-Slavery Society Execut i Levi Crocker. Minutes of the Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society [manuscript]; V. 1. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2021.

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Lewis Tappan and the evangelical war against slavery. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1997.

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Thomas, Jeffrey L. Scapegoating Islam. ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798216011026.

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Exploring the experience of Muslims in America following 9/11, this book assesses how anti-Muslim bias within the U.S. government and the larger society undermines American security and democracy. In the aftermath of the events of September 11, 2001, Muslims in America have experienced discrimination and intolerance from the U.S. government and American citizens alike. From religious and ethnic profiling to hate crimes, intolerance against Muslims is being reinforced on multiple levels, undercutting the Muslim community's engagement in American society. This text is essential for understanding how the unjust treatment of American Muslims following September 11 has only served to alienate the Muslim community and further divide the United States. Authored by an expert analyst of policy for 20 years, this book explores the prejudice against Muslims and how the actions of the U.S. government continue to perpetuate fear and stereotypes within U.S. citizens. The author posits that by respecting the civil rights of Muslims, the government will lead by example in the acceptance of American Muslims, improving homeland security along with the lives of Muslims living in the United States.

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Letter to a member of the Society of Friends, in reply to objections against joining anti-slavery societies. Nabu Press, 2010.

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Freedman, Linda. William Blake and the Myth of America. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198813279.001.0001.

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This book tells the story of William Blake’s literary reception in America and suggests that ideas about Blake’s poetry and personality helped shape mythopoeic visions of America from the abolitionists to the counterculture. It links high and low culture and covers poetry, music, theology, and the novel. American writers have turned to Blake in times of cataclysmic change, terror, and hope to rediscover the symbolic meaning of their country. Blake entered American society when slavery was rife and civil war threatened the fragile experiment of democracy. He found his moment in the mid-twentieth-century counterculture as left-wing Americans took refuge in the arts at a time of increasingly reactionary conservatism, vicious racism, pervasive sexism, dangerous nuclear competition, and an increasingly unpopular war in Vietnam, the fires of Orc raging against the systems of Urizen. Blake’s America, as a symbol of cyclical hope and despair, influenced many Americans who saw themselves as continuing the task of prophecy and vision. Blakean forms of bardic song, aphorism, prophecy, and lament became particularly relevant to a literary tradition which centralized the relationship between aspiration and experience. His interrogations of power and privilege, freedom and form resonated with Americans who repeatedly wrestled with the deep ironies of new world symbolism and sought to renew a Whitmanesque ideal of democracy through affection and openness towards alterity.

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Newman, Richard S. Transformation of American Abolitionism: Fighting Slavery in the Early Republic. University of North Carolina Press, 2003.

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Newman, Richard S. The Transformation of American Abolitionism: Fighting Slavery in the Early Republic. The University of North Carolina Press, 2001.

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Newman, Richard S. The Transformation of American Abolitionism: Fighting Slavery in the Early Republic. The University of North Carolina Press, 2001.

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Ritchie, Daniel. Isaac Nelson. Liverpool University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781786941282.001.0001.

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This book reconsiders the career of an important, controversial, but neglected figure in this history of Irish Presbyterianism. The Revd Isaac Nelson is mostly remembered for his opposition to the evangelical revival of 1859, but this book demonstrates that there was much more to Nelson’s career. Nelson started out as a protégé of Henry Cooke and as an exemplary young evangelical minister. Upon aligning himself with the Belfast Anti-Slavery Society and joining forces with American abolitionists such as Frederick Douglass and William Lloyd Garrison, Nelson emerged as a powerful voice against compromise with slaveholders. One of the central objectives of this book is to show that anti-slavery, especially his involvement with the ‘Send Back the Money’ controversy in the Free Church of Scotland and the debate over fellowship with slaveholders at the Evangelical Alliance, was crucially important to the development of Nelson into one of Irish Presbyterianism’s most controversial figures. His later opposition to the 1859 Revival has often been understood as being indicative of Nelson’s opposition to evangelicalism. This book argues that such a conclusion is mistaken and that Nelson opposed the Revival as a Presbyterian evangelical. His later involvement with the Land League and the Irish Home Rule movement, including his tenure as the Member of Parliament for County Mayo, could be easily dismissed as an entirely discreditable affair. While avoiding romantic nostalgia in relation to Nelson’s nationalism, this book argues that Nelson’s basis for advocating Home Rule was not as peculiar as it might first appear.

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Abolitionist Abroad: Sarah Parker Remond in Cosmopolitan Europe. University of Massachusetts Press, 2016.

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Hammer, Juliane. Peaceful Families. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691190877.001.0001.

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This book chronicles and examines the efforts, stories, arguments, and strategies of individuals and organizations doing Muslim anti-domestic violence work in the United States. Looking at connections among ethical practices, gender norms, and religious interpretation, the book demonstrates how Muslim advocates mobilize a rich religious tradition in community efforts against domestic violence, and identify religion and culture as resources or roadblocks to prevent harm and to restore family peace. The book paints a vivid picture of the challenges such advocacy work encounters. The insecurities of American Muslim communities facing intolerance and Islamophobia lead to additional challenges in acknowledging and confronting problems of spousal abuse, and the book reveals how Muslim anti-domestic violence workers combine the methods of the mainstream secular anti-domestic violence movement with Muslim perspectives and interpretations. Identifying a range of Muslim anti-domestic violence approaches, the book argues that at certain times and in certain situations it may be imperative to combat domestic abuse by endorsing notions of “protective patriarchy”—even though service providers may hold feminist views critical of patriarchal assumptions. It links Muslim advocacy efforts to the larger domestic violence crisis in the United States, and shows how, through extensive family and community networks, advocates participate in and further debates about family, gender, and marriage in global Muslim communities. Highlighting the place of Islam as an American religion, the book delves into the efforts made by Muslim Americans against domestic violence and the ways this refashions the society at large.

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Domínguez, Virginia R., i Jane C. Desmond, red. Ira Dworkin on Schatz and Shorbagy. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040832.003.0018.

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This essay puts Egypt, the “Arab Spring,” and Islamic activism into a broader perspective, arguing that a binary approach pitting “anti-Americanism” against “pro-Americanism” is problematic. It shifts the conversation away from what is central to organizations and movements like Kefaya. The notion that non-US critics of the U.S. are motivated by anti-Americanism serves the strategic purpose of diminishing the very substance of their criticisms. At its extreme, Dworkin argues, perceived anti-Americanism becomes a rationale for war. Hence, Dworkin here praises Mohammad Marandi for suggesting that some things ought to be seen as forms of anti-imperialism rather than forms of anti-Americanism, since criticism of a state does not make one “anti.” Ultimately Dworkin insists that the caricature of political movements as pro- or anti-American stifles dynamic civil society actors who are and need to be important critics of the state. For the field of American Studies, these debates about anti-Americanism (including differences between Schatz and Shorbagy) are important because they remind us that the challenge for the discipline (shared in some sense with the activists) is how to build a credible and critical space for American Studies scholarly work.

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The Great Battle Between Slavery And Freedom: Considered In Two Speeches Delivered Before The American Anti-slavery Society At New York, May 7, 1856. Franklin Classics, 2018.

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The Great Battle Between Slavery And Freedom: Considered In Two Speeches Delivered Before The American Anti-slavery Society At New York, May 7, 1856. Franklin Classics, 2018.

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Kemeny, P. C. The Halcyon Days of Protestant Moral Reform. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190844394.003.0007.

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During the 1910s the Watch and Ward Society continued to work to suppress gambling and obscene literature and achieved dramatic success in its campaign against prostitution. Two crucial victories in their battle against obscene literature were the landmark 1909 Massachusetts Supreme Court decision again Elinor Glyn’s Three Weeks and its cooperative arrangement with the region’s booksellers association in 1913 that led to the withdrawal of many morally objectionable books from the market. The “white slavery” scare, which swept across America between 1909 and 1913, revived the moral reform organization’s campaign to suppress prostitution. The formation of the Commission on Training Camp Activities, following the U.S. entrance into the World War in 1917, empowered the Watch and Ward Society to suppress prostitution in the vicinity of military bases in New England.

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Abolitionist Abroad: Sarah Parker Remond in Cosmopolitan Europe. University of Massachusetts Press, 2016.

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Salenius, Sirpa. Abolitionist Abroad: Sarah Parker Remond in Cosmopolitan Europe. University of Massachusetts Press, 2017.

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Stillion Southard, Bjørn F. Peculiar Rhetoric. University Press of Mississippi, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496823694.001.0001.

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The African colonization movement plays a peculiar role in the study of racial equality in the United States. For white colonizationists, the movement was positioned as a compromise between slavery and abolition. For free blacks, colonization offered the hope of freedom, but not within America’s borders. Bjørn F. Stillion Southard shows how politics and identity were negotiated in middle of the public discourse on race, slavery, and freedom in America. Operating from a position of relative power, white advocates argued that colonization was worthy of support from the federal government. Stillion Southard analyzes the speeches of Henry Clay, Elias B. Caldwell, and Abraham Lincoln as efforts to engage with colonization at the level of deliberation. Between Clay and Caldwell’s speeches at the founding of the American Colonization Society in 1816 and Lincoln’s final public effort to encourage colonization in 1862, Stillion Southard explores the speeches and writings of free blacks who grappled with colonization’s conditional promises of freedom. The book examines an array of discourses to explore the complex issues of identity facing free blacks who attempted to meaningfully engage in colonization efforts. From a peculiarly voiced Counter Memorial against the ACS, to the letters of wealthy black merchant Louis Sheridan negotiating for his passage to Liberia, to the civically-minded orations of Hilary Teage in Liberia, Peculiar Rhetoric brings into light the intricacies of blacks who attempted to meaningfully engage in colonization.

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Crew, Spencer R. Thurgood Marshall. ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798216025870.

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This compelling new biography introduces the reader to the constant battles for equality faced by African Americans through a study of the career of Thurgood Marshall, who believed in the power of the law to change a society. As a lawyer, Thurgood Marshall played an incredible role in ending legal segregation in the United States. For thirty years he traveled across the country for the NAACP, trying cases and encouraging African Americans to fight against discrimination. His successes made him a highly respected lawyer and individual throughout the nation. Those accomplishments led to his appointment as the first African American Supreme Court justice, where he continued the fight to protect the rights of all citizens, not just the rich and powerful. Spencer R. Crew's work follows the career of Thurgood Marshall from his youth in Baltimore, Maryland, to his days as a Supreme Court Justice. Thurgood Marshall's inspiring story illustrates the racism faced by African Americans in the twentieth century long after the end of slavery. It also shows how hard it was to make progress in blunting its impact on their lives. In Marshall's life one sees the importance of perseverance and an unwavering belief in the American constitution and its principles.

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Jackson, Maurice. Anthony Benezet. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038266.003.0008.

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This chapter examines the global impact of Anthony Benezet's antislavery ministry, including Benezet's influence on black abolitionists outside the Society of Friends. More than any other individual's work in the eighteenth century, that of Benezet served as a catalyst, throughout the Atlantic world, for the initial organized fight against slave trade and the eventual ending of slavery. His written work, which combined Quaker principles and Enlightenment thinking with knowledge gained through a deep study of Africa and her history, and his own contacts with black people as a teacher and philanthropist influenced men from Benjamin Franklin to John Jay and Patrick Henry in North America; from Thomas Clarkson, Granville Sharp, and William Wilberforce in England; to Condorcet and the Abbé Raynal in France. His words helped inspire African-born Olaudah Equiano and Ottabah Cugoano to write, and students at his Quaker schools such as American-born blacks Richard Allen and Absalom Jones to organize.

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Case, Jay R. Methodists and Holiness in North America. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199683710.003.0009.

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Baptists in nineteenth-century North America were known as eager proselytizers. They were evangelistic, committed to the idea of a believers’ church in which believers’ baptism was the norm for church membership and for the most part fervent revivalists. Baptist numbers soared in the early nineteenth-century United States though at the cost of generating much internal dissent, while in Canada New Light preachers such as Henry Alline were influential, but often had to make headway against an Anglican establishment. The Baptist commitment to freedom of conscience and gathered congregations had been hardened over the centuries by the experience of persecution and that meant that they were loath to qualify the freedom of individual congregations. The chapter concentrates on exposing the numerous divisions in the Baptist family, the most basic of which was the disagreement over the nature of the atonement, which separated General (Arminian) from Particular (Calvinist) Baptists. Revivals induced further divisions between Regular Baptists who were reserved about them and Separate Baptists who saw dramatic conversions and fervent outbursts as external signs of inward grace. Calvinistic Baptists took a dim view of efforts to induce conversions as laying too much trust in human agency. Though enthusiasm for missions gripped American and Canadian Baptists alike, there were those who feared that missionary societies would erode congregational autonomy. Dissent over slavery and abolition constituted the biggest single division in North American Baptist life. Southern Baptists developed biblical defences of slavery and were annoyed at attempts to keep slaveholders out of missionary work. As a result they formed a separate denomination, the Southern Baptist Convention, in 1845. Baptists had been successful in converting black slaves and black Baptists such as the northerner Nathaniel Paul were outspoken abolitionists. In the South after the Civil War, though, blacks marched out of white denominations to form associations of their own, often with white encouragement. Finally, not the least cause of internal dissent were disputes over ecclesiology, with J.M. Graves and J.R. Pendleton, the founders of Old Landmarkism, insisting with renewed radicalism on denominational autonomy. The chapter suggests that by the end of the century, Baptists embodied the tensions in Dissenting traditions. Their dissent in the public square intensified the possibility of internal disagreement, even schism, their tradition of Christian democracy proving salvifically liberating but ecclesiastically messy. While they stood for liberty and religious equality, they were active in anti-Catholic politics and in seeking to extend state activism in society through the Social Gospel movement.

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The Problem of Democracy in the Age of Slavery: Garrisonian Abolitionists and Transatlantic Reform. LSU Press, 2015.

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Öfele, Martin W. True Sons of the Republic. Praeger, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798216027737.

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Up to 500,000 Union soldiers, or one fourth of the Union army, had been born in Europe. These immigrants had left their home countries for a multitude of reasons, mostly economic and political. In the United States, they envisioned a country of freedom that would allow them to pursue their goals of acquiring wealth and participating in politics. Soon immersed in the great debate over the expansion of slavery, many immigrants found themselves forced to take sides and eventually rallied around the Union flag. Ethnic Americans joined the northern army out of the same motivations as their native-born comrades, with one notable difference. By defending the Union, immigrant volunteers hoped to tear down nativist obstruction against their assimilation into society and prove their worth as full citizens. Declaring their unconditional loyalty, several groups entered into veritable competitions to raise separate regiments that would defend not only the Union but ethnic and national pride. Through their high visibility within the army, those units became synonymous with the ethnic war effort. The conduct of noticeable organizations such as the Irish Brigade or the partly German Eleventh Army Corps shaped public notions of immigrant participation in the war for decades to come, notwithstanding the fact that the large majority of foreign-born soldiers served in mixed and predominantly native American regiments. These new Americans contributed substantially to Union victory.

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Gray White, Deborah. Guns and Motherhood. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040900.003.0007.

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This chapter shows how the Million Mom March helped parents, especially mothers, heal from the loss of a loved one to gun violence. It compares past maternalist movements to this one and shows the uneasy coexistence of feminism and maternalism. It explores how suburban mothers who were mostly white and urban mothers who were mostly black and Hispanic, came to believe that American society was sick, that all mothers were the antidote, and that together they could get gun control adopted and stop gun violence. While demonstrating the possibilities for coalition this chapter argues that the color-blind approach failed against the National Rifle Association, which evoked images negligent mothers, over-indulgent mothers, bad black mothers and criminal black beast rapists to defeat the anti- gun crusaders.

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Beider, Harris, i Kusminder Chahal. The Other America. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447337058.001.0001.

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Widely stereotyped as anti-immigrant, against civil-rights, or supporters of Trump and the right, can the white working class of the United States really be reduced to a singular group with similar views? This book begins with an overview of how the term “white working class” became weaponized and used as a vessel to describe people who were seen to be “deplorable.” The national narrative appears to credit (or blame) white working-class mobilization across the country for the success of Donald Trump in the 2016 US elections. Those who take this position see the white working class as being problematic in different ways: grounded in norms and behaviors that seem out of step with mainstream society; at odds with the reality of increased ethnic diversity across the country and especially in cities; blaming others for their economic plight; and disengaged from politics. Challenging populist views about the white working class in the United States, the book showcases what they really think about the defining issues in today's America—from race, identity, and change to the crucial on-the-ground debates occurring at the time of the 2016 U.S. election. As the 2020 presidential elections draw near, this is an invaluable insight into the complex views on 2016 election candidates, race, identity and cross-racial connections.

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Holcomb, Lawrence E. Black and Crazy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190458997.003.0004.

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The lawless, antinomian black male is an image cultivated in North American media since the last quarter of the nineteenth century. This version of the “bad guy” black man represents a response to the futility of black male achievement of dominant white social norms. By focusing on the aftershocks of the Black Codes, this chapter shows how particular social circumstances were ripe for the production of anti-heroes. Incapable of appealing to societal institutions, black male attempts to protect his person, his family, or his property against violation could result in his death. In a world where the established laws were rigged against them, this particular subaltern group began to revere the lawless. Faced with the impossibility of normative achievement, some African American men fulfilled the “black” stereotype prescribed by white culture. In doing so, the men became “crazy” in both a psychological and sociological sense.

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Flood, Dawn Rae. Second-Wave Feminists (Re)Discover Rape. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036897.003.0006.

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This chapter considers how changes in gender and race relations played out in society and in Chicago rape trials during the late 1960s and 1970s. Outside the courtroom, feminists helped create victim advocacy services and provided much-needed support for women who came forward to report sexual attacks. Despite a long history of African American women's activism against racial and sexual violence, the radical feminist movement was plagued with a myopic focus on gender oppression that limited interracial cooperation in the anti-rape movement. Such limitations did not mean that black rape victims did not make use of advocacy services, reflecting the potential for interracial feminist cooperation during this period. Such cooperation did not extend to relaxed urban race relations, however, as defense strategies continued to challenge the familiar prejudices of the Chicago police well into the 1970s.

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Regalado, Samuel O. Catching Up. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037351.003.0007.

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This chapter examines the scope of Nikkei baseball in the aftermath of the Second World War. Re-entry into mainstream society proved challenging for much of the Nikkei community, particularly as anti-Japanese sentiments were still smoldering in the wake of the conflict. For a time Nikkei baseball came to a virtual halt as the Japanese American community attempted to rebuild their lives. Yet both the sport and the Nikkei community would undergo a dramatic shift as the postwar years wore on, such as Jackie Robinson's entry into the Major League as its first black player. Nikkei baseball would soon thrive again, and with its revival came several prominent Nikkei baseball players who would finally build that longed-for bridge between the Japanese American community and the rest of the nation.

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Conscience and slavery: The evangelistic Calvinist domestic missions, 1837-1861. Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 1990.

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Bader, Eleanor J., i Patricia Baird-Windle. Targets of Hatred: Anti-Abortion Terrorism. Palgrave Macmillan, 2001.

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Bader, Eleanor J., i Patricia Baird-Windle. Targets of Hatred: Anti-Abortion Terrorism. St. Martin's Press, 2015.

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American Anti-Slavery Society. Second Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery Society : With the Speeches Delivered at the Anniversary Meeting, Held in the City of New-York on the 12th May, 1835: And the Minutes of the Meetings of the Society for Business. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2021.

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Colonization and its discontents: Emancipation, emigration, and antislavery in antebellum Pennsylvania. New York: New York University Press, 2010.

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Tomek, Beverly C. Colonization and Its Discontents: Emancipation, Emigration, and Antislavery in Antebellum Pennsylvania. New York University Press, 2011.

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Książki na temat „Against the American anti-slavery society”

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