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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "African Americans – Politics and government – 20th century"
Bazaieva, M. "G.I. BILL OF RIGHTS: IMPACT ON THE IMAGE OF THE VETERAN IN COLLECTIVE CONSCIOUSNESS". Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, nr 148 (2021): 14–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2021.148.2.
Pełny tekst źródłaRose, Wayne A. "W. E. B. Du Bois: Ethiopia and Pan-Africanism". Journal of Black Studies 50, nr 3 (5.03.2019): 251–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934719833394.
Pełny tekst źródłaWest, Stephen A. "“A Hot Municipal Contest”: Prohibition and Black Politics in Greenville, South Carolina, after Reconstruction". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 11, nr 4 (październik 2012): 519–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781412000382.
Pełny tekst źródłaCorkin, Stanley, i Phyllis Frus. "An Ex-centric Approach to American Cultural Studies: The Interesting Case of Zora Neale Hurston as a Noncanonical Writer". Prospects 21 (październik 1996): 193–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300006530.
Pełny tekst źródłaWarnke, Georgia. "Philosophical Hermeneutics and the Politics of Memory". Perspectives on Politics 13, nr 3 (wrzesień 2015): 739–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592715001280.
Pełny tekst źródłaWeir, Margaret. "States, Race, and the Decline of New Deal Liberalism". Studies in American Political Development 19, nr 2 (październik 2005): 157–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x05000106.
Pełny tekst źródłaGorshkov, M. K., i E. A. Bagramov. "“New nationalism” and the issue of nations in the interpretation of American social theorists". RUDN Journal of Sociology 20, nr 4 (15.12.2020): 733–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2272-2020-20-4-733-751.
Pełny tekst źródłaGlantz, M. H. "Hurricane Katrina as a "teachable moment"". Advances in Geosciences 14 (10.04.2008): 287–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/adgeo-14-287-2008.
Pełny tekst źródłaAugustine, Acheoah Ofeh. "Second Amendment and the Gun-Control Controversies: A Flaw in Constitutional Framing and an Antinomy of American Conservatism". Addaiyan Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 1, nr 8 (10.11.2019): 24–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.36099/ajahss.1.8.4.
Pełny tekst źródłaRicks, Thomas, Katharine Krebs i Michael Monahan. "Introduction: Area Studies and Study Abroad in the 21st Century". Frontiers: The Interdisciplinary Journal of Study Abroad 6, nr 1 (15.12.2000). http://dx.doi.org/10.36366/frontiers.v6i1.75.
Pełny tekst źródłaRozprawy doktorskie na temat "African Americans – Politics and government – 20th century"
Ondaatje, Michael L. "Neither counterfeit heroes nor colour-blind visionaries : black conservative intellectuals in modern America". University of Western Australia. History Discipline Group, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0029.
Pełny tekst źródłaKing, Marvin. "A Black/Non-Black Theory of African-American Partisanship: Hostility, Racial Consciousness and the Republican Party". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2006. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5264/.
Pełny tekst źródłaSanders, Ethan Randall. "The African Association and the growth and movement of political thought in mid-twentieth century East Africa". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.607946.
Pełny tekst źródłaNjoloma, Eugenio. "A study of intra-African relations an analysis of the factors informing the foreign policy of Malawi towards Zimbabwe". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003028.
Pełny tekst źródłaPfister, Roger. "Apartheid South Africa's foreign relations with African states, 1961-1994". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007632.
Pełny tekst źródłaHendrix, Michael Patrick. "The Hammer and the Anvil : the convergence of United States and South African foreign policies during the Reagan and Botha Administrations". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/71724.
Pełny tekst źródłaENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study is an historical analysis of the American policy of Constructive Engagement and serves as a comprehensive review of that policy, its ideological foundation, formulation, aims, and strategies. This study also serves as a detailed assessment of the policy’s ties to the South African Total National Strategy. Constructive Engagement, according to the Reagan Administration, was designed to lend American support to a controlled process of change within the Republic of South Africa. This change would be accomplished by encouraging a “process of reform” that would be accompanied by American “confidence building” with the apartheid regime. Before this process could begin, however, the region had to be stabilized, and the conflicts within southern Africa resolved. With the assistance of American diplomacy, peace could be brought to the region, and South Africa could proceed to political reform within the Republic. In reality, the most important aims of Constructive Engagement were to minimize Soviet influence within the Frontline States of southern Africa and remove the Cuban combat forces from Angola. These goals would be largely achieved by supporting and encouraging the South African policy of destabilizing its neighbours, called the Total National Strategy. This alignment inexorably led to a situation in which global policy issues eclipsed regional concerns, thereby making the United States a collaborator with the apartheid regime. Consequently, South Africa was allowed to continue its program of apartheid while enjoying American encouragement of its policy of regional destabilization, particularly its cross-border attacks into Angola and Mozambique. The U.S. support for the apartheid government offered through Constructive Engagement made the policy vulnerable to criticism that the apartheid regime’s “experiment with reform” was not a move toward liberalizing the Republic’s political system but that it was tailored to deny citizenship through the establishment of Bantustans, a point that provided ammunition to domestic opponents of Constructive Engagement. For a time, U.S.-South African cooperation was effective; the Frontline States were grudgingly forced to accept Pretoria’s regional hegemony. However, dominance of the Frontline States did not improve the security of the South African state. The African National Congress had not been defeated and was determined to make the Republic ungovernable. Furthermore, by the late-1980s, Pretoria could not dominate southern Africa and Angola, Mozambique, and Zimbabwe, which, although crippled from years of war, appeared poised to reassert themselves in the region. For South Africa, the Total National Strategy had failed, and coexistence with its neighbours would be a necessity. Without a powerful apartheid regime with which to reduce communist influence in southern Africa, the Reagan Administration abandoned Constructive Engagement.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie is ’n historiese analise van die Amerikaanse beleid van Konstruktiewe Betrokkenheid en dien as ’n omvattende oorsig van dié beleid, sy ideologiese grondslag, formulering, oogmerke en strategieë. Dit dien ook as ’n gedetailleerde beoordeling van die beleid se bande met Suid-Afrika se Totale Nasionale Strategie. Volgens die Reagan-administrasie was Konstruktiewe Betrokkenheid bedoel om Amerikaanse steun te verleen aan ’n beheerde proses van verandering binne die Republiek van Suid-Afrika. Hierdie verandering sou bereik word deur die aanmoediging van ’n ‘hervormingsproses’ wat met Amerikaanse ‘bou van vertroue’ met die apartheidregime gepaardgaan. Voordat dié proses kon begin moes die streek egter eers gestabiliseer en die konflikte binne Suider-Afrika opgelos word. Met behulp van Amerikaanse diplomasie kon vrede in die streek bewerkstellig word, en kon Suid-Afrika oorgaan tot binnelandse politieke hervorming. In werklikheid was die vernaamste oogmerke van Konstruktiewe Betrokkenheid om Sowjet-invloed binne die Frontliniestate van Suider-Afrika te minimaliseer en die Kubaanse gevegsmagte uit Angola te verwyder. Dié doelwitte sou grootliks bereik word deur die ondersteuning en aanmoediging van Suid-Afrika se beleid om sy buurstate te destabiliseer, wat as die Totale Nasionale Strategie bekend gestaan het. Hierdie ooreenstemming van belange het noodwendig gelei tot ’n situasie waar globale beleidskwessies streeksaangeleenthede oorskadu, en sodoende die Verenigde State van Amerika ’n kollaborateur van die apartheidregime gemaak. Gevolglik is Suid-Afrika toegelaat om sy apartheidprogram voort te sit terwyl hy Amerikaanse aanmoediging van sy beleid van streeksdestabilisering geniet, veral sy oorgrensaanvalle in Angola en Mosambiek. Die Amerikaanse steun vir die apartheidregering wat deur Konstruktiewe Betrokkenheid gebied is, het die beleid vatbaar gemaak vir kritiek dat die apartheidregering se ‘eksperiment met hervorming’ nie ’n stap in die rigting van die liberalisering van die Republiek se politieke stelsel is nie, maar eerder toegespits is op die ontsegging van burgerskap deur die vestiging van Bantoestans, ’n punt wat ammunisie verskaf het aan teenstanders van Konstruktiewe Betrokkenheid binne die VSA. Die VSA-RSA-samewerking was vir ’n tyd lank doeltreffend; die Frontliniestate moes skoorvoetend Pretoria se streekshegemonie aanvaar. Oorheersing van die Frontliniestate het egter nie die veiligheid van die Suid-Afrikaanse staat verbeter nie. Die African National Congress was nie verslaan nie en was vasbeslote om die Republiek onregeerbaar te maak. Boonop kon Pretoria teen die laat-1980s nie Suider-Afrika domineer nie en Angola, Mosambiek en Zimbabwe, hoewel verswak weens jare se oorlogvoering, het gereed gelyk om hulle weer in die streek te laat geld. Vir Suid-Afrika het die Totale Nasionale Strategie misluk, en naasbestaan met sy buurstate sou ’n noodsaaklikheid wees. Sonder ’n magtige apartheidregime waarmee kommunistiese invloed in Suider-Afrika verminder kon word, het die Reagan-administrasie Konstruktiewe Betrokkenheid laat vaar.
Sipuka, Msingathi. "Evolution of the African National Congress Youth League: from "freedom in our lifetime" to "economic freedom in our lifetime"". Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020832.
Pełny tekst źródłaMartinez, Peter Charles. "Ready to Run: Fort Worth's Mexicans in Search of Representation, 1960-2000". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1011835/.
Pełny tekst źródłaMatthews, Sally Joanne. "The African Renaissance as a response to dominant Western political discourses on Africa : a critical assessment". Diss., Pretoria : [s.n.], 2002. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-05302007-162640.
Pełny tekst źródłaSarmiento, Oddveig Nicole. "A postcolonial analysis of Cuban foreign policy towards South African liberation movements, 1959-1994". Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4300.
Pełny tekst źródłaENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a postcolonial analysis of Third World foreign policy, looking at an atypical case of state relations with national liberation movements. It is also an empirical contribution to an area of recent South African history through interrogating Cuba’s foreign policy towards South Africa’s liberation movements from 1959 until 1994. My starting point has been that meagre scholarship exists within the field of International Relations on this important area of South African history and on Cuban foreign policy. Mainstream scholars have largely overlooked relations between the Cuban state and civil society and liberation movements such as the African National Congress, the South African Communist Party, the Congress of South African Trade Unions and Umkhonto we Sizwe. By interrogating an ignored area of Third World foreign policy, this thesis furthermore aims to probe into the field of International Relations and analyses of foreign policy. Applying the methodology of a postcolonial theoretical critique, I highlight the ontological assumptions within the field that make theorising foreign policy from states and societies in the Third World peripheral within IR, as well as render states and civil society in the Third World as objects rather than subjects of the theoretical endeavour. The conceptualisation of the Cold War as a mere Superpower affair, with states in the Third World as mere sites of conflict between the Superpowers and divorced from the causal dynamics of the conflict, exemplifies the ontological assumptions that exist within the field of International Relations theory. I use the case study of Cuba’s foreign policy towards South African liberation movements in carrying out a qualitative analysis of the available literature and well as conducting interviews with senior participants of South Africa’s various liberation movements. A broad reconstruction of relations between 1959 and 1994, as well as post-1994, reveals extensive relations between Cuba and South African liberation movements involving the Cuban state and civil society. The findings of my research include an overview of relations between Cuba and various liberation movements at the political and military level, as well as the role of Cuban civil society in areas such as education and strengthening the role of women in the liberation struggle. Respondents reveal that relations between the two spheres are not uni-directional, but in fact reveal a complex interaction in which the agency of South Africa’s liberation movements in determining the content of relations is central. In conceptualising foreign policy using a postcolonial theoretical framework, I look not only at the Cuban state but also at the role of civil society in Cuba in constructing and carrying out foreign policy towards South African liberation movements. This theoretical framework rejects a strict dichotomy between the foreign and the domestic by looking at social forces within the state as well as the role of ideology in the making foreign policy domestically. Lastly, the extensive relations between Cuba and South African liberation movements that my research reveals points to possibilities for further theoretical investigations within the field of International Relations from a postcolonial theoretical critique.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is ‘n post-koloniale analise van Derde Wêreld buitelandse beleid, dit kyk na die atipiese geval van staats verhoudinge met nasionale vryheidsbewegings. Dit is ook ‘n empiriese bydrae tot ‘n area in onlangse Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis deurdat dit Kuba se buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid- Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings tussen 1959 tot 1994 ondervra. My beginpunt is dat daar skamele vakkundigheid tans bestaan binne die studieveld Internasionale Betrekkinge met betrekking tot hierdie belangrike area van Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis en Kubaanse buitelandse beleid. Hoofstroom deskundiges hanteer tot ‘n groot mate die verhoudinge tussen staat en burgerlike samelewing van Kuba met vryheidsbewegings soos die African National Congress, die Suid-Afrikaanse Kommunistiese Party, die Congress of South African Trade Unions en Umkhonto we Sizwe met min aandag. Deur hierdie geïgnoreerde area binne Derde Wêreld buitelandse beleid te ondervra, is dit ook ‘n verdere oogmerk van hierdie tesis om die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge en die gepaardgaande analises van buitelandse beleid te ondersoek. Deur die toepassing van die metodologie van post-koloniale kritiek, beklemtoon ek die ontologiese aannames binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge wat die teoretisering van buitelandse beleid van state en samelewings in die Derde Wêreld marginaliseer, asook om hierdie state en burgerlike samelewings in die Derde Wêreld tot objekte in plaas van subjekte van ‘n teoretiese onderneming te reduseer. Die konseptualiseering van die Koue Oorlog as bloot ‘n supermag aangeleentheid, met state in die Derde Wêreld as blote ligging vir konflikte tussen die supermagte asook terselfdertyd vervreemd van die oorsaaklike dynamiek van die konflik, beliggaam die ontologiese aannames wat binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge bestaan. Ek maak gebruik van Kuba se buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid-Afrkaanse vryheidsbewegings as gevallestudie om ‘n kwalitatiewe analise te maak op die bestaande literatuur asook om onderhoude te hê met senior deelnemers in Suid Afrika se verskeie vryheidsbewegings. ‘n Uitgebreide rekonstruksie van verhoudinge tussen 1959 en 1994, sowel as post-1994, openbaar diepgaande verhoudinge tussen Kuba en Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings wat die Kubaanse staat en burgerlike samelewing behels. Die bevindinge in my navorsing sluit in ‘n oorsig van verhoudinge tussen Kuba en verskeie vryheidsbewegings op politiekeen militêre vlak asook die rol van Kubaanse burgerlike samelewing in areas soos opvoeding en die verstewiging van die rol van vroue in die vryheidstryd. Respondente openbaar dat verhoudinge tussen die twee sfere nie in een rigting geloop het nie, maar dat dit eintlik ‘n komplekse interaksie openbaar in wie die agentskap van die Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings om die inhoud van die verhoudinge te bepaal ‘n sentrale deel speel. Deur buitelandse beleid te konseptualiseer deur gebruik te maak van ‘n v post-koloniale raamwerk kyk ek nie net bloot na die Kubaanse staat nie, maar ook na die rol van die Kubaanse burgerlike samelewing in die konstruksie en uitvoering van buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid- Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings. Hierdie teoretiese raamwerk verwerp ‘n eng tweeledigheid tussen die buitelandse en binnelandse deur te kyk na die sosiale magte binne die staat sowel as die rol van ideologie in die binnelandse skepping van buitelandse beleid. Ten slote, die diepgaande verhoudinge tussen Kuba en Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings wat my navorsing openbaar dui in die rigting van moontlike verdere teoretiese ondersoeke binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge vanaf ‘n perspektief van post-koloniale kritiek.
Książki na temat "African Americans – Politics and government – 20th century"
Martin, Waldo E. No coward soldiers: Black cultural politics and postwar America. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 2005.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródłaPoinsett, Alex. Walking with presidents: Louis Martin and the rise of Black political power. Lanham: Madison Books, 1997.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródłaRace for sanctions: African Americans against apartheid, 1946-1994. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2004.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródłaYour spirits walk beside us: The politics of Black religion. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 2008.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródłaRace, power, and political emergence in Memphis. New York: Garland, 2000.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródłaRace and US foreign policy: The African-American foreign affairs network. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, [England]: Routledge, 2011.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródłaWatts, Jerry Gafio. Heroism and the black intellectual: Ralph Ellison, politics, and Afro-American intellectual life. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródłaCarnoy, Martin. Faded dreams: The politics and economics of race in America. Cambridge [England]: Cambridge University Press, 1994.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródłaWoodward, Komozi. A nation within a nation: Amiri Baraka (LeRoi Jones) and Black power politics. Chapel Hill, N.C: University of North Carolina Press, 1999.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródłaSingh, Nikhil Pal. Black is a country: Race and the unfinished struggle for democracy. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 2004.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródłaCzęści książek na temat "African Americans – Politics and government – 20th century"
Wilson, Charles Reagan. "5. The evolving South". W The American South, 71–83. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780199943517.003.0006.
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