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1
Bohannon, John. "Counting the Dead in Afghanistan". Science 331, nr 6022 (11.03.2011): 1256–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.2011.331.6022.331_1256.
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A military data set of civilian casualties, provided exclusively to Science , indicates that the war has become more lethal to the Afghan population, largely because of indiscriminate insurgent attacks.
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Dill, Janina. "Distinction, Necessity, and Proportionality: Afghan Civilians’ Attitudes toward Wartime Harm". Ethics & International Affairs 33, nr 3 (2019): 315–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679419000376.
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AbstractHow do civilians react to being harmed in war? Existing studies argue that civilian casualties are strategically costly because civilian populations punish a belligerent who kills civilians and support the latter's opponent. Relying on eighty-seven semi-structured interviews with victims of coalition attacks in Afghanistan, this article shows that moral principles inform civilians’ attitudes toward their own harming. Their attitudes may therefore vary with the perceived circumstances of an attack. Civilians’ perception of harm as unintended and necessary, in accordance with the moral principles of distinction and necessity, was associated with narratives that cast an attack as relatively more legitimate and with a partial or full release of the coalition from blame. The principle of proportionality, which requires that civilian casualties are caused in pursuit of a legitimate war aim, informed their abstract attitudes toward civilian casualties in Afghanistan. Two rules of international law, which accord with the moral principles of distinction and necessity, were reflected in the civilians’ attitudes. The legal rule of proportionality, which diverges from the namesake moral principle, failed to resonate with the civilians. The article explores whether compliance with the legal rules of distinction and necessity can contribute to mitigating the strategic costs of civilian casualties.
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Bhutta, Z. A. "Children of war: the real casualties of the Afghan conflict". BMJ 324, nr 7333 (9.02.2002): 349–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.324.7333.349.
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Lyall, Jason. "Civilian Casualties, Humanitarian Aid, and Insurgent Violence in Civil Wars". International Organization 73, nr 4 (2019): 901–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818319000262.
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AbstractIndiscriminate violence against civilians has long been viewed as a catalyst for new rounds of violence in civil wars. Can humanitarian assistance reduce violence after civilians have been harmed? Crossnational studies are pessimistic, drawing a connection between humanitarian aid and increased civil war violence, lethality, and duration. To date, however, we have few subnational studies of wartime aid and subsequent violence. To examine this relationship, I draw on the Afghan Civilian Assistance Program (ACAP II), a USAID-funded initiative that investigated 1,061 civilian casualty incidents (2011–13). Aid was assigned as if randomly to about half (55.8%) of these incidents, facilitating counterfactual estimation of how assistance affected Taliban attacks against the International Security Assistance Force, Afghan forces, and civilians. Challenging prior studies, I find that ACAP was associated with an average 23 percent reduction in attacks against ISAF, but not Afghan forces or civilians, at the village level for up to two years after the initial incident.
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Yusuf, Farhat. "Size and Sociodemographic characteristics of the Afghan refugee population in Pakistan". Journal of Biosocial Science 22, nr 3 (lipiec 1990): 269–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932000018654.
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SummarySome recent data are presented on the size and selected sociodemographic characteristics of the Afghan refugee population in Pakistan. Although the official figures show that there were 3·27 million registered Afghan refugees in Pakistan, it is estimated that the actual number may be as high as 3·6 million. There is an excess of females over males, mainly due to war-related activities and excessive casualties particularly among males. While infant and childhood mortality rates are declining and are lower than the levels prevalent in Pakistan, as well as in Afghanistan during the prewar period, the fertility levels among Afghan refugees seem very high indeed.
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Cottom, Daniel. "To Love to Hate". Representations 80, nr 1 (2002): 119–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rep.2002.80.1.119.
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FROM THE TIME OF SOCRATES' Phaedo to the present, misanthropy has been thought of as spoilt idealism: the flipside of generosity for Timon of Athens, of sincerity for Molièère's Alceste, of reason for Jonathan Swift's Gulliver, and so on. Misanthropy thus construed places one in a critical position between ''humanity and humans'' (Schiller). In contrast, Chris Burden's work leads us to see the misanthropy fundamental to and constitutive of the very conception of art. For instance, through its erasure of the line commonly drawn between symbolic and real violence and through the uncertainties, equivocations, contradictions, and overdeterminations it evoked, the performance he titled 747 represented art's undoing of humanity, its drive to betray what Samuel Beckett called ''anthropomorphic insolence,'' or whatever may be thought of as properly human desires, intentions, and concerns. Similarly, through The Other Vietnam Memorial (1991) Burden drew out the fierce misanthropy in Maya Lin's beloved wall by reminding us of the names of the millions of Vietnamese that it symbolically and, in effect, violently erases. More recently,and perhaps even more controversially,the artist Dread Scott has followed Burden's example in a work titled (and dramatizing the equivoque in the term) Enduring Freedom (2002), a shrine based on those created in New York City in the aftermath of the September 11th attacks but devoted to the Afghan casualties of the war the United States is conducting in response to them. Using Beckett as one of his favored exemplars, Theodor Adorno directed attention to the aesthetic implications of misanthropy (even as he struggled to give them a utopian spin) when he remarked upon the Baudelarian ''spleen'' of art, without which it cannot be and with which it maintains ''a permanent protest against morality.'' Even though we continue to play it down whenever we try to discipline art into spiritual health by working some sense of responsibility into our theories of what it is, does, and has been, this disorienting protest is arguably the most ancient theme of Western aesthetics. Despite its so-called terrorist aspects, then, Burden's art is thoroughly traditional in emphasizing art's misanthropic appeal. A comparison on this score to literary works by writers such as Franz Kafka and Thomas De Quincey, to historical episodes such as the practice of ascetism among the fourthcentury ''desert fathers,'' to artworks by Caspar David Friedrich and Pieter Bruegel the Elder, to the films of Ingmar Bergman, and to the controversies over aesthetics that arose in the immediate aftermath of the events of 9/11 shows us why politics will be aestheticized, whether we like it or not. In other words, this analysis shows us why we cannot even begin to conceive of human justice without working through art and thus through the subject of misanthropy.
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Mufti, Khalid A., Farooq Naeem, Haroon Rasheed Chaudry, Asad Haroon, Farida Saifi, Siama Mahmood Qureshi i Saif ur Rehman Dagarwal. "Post-traumatic stress disorder among Afghan refugees following war". International Psychiatry 4, nr 1 (styczeń 2007): 7–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s1749367600005087.
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There was a large influx of Afghan refugees into Pakistan during the 1980s and in particular after the US invasion of Afghanistan in 2001. That refugees have high rates of mental health problems has been well established (e.g. De Jong et al, 2000) — causes include migration, often with painful transit experiences, difficult camp life and the experience of major trauma, including multiple losses of family members as well as the loss of property and traditional lifestyle. However, the Afghan refugees in Pakistan have been poorly studied. Although the mental health problems of Afghan refugees have been studied in the West, the numbers of participants in such research have been relatively small.
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Friesendorf, Cornelius, i Thomas Müller. "Human costs of the Afghanistan war". Journal of Regional Security 8, nr 2 (2013): 137–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.11643/issn.2217-995x132ppf34.
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The war in Afghanistan has been the longest war in United States history. This article argues that from the beginning of the US-led invasion of Afghanistan in late 2001, the US conduct of the war posed great dangers for Afghan civilians. It distinguishes between three phases, each of which held distinct risks for civilians. The first phase, from late 2001 to 2009, was marked by the fight against al Qaeda and insurgent forces; the second phase, from 2009- 2010, by counterinsurgency; and the third phase by the transition of security responsibilities from NATO to Afghan security forces. While risk transfer clearly marked the first and third phases, civilians also suffered during the second phase, when the US put a primacy on civilian protection. We argue that neglecting civilian protection has not only been morally problematic but also risks undermining the Western goal of ensuring that Afghanistan will no longer pose a threat to international security.
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Idrees, Muhammad, i Manzoor Ahmad Naazer. "The dynamics of Pak-Afghan relations: an analysis of (mis)trust between the two countries from 2001-2018". Journal of Humanities, Social and Management Sciences (JHSMS) 3, nr 1 (30.06.2022): 525–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.jhsms/3.1.36.
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Pakistan and Afghanistan share the contiguity of neighbourhood and bonds of Islam. Despite linguistic, cultural and traditional similarities, their relations have remained in a spin. Pakistan and Afghanistan are geographically so dependent on each other that the effects of war and peace could be felt on both sides of the borders. Many factors are involved in upsetting these relations: the hostility of Afghan rulers and their tilt towards India since Pakistan’s independence; Durand Line and Pakhtunistan issues and Pakistan's role during the Soviet-Afghan war (1979-1989) in supporting the Afghan Jihadists. Pak-Afghan relations remained exemplary during the Taliban rule (1996-2001). The paper explores: a) Pak-Afghan relations during President Hamid Karzai's rule; b) the relations under President Ashraf Ghani; c) India's role in sabotaging the relations; and d) Pakistan's efforts in Afghanistan’s rebuilding and reconstruction process. The study finds that the dynamics of relations in the post-9/11 era were not cordial and there was a great trust deficit between the two countries during different US-led regimes. The paper is based on historical legacies and an analytical understanding of them. The previous research on the subject did not fully explore the era between 2001-2018, which this study aims to fulfil.
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Zafar, Muhammad Umair, Nazir Hussain Shah, Tahira Parveen i Tayyaba Syed. "Indo- Afghan Nexus: Implications for Pakistan (2001- 2014)". Academic Journal of Social Sciences (AJSS ) 4, nr 4 (19.01.2021): 782–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.54692/ajss.2020.04041231.
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Afghanistan, unlike India and Pakistan, has never been colonized throughout its history. People of Afghanistan have always enjoyed cordial relations with the people of undivided sub-continent. However, the creation of a new state ‘Pakistan’ was considered as both, a threat and a geo-graphical de linkage between the people of Afghanistan and India. Both Indo- Afghan strengthen their bi-lateral relations through the treaty of friendship 1950. On the contrary, Afghanistan was the only country to vote against Pakistan’s admission to United Nations Organization. Despite of lingual, cultural and religious ties, Pak- Afghan relations failed to form strong basis. Since the emergence of Pakistan, India has been engaged in derailing Pakistan’s stability and security through its multidimensional approaches. India’s aim to isolate Pakistan in its neighbors is a serious implication for Pakistan. Indian consulates in Kandahar and Jalalabad near the Pak- Afghan border have further raised serious concerns for Pakistan about the Indian presence in Afghanistan. The US war against terror campaign and Pakistan’s policy reversal against Taliban grew severe resentments among the Afghan Taliban against Pakistan. This article analyzes the Indian designs and its involvement in Afghanistan which directly affects the security and stability of Pakistan.
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Jalal, Syed Umair, Nargis Zaman i Muhammad Usman Ullah. "Dialogues and Peace Treaties in Afghanistan: An Analysis from 2010 to 2019". Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review VI, nr I (30.03.2021): 82–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2021(vi-i).09.
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After the American invasion of Afghanistan in 2001, the war-torn nation confronted numerous hardships and adversities in the following decade. US-led NATO forces overthrown the Taliban regime on 13 November 2001. The Taliban encountered severe blows from the US and allied forces, which constrained them to take shelter in the neighbouring countries, besides the hilly areas of Afghanistan (Afridi, Afridi, & Jalal, 2016). The region has witnessed a fierce fight between the Taliban and the NATO troops till 2010. Afterwards, a new phase in the Afghan conflict has begun; a progression of table talks and negotiations was initiated at various fronts. This particular research will focus on the dialogues, treaties, and negotiations among the conflicting parties to find a peaceful solution to the Afghan war.
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Ali, Ahmad, Khurshaid Ahmad i Zahir Shah. "Challenges to Pakistan’s Foreign Policy in the Post-Cold War Era: 1991-2001". Global Regional Review IV, nr I (31.03.2019): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2019(iv-i).01.
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Pakistans geo-strategic position determined her foreign policy choices and directions during the global cold war conflict. The dawn of the new global system brought new phase of challenges and constraints for Pakistan. This new unipolar power structure obliged Pakistan to think in terms of reorientation of her foreign policy because it had lost her importance and opportunities after the Afghan war. Pakistan has faced the challenge of increasing isolation mainly because of these factors in the decade of 90s. Firstly, security secondly, her nuclear program and sanctions, thirdly, political uncertainty and inconsistency in determining foreign policy goals, fourthly, regional constraints like Afghan Taliban factor, fifthly, Nuclear tests and finally, her support of Kashmir freedom struggle.
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Meharry, J. Eva. "The archaeology of Afghanistan revisited". Antiquity 94, nr 376 (17.07.2020): 1084–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2020.96.
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The discipline of archaeology in Afghanistan was at a turning point when the original editions of The archaeology of Afghanistan and the Archaeological gazetteer of Afghanistan were published in 1978 and 1982, respectively. The first three decades of modern archaeological activity in Afghanistan (1920s–1940s) were dominated by French archaeologists who primarily focused on the pre-Islamic past, particularly the Buddhist period. Following the Second World War, however, Afghanistan gradually opened archaeological practice to a more international community. Consequently, the scope of archaeological exploration expanded to include more robust studies of the prehistoric, pre-Islamic and Islamic periods. In the 1960s, the Afghan Institute of Archaeology began conducting its own excavations, and by the late 1970s, national and international excavations were uncovering exciting new discoveries across the country. These archaeological activities largely halted as Afghanistan descended into chaos during the Soviet-Afghan War (1979–1989) and the Afghan Civil War (1989–2001); the Afghan Institute of Archaeology was the only archaeological institute continuing operations. The original editions of the volumes under review were therefore timely and poignant publications that captured the peak of archaeological activity in twentieth-century Afghanistan and became classic texts on the subject.
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Dixon, Paul. "Frock Coats against Brass Hats? Politicians, the Military and the War in Afghanistan 2001–2014". Parliamentary Affairs 73, nr 3 (21.04.2019): 651–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsz015.
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Abstract The ‘Dominant Military Narrative’ (DMN) on the Iraq and Afghan wars defends the effectiveness of the British military and its use of force by deflecting responsibility for failure onto the politicians and ‘Whitehall’. The politicians are blamed for over-stretching the military by fighting two wars, resulting in a shortage of equipment, inadequate troop numbers and without a clear ‘Strategic Narrative’. This article critiques the DMN and provides evidence to suggest that it was the military elite that sought maximum involvement in the Iraq and Afghan wars. The problem is that the military has too much rather than too little power to shape policy.
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Gregory, Thomas. "The costs of war: Condolence payments and the politics of killing civilians". Review of International Studies 46, nr 1 (8.11.2019): 156–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026021051900038x.
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AbstractCoalition forces have spent upwards of $50 million on condolence payments to Afghan and Iraqi civilians. These condolence payments were intended as an expression of sympathy rather than an admission of fault, and the programme itself has been criticised for the arbitrary, inconsistent, and low valuation of civilian lives. Rather than focus on the practical problems associated with condolence payments or normative arguments about whether belligerents ought to compensate those harmed, this article will trace the strategic imperatives that underpinned this programme and shaped its development. As coalition forces began to recognise the strategic costs of civilian casualties, they used a variety of tactics to mitigate the effects of civilian casualties on the success of military operations. This article will argue that condolence payments should not be seen as a humanitarian gesture designed to recognise and respond to the suffering of ordinary civilians, but will argue that condolence payments should be viewed as a weapons system aimed at securing specific military goals. As such, this article will argue that condolence payments continued to objectify and devalue the lives of Afghans and Iraqis by treating them as a means to an end rather than an end in themselves.
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Tehseena Usman and Minhas Majeed Khan. "Pak-Afghan Relations (2001-2017): A Prisoner’s Dilemma Analysis". Strategic Studies 37, nr 1 (10.04.2017): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.037.01.00228.
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Pak-Afghan relations in post-Taliban era are a narration of mistrust and a display of the Prisoner’s Dilemma. Despite Pakistan’s efforts to maintain good neighbourly relations, it is being blamed for chaotic situation in Afghanistan, providing safe havens for miscreants in FATA, sponsoring terrorism and suicide bombing in the latter. On the other hand, Pakistan is also suspicious of Afghanistan’s India-centric policies, which results in insurgency and unrest in FATA, Balochistan and different parts of the country. Despite several commonalities and both being allies in the war against terrorism, the trust gap however is so broad that both the countries cannot decipher their disagreements bilaterally. Resultantly, both have become a recipe of never ending violence and allowing regional powers to interfere in their affairs and exploit the situation to their own advantage. Pak-Afghan relations cannot afford mistrust and hostility, which has repeatedly caused negative repercussions on their relations. The paper employs Prisoner’s Dilemma approach to examine the nature of Pak-Afghan relations and draw a conclusion for trust building via its repeated reciprocal strategies. In addition, the theoretical framework explains that reciprocal strategies, if adopted, will enable Pakistan and Afghanistan to break Prisoner’s Dilemma, sustain trust and convert their limited cooperation into full cooperation based on mutual trust.
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McInnes, Colin. "A different kind of war? September 11 and the United States' Afghan War". Review of International Studies 29, nr 2 (kwiecień 2003): 165–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210503001657.
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The terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 and the US response have been widely described as heralding a new kind of war. For over a decade previous to 11 September, however, a body of literature had developed arguing that during the 1990s a new kind of warfare had begun to emerge for the West. This article examines whether 11 September and its immediate aftermath – the US campaign in Afghanistan – confirmed these trends, or whether it really did constitute a different kind of war. It does so through a four-part framework: that during the 1990s wars were localised; that the enemy was not a state but a regime or individual leader; that civilian deaths should be minimised; and that wars were fought on behalf of the West by professionals, but that the risks to these forces should also be minimised.
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Rabush, Taisiya V. "Regional Russian Books of Memory as a Form of Preservation and Transfer of Cultural-Historical Memory about the Afghanistan War of 1979-1989". RUDN Journal of Russian History 20, nr 2 (15.12.2021): 247–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2021-20-2-247-257.
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The historical memory of the Soviet military intervention in Afghanistan (1979-1989) is studied through the prism of memory books dedicated to the participants of the war and those who died in it. The present paper is the first study of the Afghan books of memory that were published over the past decades in different regions of Russia. The first part of this paper analyzes the regional books of memory published in various regions of the Russian Federation from 1991 to the present day; the second part analyzes the books of memory published in small cities of Russia as a separate cultural phenomenon. In conclusion, the author describes the main features of regional Afghan books of memory, emphasizing that the memory books are published with the active participation of various regional organizations - from local archives to representatives of municipalities - revealing that the publication of these books is part of cultural policy in the regions. Many memory books have been reprinted, which indicates the continued collection and processing of information about the military casualties in Afghanistan. The regional books of memory are one of the most important forms of preserving and transmitting the historical memory of the Afghanistan war.
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Hanggarini, Peni, Theo Sambuaga i Syaiful Anwar. "A History of the Afghan War (2001-2021) from a Defense Diplomacy Perspective". HISTORIA: Jurnal Program Studi Pendidikan Sejarah 12, nr 1 (15.10.2023): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.24127/hj.v12i1.8708.
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This paper discusses the asymmetric war in Afghanistan from 2001 to 2021 between the United States (US) and the Taliban from the perspective of defense diplomacy. The purpose of this paper is to identify assymetric war strategies and to evaluate defense diplomacy process to create peace. The research is based on qualitative method using secondary data from books, documents, and journals. The study indicates that defense diplomacy had succesfully led to the peace agreement, signed in Doha on February 29, 2020 between the US and the Taliban, which had been in conflict for nearly 20 years. However, the peace creation process is not easy due to the inhibiting factors which play more significant role than the supporting factors for defense diplomacy. Although the US, a super power, is supported by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), Pakistan and several other countries, it is not a guarantee for the US to achieve its war objectives. The US goals and strategy continuously changed over time and imprecise in its implementation. The US’s failure to understand the political entity of the Taliban, particulary in the political, social and cultural aspects, is the main obstacle to achieving the US’ war goals and the ease implementation of defense diplomacy.
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SIDKY, H. "War, Changing Patterns of Warfare, State Collapse, and Transnational Violence in Afghanistan: 1978–2001". Modern Asian Studies 41, nr 4 (25.05.2007): 849–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x0600254x.
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The war in Afghanistan was one of the most brutal and long lasting conflicts of the second half of the twentieth century. Anthropologists specializing in Afghanistan who wrote about the war at the time reiterated the United State's Cold War rhetoric rather than provide objective analyses. Others ignored the war altogether. What happened in Afghanistan, and why, and the need for objective reassessments only came to mind after the September 11th attacks. This paper examines the genesis and various permutations of the Afghan war in terms of causal dynamics embedded in the broader interstate relations of the world system and its competing military complexes during the second half of the twentieth century and changes in that system in the post-Cold War period.
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Chamkani, A., i A. M. Yesdauletova. "Ways to achieve peace in Afghanistan". Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 135, nr 2 (2021): 78–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-6887/2021-135-2-78-84.
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One of the first tasks of governments is to provide security for citizens and establish peace in the country. Without peace, no country can achieve social welfare, economic prosperity, and political growth. Therefore, governments are always trying to prevent war and provide lasting peace in their country, but the conflicting interests of some countries cause these countries to go to war. Afghanistan is a country that has been in a constant state of war for the past four decades, and its citizens have been deprived of the blessings of peace and well-being. Although optimism about peace in Afghanistan emerged after the fall of the Taliban regime in late 2001, Pakistan's continued support for the Taliban has turned it into frustration. The Afghan government's efforts over the past few years have failed to bring the Taliban to the table and bring peace to Afghanistan for a variety of reasons. This article examines how the Afghan government can use this to achieve peace in the country
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Gupta, Dr Meena. "Revisiting Lost Afghan in the works of Khaled Hosseini". Scholars International Journal of Linguistics and Literature 5, nr 11 (25.11.2022): 395–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.36348/sijll.2022.v05i11.004.
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“For many people in the West, Afghanistan is synonymous with the Soviet War and the Taliban. I wanted to remind people that Afghans had managed to live in a peaceful anonymity for the decades that the history of Afghans in 20th century has been largely pacific and harmonious.’’ Khaled Hosseini: Afghanistan was a different country in the year 1960 than the one that is apparent to us today. It is history how Soviets invaded the Afghanistan and pulled them in war, following Taliban rule and US invasion in 2001.The once peaceful and cherished nation known as ‘graveyard of empires’ is a mirage today. History witness that since 11th century B.C, different empires and forces have tried to gain control over Afghanistan. This paper is a sincere effort to excavate the layers hidden beneath the facade of Afghanistan.
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Ishaque, Waseem. "Prospects of Enduring Peace in Afghanistan: Avoiding Zero Sum Game in Af-Pak Region". Global Social Sciences Review II, nr II (30.12.2017): 146–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2017(ii-ii).09.
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Afghanistan has witnessed a turbulent history of long and devastating war due to Soviet unabated invasion of Afghanistan of ten years producing unbearable losses of life, institutions and society. The United States along-with the support of majority of Muslim countries supported Jihad to defeat communism. This victory was, however, short-lived as infighting among Afghan war lords later entangled the entire country with even graver consequence. The emergence of Taliban and resultant occupation of 70% of Afghanistan had brought some degree of stability by providing good governance and expeditious justice system, but failed to pragmatically adjust to international environment. The unfortunate incidents of 9/11 changed the world for foreseeable time with even harsher fall out for Afghan nation as unleashing of the war of terror destroyed the left over Afghanistan. The instability in Afghanistan has caused negative effects on Pakistan as next door neighbour, which has rendered all sorts of humanitarian, diplomatic and moral support to Afghan cause since Soviet invasion and has also suffered most in the process due to spill-over effects. The democratic government is incharge in Afghanistan after fall of Taliban regime in 2001 and several state institutions are also in place albeit at infancy stage, especially the security institutions, yet the prospects of enduring peace and stability are distant reality. More than three million Afghan refugees are still in Pakistan with very dim prospects of honourable return due to persisting instability. This paper highlights the causes of instability in Afghanistan with spill-over impact on Pakistan and suggests a course of action for enduring stability.
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Nadzifah, Sifaun. "Perang Sampit (Konflik Suku Dayak Dengan Suku Madura) Pada Tahun 2001". JURNAL SOSIAL Jurnal Penelitian Ilmu-Ilmu Sosial 23, nr 2 (17.11.2022): 14–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.33319/sos.v23i2.112.
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The Sampit War was a war between the Dayak and Madurese tribes which culminated in February 2001. The factors that triggered the Sampit war were cultural differences or customs between the Dayak and Madura tribes which eventually became the cause of conflict between the two. The conflict between the Dayak and the Madurese had repeatedly occurred during the New Order era, but the peak of the conflict only exploded in the Reformation era. Many factors trigger conflict, which is mainly caused by socio-cultural causes. The clash between these two tribes has caused many casualties on the part of the Madurese and forced them to leave Central Kalimantan. This study aims to determine the causes and effects of the Sampit war in 2001. This study uses a qualitative method with a descriptive approach using data research results in the form of several books, archives, documents, journals and the internet with the hope that through this method can find data that accurate
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Rahmani, Sina. "Death from Above". boundary 2 47, nr 3 (1.08.2020): 193–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01903659-8524517.
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Austro-Afghan journalist and writer Emran Feroz discusses his work on the global drone war currently being waged by the US and its allies. The interview explores the author’s experiences growing up in Austria immediately after the September 11, 2001, attacks against the United States and the subsequent invasion and occupation of Afghanistan by a US-led coalition. The author also recounts the hidden history surrounding the first known drone attack in Afghanistan and the larger question of drone violence, which has remained invisible to mainstream audiences.
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Jhosep, Akaber. "THE UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY AGAINST AFGHANISTAN MILITARY: A COVERT MILITARY METHOD". Jurnal Pembaharuan Hukum 9, nr 2 (21.08.2022): 213. http://dx.doi.org/10.26532/jph.v9i2.23731.
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This study aims to analyze and explain the foreign policy of the United States towards the Afghan militia, especially the Taliban. The United States government with the help of the CIA (Central Intelligence Agency) investigates and seeks to destroy the Al Qaeda terrorist group led by Osama bin Laden who was later found to be in Afghanistan and obtained protection under the Taliban. The Taliban, the Islamic extremist regime that controls Afghanistan and offers space for Al Qaeda militants to exercise its military in Afghanistan. President Bush signed a resolution on September 18, 2001 regarding the attacks on Al Qaeda under the protection of the Taliban in Afghanistan which continues to this day. The United States is actively involved in supporting military operations in Afghanistan, including logistical assistance, Afghan military training, and sending American military troops to conflict areas. The main goal of the United States in doing so is to prevent potential future attacks by a growing terrorist group in Afghanistan. Based on data from the United States Department of Defense, the total expenditure in the military sector in Afghanistan from 2001 to 2019 was 778 billion USD. Meanwhile, the number of troops sent to conflict locations was 596,303 troops. There are 2,441 US military troops confirmed dead in the Afghan war from 2001 to 2019. It is estimated that about 12,000 US military troops are still in Afghanistan. This research is a qualitative research and the data collection technique used by the author in this study is Library Research in the form of books, journals, documents, reports, articles, or newspapers obtained through electronic and non-electronic media. The conclusion is that this foreign policy is relevant and elaborates that in international relations there will be actions, reactions, and interactions between political entities called states. The state, in this case the head of state as the decision maker, tries to formulate every goal to be achieved by minimizing sacrifices to the national interest. In line with the policies pursued by President Trump to end the war in Afghanistan and withdraw all military forces of the United States and its allies.
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Mukhopadhyay, Dipali. "The Slide from Withdrawal to War: The UN Secretary General’s Failed Effort in Afghanistan, 1992". International Negotiation 17, nr 3 (2012): 485–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-12341240.
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Abstract The United Nations represented an organization of severely limited means during the Cold War. The Secretary-General’s office became one of the few instruments in the UN system with the power to influence international relations, albeit in limited ways. As Afghanistan emerged from one war in 1989, it risked falling into another involving the various Afghan stakeholders left to fight each other in the wake of their victory over the Soviets. The office of the Special Representative to the Secretary-General emerged as a key exponent of “quiet diplomacy,” as various emissaries shuttled across the globe working to prevent this fragile post-conflict state’s return to violent conflict. The operating environment was saturated with mistrust as a result of superpower tensions, regional agendas, ethno-religious differences, and a highly militarized landscape. This article considers the geopolitical, institutional, operational, and personal dimensions of this diplomatic campaign from the time of Soviet withdrawal until 1992. Ultimately, the campaign’s limitations overwhelmed its advantages and the Afghan state dissolved into a dark period of warlordism and violence. This article explores the reasons for the eventual failure of diplomacy and its implications for quiet diplomatic efforts that have resurfaced in Afghanistan since 2001.
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Ali, Muhamed, i Shyamal Kataria. "Beyond Borders: Unpacking us Military Involvement in Afghanistan as a Case Study in the Islamic World". Journal of Law and Sustainable Development 12, nr 1 (31.01.2024): e2953. http://dx.doi.org/10.55908/sdgs.v12i1.2953.
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Purpose: This study seeks to assess the adherence to international law in the 2001 U.S.-led military intervention in Afghanistan, prompted by the September 11 attacks. Additionally, it aims to investigate the impact of the Greater Middle East Initiative on U.S. policy towards the Islamic World, specifically Afghanistan, providing insights into legal intricacies and broader consequences. Theoretical Framework: This article engages in discussions among Western scholars on the Afghanistan war and U.S. military involvement but distinguishes itself by incorporating insights from Middle Eastern scholars. It aims to enrich the discourse by integrating perspectives from within the Middle Eastern scholarly community, offering a comprehensive view of these complex subjects. Methodology: Employing historical, descriptive, and in-depth analytical research methods, this study examines events around September 11, 2001, providing essential context for the subsequent U.S. military intervention. Descriptive methods offer a detailed account of the post-9/11 shift in U.S. policy, while in-depth analytical methods scrutinize legal dilemmas arising from the intervention, contributing to a comprehensive understanding of historical context, U.S. policy decisions, and legal complexities. Results: The results and discussion section explores the historical evolution of U.S. military engagement in 21st-century Afghanistan, analyzing its strategic shifts and the Taliban's adaptation to guerrilla warfare. It critically evaluates the international legal aspects of the Afghan War, assessing the legitimacy of the U.S.-led military intervention based on UN conventions, historical precedents, and key principles such as the right to legitimate defense, urgency, and proportionality. Conclusions: The aftermath of September 11, 2001, marked a transformative moment in U.S. policy towards Afghanistan and the broader Middle East, leading to the consequential Afghan War. Despite its geopolitical significance, the absence of explicit UN Security Council authorization prompts a critical examination of the war's legitimacy, revealing lapses in meeting criteria for the right to individual or collective legitimate defense and urging a reevaluation of established narratives in international relations and global politics.
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Ali, Syed Masroor. "War for Peace in Pakistan". International Journal for Innovation Education and Research 1, nr 2 (31.10.2013): 109–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.31686/ijier.vol1.iss2.106.
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Pakistan because of its geographical location became a front line state in the war against terror since the attack on the World Trade Centre on September 11, 2001. Pakistan decided to align with USA to combat the fundamentalist. It’s a war whose main purpose is to save people from terrorism but now lives of Pakistan own citizens are at stake. Innocent citizens have become the targets of deadly attacks. It has resulted in much more loss of lives than 9/11 attack. One obvious and tragic price of this open war is the toll of death and destruction. But there is an additional cost, a psychological cost borne by the survivors of war. The civilian population, and the children who have lost their parents in this war are the real casualties we need to take into consideration. This article will highlight the psycho-social aspects of war which could not achieve peace yet.
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Alvi, Ifrah Khalid. "The Indo-Afghan Nexus and its Implications for Pakistan from 2001 to 2014". Summer 2023 3, nr 3 (30.09.2023): 12–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.54183/jssr.v3i3.386.
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India and Pakistan have been colonized at different times, but Afghanistan has never been colonized. The people of Afghanistan have always had friendly ties with the people of the United Subcontinent. However, the development of a new country called Pakistan was seen as both a threat and a way for the people of Afghanistan and India to become less connected to each other historically. The friendship pact of 1950 strengthened the relationship between India and Afghanistan. In fact, Afghanistan was the only country that voted against Pakistan's membership in the UN. Pakistan and Afghanistan have a lot in common, including language, culture, and religion, but their relationship has not been strong. With its many-sided strategies, India has been trying to undermine Pakistan's peace and security ever since it was formed. India's plan to cut Pakistan off from its neighbors is a very bad sign for Pakistan. Pakistan is very worried about the Indian presence in Afghanistan because there are consulates in Kandahar and Jalalabad, which are close to the border between Pakistan and Afghanistan. The Afghan Taliban were very angry at Pakistan because of the US war on terror and Pakistan's change in policy towards the Taliban.
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Akram, Saira, i Anum Riaz. "Pak-Afghan Relations: A Case of Taliban Regime Past and Present". Journal of Policy Research 9, nr 2 (26.08.2023): 787–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.61506/02.00015.
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In 1996, Afghanistan saw the establishment of the Taliban government, which emerged as a radical Islamist regime following a period of civil war and instability in the country. The regime received recognition from only a few countries, including Pakistan, while the rest of the international community largely rejected their rule. In the wake of the 9/11 terrorist attacks, Pakistan-Afghanistan relations entered a complex and often contentious phase. The United States invasion of Afghanistan to oust the Taliban regime and dismantle Al-Qaeda had a profound impact on the region. Pakistan, which had previously supported the Taliban, had to recalibrate its policies as it joined the U.S.-led War on Terror. While Pakistan officially became a U.S. ally in the fight against terrorism, suspicions persisted on both sides. Afghanistan accused Pakistan of supporting militant elements within its territory, while Pakistan expressed concerns about Indian influence in Afghanistan. These tensions have had far-reaching consequences, contributing to instability in both countries and complicating efforts to achieve lasting peace in Afghanistan. Pak-Afghan relations during Hamid Karzai's government (2001-2014) were marked by cautious cooperation and a degree of diplomatic engagement. Pakistan officially recognized the Karzai administration, but underlying tensions persisted due to Afghan allegations of Pakistani support for insurgent groups. In contrast, during the Taliban government's rule in the 1990s and their return to power in 2021, Pakistan had recognized and provided significant support to the Taliban. This research analyzes the relations between Pak-Afghan past and present.
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Condra, Luke N., i Austin L. Wright. "Civilians, Control, and Collaboration during Civil Conflict". International Studies Quarterly 63, nr 4 (7.08.2019): 897–907. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqz042.
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Abstract What affects civilian collaboration with armed actors during civil war? While theory and evidence confirm that harm by armed actors influences when and with whom civilians collaborate, we argue that collaboration is also a function of civilians’ perceptions of armed actors’ efforts to minimize collateral casualties. We test this argument using a series of nationwide surveys of Afghan civilians conducted quarterly between 2013 and 2015. Our data record civilian willingness to report roadside bombs to government authorities and perceptions of government and Taliban efforts to minimize civilian harm. Civilians are less (more) willing to collaborate with the government when they perceive the government (Taliban) carelessly using force, even after accounting for political sentiment, local security conditions, and a range of additional confounding factors. Moreover, our evidence suggests that perceived carelessness in the rival’s area of control influences collaboration. We discuss how these empirical results inform broader literatures on collaboration, conquest, occupation, and control.
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Nasir, Khurram, Adnan A. Hyder i C. M. Shahbaz. "Injuries Among Afghan Refugees: Review of Evidence". Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 19, nr 2 (czerwiec 2004): 169–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00001692.
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AbstractBackground:Injuries are a public health problem in developing countries resulting in major financial and productivity losses. Injuries in vulnerable populations, such as refugees, make an even greater impact on loss of life. Afghan refugees in Pakistan continue to form one of the world's largest refugee populations. This study systemically reviews the literature to estimate the magnitude and prevalence of intentional and unintentional injuries in Afghan refugees, and explores the implications of the findings for refugee healthcare policy and development of potential interventions specifically for Afghan refugees.Methods:Electronic databases of MEDLINE, POPLINE, Refworld, and Winspirs were searched. In addition, a web search was conducted and specific organizational websites were reviewed. The search in developing countries was limited to studies in English or with an English abstract for the years 1966–2001.Results:The literature review identified patients with reported war injuries who presented to hospitals. Injuries to extremities (45%) were more frequent than injuries to the head or neck (36%, p <0.001), and thorax/abdomen (14%, p <0.001) regions. A majority of the injuries were caused by explosives, which included landmines (32.5%), fragmentations, such as shrapnel (33%), and firearms (27%). The mean incidence of mortality in these studies was 11%.Conclusions:Despite such an extensive search, limited information was found pertinent to injuries in Afghan refugees residing in refugee camps. This dearth of literature on the prevalence of injuries, risk factors, and outcomes among this vulnerable group is a research and policy gap for public health. Specific quantitive and qualitative studies in this field are required to shape refugee healthcare policies and develop intervention programs.
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Quie, Marissa. "Peace and Exclusion". Humanity & Society 42, nr 1 (11.10.2016): 21–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160597616667592.
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What does a “responsible end” to war in Afghanistan mean? As a panacea for international disengagement, the Afghanistan Peace and Reintegration Program (APRP) was launched in 2010. After the 2001 intervention, the Bonn Agreement laid the foundations for a new Afghan state. Its exclusion of the Taliban signaled continuing conflict. The APRP is ostensibly designed to address this and other exclusions and foster an “inclusive peace.” This article probes the peace process at the macro-, meso-, and micro levels within the context of ongoing war. It examines the abandonment and marginalization experienced by women, segments of the insurgency, civil society and human rights groups as well as fragile communities undergoing reintegration. I argue that these exclusions are facilitated by a coalescence of interests that have reinforced the cycle of war and deepened exclusion. Consequently, the peace process has become incapable of offering real solutions, instead functioning as a pretext for excluding already marginalized groups.
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Fazli, Dr Rose, i Dr Anahita Seifi. "The public image of women in post-Taliban Afghanistan". Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, nr 1(2021) (25.03.2021): 44–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2021-1-44-49.
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The present article is an attempt to offer the concept of political development from a novel perspective and perceive the Afghan Women image in accordance with the aforementioned viewpoint. To do so, first many efforts have been made to elucidate the author’s outlook as it contrasts with the classic stance of the concept of power and political development by reviewing the literature in development and particularly political development during the previous decades. For example Post-World War II approaches to political development which consider political development, from the Hobbesian perspective toward power, as one of the functions of government. However in a different view of power, political development found another place when it has been understood via postmodern approaches, it means power in a network of relationships, not limited to the one-way relationship between ruler and obedient. Therefore newer concept and forces find their way on political development likewise “image” as a considerable social, political and cultural concept and women as the new force. Then, the meaning of “image” as a symbolic one portraying the common universal aspect is explained. The Afghan woman image emphasizing the historic period of 2001 till now is scrutinized both formally and informally and finally the relationship between this reproduced image of Afghan women and Afghanistan political development from a novel perspective of understanding is represented.
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Darakshan, Maha e., Muhammad Shamsuddin i Hafsa Maqbool. "Comparative analysis of editorial pages of Dawn and Jang to investigate the framing of US-Pakistan relations: Ten years before and after 9/11". Journal of Research in Social Sciences 9, nr 2 (15.07.2021): 21–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.52015/jrss.9i2.115.
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This study is based on the comparative analysis of the editorial pages of Dawn and Jang to explore the framing of US-Pakistan relations ten years before and after 9/11. The time period selected for this study is presented in phases: Phase A from 1990 to 2000) and Phase B (from 2001-2011). The relation between Pakistan and the US during the above-mentioned phases can be categorized into periods of engagements (where Pakistan enjoyed the status of the most trusted ally without compromising its regional interest) and periods of disengagements (where Pakistan faced US sanctions and was left alone to deal with the aftermath of the Afghan war and the war on terrorism). Hence, the understudied period provides an interesting insight into how Dawn and Jang framed the issue of US-Pakistan relations on their editorial pages.
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Zimin, I. "The Stages of Armed Forces Formation: Unlearned Lessons of Afghanistan". Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, nr 4 (2022): 97–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2022-4-97-107.
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In this article, the author looks into the stages of formation of the military organization and the transformation of the armed forces’ role in the political system of the Afghan state from the moment the country gained independence to the present day. The goals that were assigned to the army by the leaders of Afghanistan at different periods of time, the degree of their implementation, as well as the methods of reformation and ideological motivation of the armed forces are analyzed. The interdependence between the formation of the armed forces of Afghanistan and the strengthening or weakening of statehood is examined. The issues of forming the national armed forces are studied in the context of three main stages in the development of the modern Afghan state, each of those determined the special role of the army as a political institution and at the same time reflected the impact of the military organization of the army on political development. The first period refers to the formation of the modern Afghan state starting from 1919, when the country gained independence as a result of the Third Anglo-Afghan War, and ending with the events of 1978 (the ‘Saur Revolution’). The second one represents the time spent in Afghanistan by a limited contingent of Soviet troops from 1979 to 1989, as well as the time the Marxist government was in power and introduced their reforms. The third period is marked by the destruction of previously established institutions under the influence of deepening civil conflict and the consequences of the US military operation ‘Enduring Freedom’ (2001–2014) and NATO-led ‘Resolute Support’ mission (2014–2021).
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Yousufi, Musab. "A Critical Analysis of Terrorism and Military Operations in Malakand Division (Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) after 9/11". Global Social Sciences Review II, nr II (30.12.2017): 109–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2017(ii-ii).06.
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The 9/11 was a paradigm shifting event in the international and global politics. On September 11, 2001, two jet planes hit the twin's tower in United States of America (USA). US official authorities said that it is done by alQaeda. This event also changes Pakistan's internal and foreign policies. The government of United States compel Afghan Taliban government to handover the master mind of 9/11 attack and their leader Osama bin Laden but the talks failed between the both governments. Therefore US government compel the government of Pakistan to give us Military bases and assistance against Afghan Taliban. Pakistan agreed with US as frontline ally of US in war on terror. The majority of Pakistani people were not happy with the decision, therefore, some non-state actors appeared in different part of the country especially in Malakand Division and FATA to support Taliban regime in Afghanistan. In Malakand Division Mulana Sufi Muhammad head of Tehrik Nifaz-e-Shariat-e-Muhammadi started a proper armed campaign for Afghan Taliban Support and sent thousands of people to Afghanistan support Taliban against US and their allied forces. It was a basic reason behind the emergence of terrorism in Malakand division KP but it did not played it role alone to cause terrorism in the region. Many other important factors i.e. weak political administration, unemployment, economic deprivation, socio-political instability constituted the main reason that opened room for non-state actors to consolidate their grip on the region.
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Idrees, Muhammad, Ashfaq Rehman i Manzoor Ahmad Naazer. "Afghan Peace Process and the Role of Pakistan in Engaging the Stakeholders". Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 3, nr 2 (14.02.2020): 20–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/3.2.3.
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The Afghan people suffered a lot from war on terror, security issues, and political and economic instability since US invasion in 2001. Pakistan being an important neighbouring country of Afghanistan can play a vital role in bringing amity and stability through facilitating peace process. Both the US administration and Afghan government demand Pakistan to influence and bring the Taliban to the table talks. In this context, this study aims to explore Pakistan’s role in the ongoing peace process that has so far created an understanding among the stakeholders that a peaceful and stable Afghanistan is in the interest of the region. The study finds that there are greater issues to be dealt with carefully e.g., the governance system of the country, the constitution, and a viable power-sharing formula to be acceptable to all the stakeholders. Any successful peace deal needs a strong commitment on the part of all the stakeholders. Peace is the need of the hour not only for Afghanistan but for the whole region as well. Pakistan needs to continue her support to the Afghanistan’s stability and play its due role in the peace negotiations in the greater regional interests.
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Oluwaseun Samuel, Ayoko. "US Incursion in Afghanistan: Right or Necessity". International Journal of Emerging Multidisciplinaries: Social Science 1, nr 1 (20.09.2022): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.54938/ijemdss.2022.01.1.102.
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Throughout history, Afghanistan has been beset by warlords, internal strife and also subjected to foreign invasions. In the nineteenth and early twentieth century’s, it was at the centre of the “Great Game” played between the Russian Empire and British India. In the late twentieth century the last Afghan War, which involved the mujahedeen with support from Pakistan, the US and other powers on one side and the Afghan communist government and the Soviet Union on the other, ended with the latter’s withdrawal in 1989. In the mujahedeen and Taliban, the people of Afghanistan hoped for a future of peace and prosperity, rather than the hostility that was to come. In the aftermath of the 11 September 2001 attacks in the US, international forces invaded the country. Although the Taliban were toppled within a month, much was left to rebuild and reconstruct. This paper delineates the role US played in Afghanistan, why did the US went there in the first place, to what extent can we say US has rights to be in Afghanistan, which mandate are they fulfilling and what are the reasons behind their pulling back? These and many more questions are what this paper attempt to answer.
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Park, Sun Joo. "A Preliminary Anthropological Analyses of the Casualties from the Korean War during the Year 2000 -2001 Excavation". Korean Journal of Physical Anthropology 15, nr 4 (2002): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.11637/kjpa.2002.15.4.221.
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Paris, Roland. "Afghanistan: What Went Wrong?" Perspectives on Politics 11, nr 2 (21.05.2013): 538–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592713000911.
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The US-led invasion of Afghanistan in October 2001, which deposed the Taliban regime, was followed by a major international effort to stabilize that country. More than a decade later, this effort has yielded neither security nor political stability in Afghanistan. After having been ousted from power, the Taliban reestablished itself in the borderlands of Pakistan and began fighting an effective guerrilla war against international and Afghan government forces. Despite heavy losses in recent years, the insurgency shows no sign of giving up. Meanwhile, attempts to establish a credible and legitimate Afghan government have been similarly disappointing. President Hamid Karzai, once hailed as the country's democratic savior, came to be seen instead as the leader of one of the most corrupt regimes on the planet, a perception that has damaged his government's legitimacy both at home and abroad. Afghanistan's development and human rights indicators have improved, but it remains to be seen if these gains can be sustained as the international effort is scaled back. Finally, although the United States and its partners succeeded in weakening Al Qaeda in the region, both Afghanistan and nuclear-armed Pakistan appear to have become considerably less stable over the course of the mission, with untold consequences for the future.
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Pio ONZM, Edwina, i Sakina Ewazi. "The Tampa, Afghan Refugees and New Zealand: A Commentary on the Duty to Protect and Refugee Integration". Journal on Migration and Human Security 11, nr 1 (marzec 2023): 149–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23315024231159645.
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New Zealand has a long history of receiving persons in search of safety and security. These populations span Danes fleeing suppression during the German occupation in the 1870s, Jews escaping persecution from Tsarist Russia in the 1880s, Polish orphans during World War II, Asians expelled from Uganda in 1972–73, Vietnamese boat people between 1997 and 1993, and refugees from Afghanistan starting in 2001. New Zealand’s formal refugee resettlement program dates from 1944 with the arrival of the Polish orphans and their caregivers. This commentary discusses a case that builds on this history — New Zealand’s reception of Afghan refugees who were rescued by the MV Tampa, a Norwegian container ship. The authors — a researcher and a refugee saved by MV Tampa — explore New Zealand’s reception of refugees in light of the “Kew Garden” ethical principles on the responsibility to assist imperiled persons.
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AKYUZ, Murat. "2021 YILI AĞUSTOS AYI ÖNCESİNDE AFGANİSTAN’DAKİ TÜRKİ MİLLETLERİN DURUMLARI VE DİLLERİ". Journal of Research in Turkic Languages 3, nr 2 (4.11.2021): 63–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.34099/jrtl.322.
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Afghanistan is one of the ancient lands where many nations and ethnic groups coexist. In this geography, besides the Turkic tribes such as the Uzbeks, Turkmens, Kyrgyz, and Kazakhs who speak their native languages even today, there are also tribes like the Hazaras, the Aimaqs, and the Galchays who – having forgotten their mother tongues – speak Persian or Pashto. In Afghanistan, where the Turkic dynasties generally ruled before 1747, the Pashtuns became the dominant ethnic community with the proclamation of the Afghan state in 1747. The turbulent history and political life of Afghanistan have deeply affected the Turkic communities, as have all Afghan peoples. The Turkic peoples were occasionally forbidden to receive education in their native tongues, while it was also aimed to change the demographic structure by resettling Pashtuns in some regions. The Soviet occupation and the ensuing civil war claimed thousands of lives and forced millions of people to leave their country. Between 2001 and 2021, the administration in Afghanistan changed hands once again as supported by the Western states; yet, there was partial relief for the Turkic peoples during this period. The developments in August 2021 dragged these people into uncertainty again. In this study, the situation of the Turkic peoples living in Afghanistan and the languages they use before August 2021 were assessed by providing the available information.
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Izutsu, T., A. Tsutsumi, T. Sato, Z. Naqibullah, S. Wakai i H. Kurita. "Nutritional and Mental Health Status of Afghan Refugee Children in Peshawar, Pakistan: A Descriptive Study". Asia Pacific Journal of Public Health 17, nr 2 (lipiec 2005): 93–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/101053950501700206.
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The study sought to ascertain and describe the physical and mental health states of Afghan refugee children after the terrorist attack on September 11, 2001 in the US and the aerial bombing of Afghanistan that followed. A cross-sectional survey was carried out in four refugee camps in Peshawar, Pakistan from February to March 2002, and comparisons among camps were made. A total of 70 males (mean age SD = 9.81 ±1.98 years old) and 30 females (7.94 ±2.07) answered a self-developed questionnaire on demographic data, traumatic events experience, living environment in the camps, and physical and mental health, through interviews. Anthropometric measures were measured and physical symptoms including anaemia and edema were assessed. Severe malnutrition was not shown and there were no significant differences in most nutritional and physical states among the camps. Nevertheless, in the newer camps more children experienced war related traumatic events. Mental symptoms were prevalent in all camps, though the characteristics of the symptoms differed among the camps. Asia Pac J Public Health 2005; 17(2): 93-98.
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Kurukin, I. V. "“It’s Still Paciefied Everywhere”: “Lower Corps” Weekdays in Iran after Campaign of Peter the Great". History 18, nr 8 (2019): 138–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2019-18-8-138-143.
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The paper is devoted to some daily activities of the Russian expeditionary “Lower corps” in Iranian province Gilan, acquired as a result of 1722–1723 Persian Campaign of Peter the Great. Relational of the corps’ commander general-in-chief V. Ya. Levashov from the Archive of Russian empire’s foreign policy published here for the first time. These documents show, that local people did not reconcile with foreign and gentile authorities. Just after the Persian campaign there were several uprising in Russian territories. Rebellions were caused by the struggle of not recognized Shah against Afghan and Turkish armies. Published documents revealed daily activities of Russian military expedition forces there during the fight against rebels in 1731. Expedition forces consisted of regular army troops and Russian administration volunteers, recruited from local people. V. Ya. Levashov’s messages provide some information about tactical activities of army, casualties, military trophies, and also present some details of the rebels’ behavior. Combat losses of Russian troops were usually minimal, but sometimes Gilan rebels managed to achieve victories. Maintenance costs for “Lower corps” and necessity to conclude a peace treaty with new Iranian shah Nadir on the eve of war against Turkey forced Empress Anna Ioannovna’s government to give away previously occupied territories.
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Mixon, Franklin G. "The Allocation of Death in the Afghanistan War: An International Public Choice Perspective". Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 31, nr 1 (1.04.2013): 21–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569213x15664519748523.
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Abstract A classic study by Goff - Tollison [1987] finds empirical support for the idea that variations in Vietnam War (1965-1971) casualties across the U.S. states were a function of variations in political influence across the U.S. states wielded by members of the U.S. Congress, as more senior and influential federal legislators were in a position to have soldiers transferred from combat zones to safer areas. This study revisits this issue by investigating the allocation of death among the minor participating countries in the Afghanistan War (2001- present) against the backdrop of political influence wielded by high-ranking officials in the United Nations, as well as political pressure borne out of important fiscal and commercial relationships between the U.S. and other nations. Results from a hurdle model suggest that possession of high-ranking posts within the U.N. provides the political influence necessary to reduce military deaths among the minor participating countries that occupy them. The results also suggest that maintaining a free trade relationship with the U.S., or being the recipient of U.S. aid, puts political pressure on a minor participating country to place combatants in harm's way in a war being led by the U.S.
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Salim, Asif, i Parveen Khan. "Contextualizing Military Operations in Pak-Afghan Borderland & District Swat to Contain Fomenting Insurgencies". Central Asia 84, Summer (1.10.2019): 89–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-84.22.
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Pakistan’s engagement in the global war on terrorism and its role as a frontline ally of the USA compelled strategic elites of the state to develop strategies to curb the militant groups that migrated to Pakistan and took shelter in the borderland areas after the U.S. military offensive Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) on Afghanistan. The aim of OEF was to hunt down the Al-Qaeda and other affiliated conglomerates enjoying patronage under the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. The real challenge before the law enforcement agencies of Pakistan was to get support from the public for military operations against these Islamist militant groups, which were the constant source of threat to the security of the state. The majority of the people in Pakistan were generally not in favor of full-fledged military operations because they saw the militants as holy warriors fighting against the infidels and believed that if Pakistan launched any brand of operation in erstwhile FATA it would be under the diktat of the Americans. This is the reason why, from 2001 to 2004, Pakistan’s security forces opened the door for negotiations and did not participate in hard-strikes against the militant outfits. But after the formal formation of Threek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) in 2007 and its nexus with Tehreek-e-Nafaz-e-Shariat-e-Mohammadi (TNSM) in Swat started a series of brutal suicide and targeted attacks on the population, it was necessary for the military to begin operations. This timely study of important military operations initiated against the insurgents in the Pak-Afghan borderland will broaden the horizon of security managers about their strategic and tactical flaws in the ground offensive and thorough analysis will help to provide a better understanding for future military offensives in any part of the country. This paper focuses on important military operations with a cost and benefit analysis of those conducted after 2001 in the adjacent areas of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and district Swat.
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Sawal, Javeria Noor, Anfal Afridi i Ruqaiya Bibi. "US-Taliban Peace process: Post-Withdrawal Scenarios". Global Political Review VII, nr I (30.03.2022): 92–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(vii-i).10.
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Afghanistan encountered a US-led invasion in 2001 in response to the 9/11 attacks and ended the Taliban's government in Afghanistan. Thousands of US troops were deployed on Afghan territory in the war against terrorism to direct anti-terrorism operations in Afghanistan and to contain Talibanization. Thus, the immediate objective of the US invasion of Afghanistan was to prevent the country from terrorism, but the objective remained unachieved to date. As there was a divergence of interests of involved actors, and thus the efforts could not reach the desired result. The US in Afghanistan has exerted influence for almost two decades.Thereby, both the warring sides have now decided on a political settlement and a permanent ceasefire. The agreement took place on February 29, 2020, and its provisions include the withdrawal of all US troops and NATO forces from Afghanistan. Thereby objective and significance of the study are contributed to assess the post-withdrawal scenarios.
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Khalid, Ijaz, Hina Malik i Aneela Akbar. "An Analysis of Pakistans Role in US Dialogue with Taliban". Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review V, nr III (30.09.2020): 87–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2020(v-iii).10.
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The paper analysis the US talks with the Taliban since they attacked Afghanistan and eliminated Al-Qaeda in October 2001. The piece of study highlights the role-played Islamabad in patching up both Taliban and American for dialogue to come up with a peaceful solution to the US War in Afghanistan. Washington always uses divers’ players for holding talks with the Taliban including, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Germany, UAE and the Afghan government, to achieve its objective. The study found that the US never sincere in their move of dialogue with the radical forces in Afghanistan. The study also come to the conclusion that the different actors involved by the US have their own interests to pursue rather than achieving US interests. Additionally, Washington never gave a free hand to any one of the actors to hold talks with the Taliban. These factors are responsible for blocking the way of peace in the graveyard of Empires.