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Dyke, John R. Crisafulli John R. "Unconventional counter-insurgency in Afghanistan". Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Jun%5FDyke.pdf.
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Savych, Bogdan. "Effects of deployments on spouses of military personnel". Santa Monica, Calif. : Pardee Rand Graduate School, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA487634.
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Milakovic, Amy E. "The National Endowment for the Arts' "Operation Homecoming" shaping military stories into nationalistic rhetoric /". [Fort Worth, Tex.] : Texas Christian University, 2009. http://etd.tcu.edu/etdfiles/available/etd-10162009-150448/unrestricted/Milakovic.pdf.
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Masson, Anne-Sophie. "Le droit de la guerre confronté aux nouveaux conflits asymétriques : généralisation à partir du conflit Afghan (2001-2013)". Thesis, Normandie, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017NORMLH03.
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Le conflit afghan (à partir de 2001) peut être considéré comme un nouveau conflit asymétrique reprenant les caractéristiques des conflits asymétriques classiques (rapport de force disproportionné entre les belligérants) à l’exception de la territorialisation, remplacée par l’appartenance à une idéologie commune. En conséquence, le champ de bataille y est devenu secondaire, la guerre est devenue cognitive. La séparation entre la paix et la guerre s’est atténuée à tel point qu’il est devenu impossible de compartimenter le droit de la guerre en fonction de l’intensité du conflit ou de son internationalisation. Faute de s’y être adapté, le droit de la guerre a cessé de faciliter le rétablissement de la paix et a été perçu par les militaires occidentaux comme une entrave aux combats. C’est pourquoi, certains belligérants ont tenté de s’en affranchir en ayant recours à des méthodes de combats illégitimes. Ces effets ont été médiatisés et ont participé à la perte de légitimité des Etats occidentaux allant jusqu’à remettre en question la division du monde en Etats souverains. L’absence de résolution de ces conflits pourrait conduire à une guerre civile globalisée. En réponse, l’harmonisation du droit de la guerre autour de la garantie inconditionnelle des droits inaliénables doit être affirmée par les Etats et les nouveaux acteurs internationaux. Elle pourrait émerger d’un « Parlement mondial », garant du droit international. De plus, l’irréprochabilité morale des belligérants est attendue. Le droit et la place des armées au sein de la société doivent le refléterThe Afghan war (since 2001) may be seen as a new asymmetric conflict. It has all characteristics of the former asymmetric conflicts except territoriality, which has been replaced by ideology. Therefore, the battlefields have been displaced to the cognitive war. The distinction between war and peace became so small that it is now impossible to distinguish the law of war in regard to its intensity or to the implication of several states. The law of wars, due to its lack of adaptation stopped to ease the peace recovery, becoming a hindrance to combat. In consequence, some warriors have been tempted to use forbidden combat methods. Whose effects have been mediatized and took part of the western states legitimacy crisis (and questionning the World division in sovereign states). The lack of conflicts settlement could lead to a worldwide civil war. Unless, law of wars are harmonized through universal core rights mandatory for states and new international actors; a “World Parliament” could protect them. Furthermore, moral integrity of warriors is expected, it may be reflected into the military laws and their position into the civil society
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Berry, Philip Andrew. "The U.S. and the UK's war on the Afghan opium industry : a critical evaluation of Anglo-American counter narcotics policies in Afghanistan 2001-2011". Thesis, University of Dundee, 2015. https://discovery.dundee.ac.uk/en/studentTheses/2d223112-6dea-4718-9f75-d364bf7e54cb.
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Western counter narcotics policies in Afghanistan failed dismally after opium cultivation surged to unprecedented levels. At the centre of this failed battle against illegal narcotics was the Anglo-American partnership. Far from working harmoniously, the alliance was separated by competing and opposing views of how to address the opium problem. These disputes led to open diplomatic clashes and friction within the wider Anglo-American relationship. This work provides the first definitive account of the United States’ and United Kingdom’s counter narcotics policies in Afghanistan and details the inside story of the policy-making process which underpinned their formulation and implementation. Through interviews with key policy practitioners on both sides of the Atlantic, this study reveals the complex picture of counter narcotics policies; highlighting key points of cooperation and contention and detailing the often contradictory and competitive objectives of the overall war effort in Afghanistan. An integral part of that explanatory analysis is also a more comprehensive account of the development of British counter narcotics policies than hitherto available. Building on the limited volume of work by previous scholars, this study presents previously unknown details regarding the decision-making process that underpinned key policies, including: compensated eradication (2002); UK appointment as ‘G8 lead nation’ (2002); and the transition of the UK’s role as ‘partner nation’ to the UNODC (2011). Furthermore, the study provides unique coverage of Anglo-American discord over aerial eradication (2004-2008). This issue was been covered by many academic and media reports over the course of the conflict but no research has provided in-depth analysis of events from policy makers’ perspectives in both governments within the context of their wider special relationship.
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Vant, Megan. "In Legal Limbo? The status and rights of detainees from the 2001 war in Afghanistan". The University of Waikato, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10289/2448.
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During the 2001 war in Afghanistan hundreds of people associated with the Taliban or al Qaeda were arrested by United States forces and transported to the Naval Base at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. The legal status and treatment of these detainees has been an ongoing problem over the last five years. The majority have been given no recourse to justice and allegations of inhuman treatment and torture have been frequent. The first issue raised by the incarceration of these people is whether any of them may be entitled to Prisoner of War status. The evidence shows that, in general, the Taliban and al-Qaeda fighters were not lawful combatants, and hence they are not entitled to Prisoner of War status. While the rights of Prisoners of War are well documented and generally uncontested, the rights of people not entitled to Prisoner of War status are not so easily definable. Despite classification as unlawful or unprivileged combatants, the detainees are not in legal limbo - they are still entitled to the benefit of certain fundamental human rights. There are applicable protections under the Fourth Geneva Convention, Additional Protocol I, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the United Nations Convention Against Torture. The main rights upheld by these documents are the right to liberty and freedom from arbitrary detention; the right to a fair trial; and the right to life. Furthermore, there is a requirement of humane treatment and an absolute prohibition on torture. Reports from international humanitarian watchdogs such as the International Committee of the Red Cross, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch suggest that the United States Government is not upholding the rights held by the detainees. It is essential that the United States Government recognises the fundamental rights owed to the detainees and ensures that they receive the requisite treatment and access to justice.
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Abonadi, Earl E. K. "Weinberger-Powell and transformation : perceptions of American power from the fall of Saigon to the fall of Baghdad /". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Jun%5FAbonadi.pdf.
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Rhidenour, Kayla. "Ideographs, Fragments, and Strategic Absences: An Ideographic Analysis of ". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2008. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc9742/.
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This study examined the ideograph of
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Belt, Leslie Marie, i Leslie Paul Schellbach. "Perceptions of mental health services among marines". CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2007. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/3141.
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Bricet, des Vallons Georges-Henri. "L’entreprise de guerre au XXIe siècle : Les sociétés militaires privées dans la politique étrangère et la stratégie militaire des Etats-Unis". Thesis, Paris 5, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA05D001.
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Les guerres d’Irak et d’Afghanistan ont vu la réapparition massive de sociétés de mercenariat d’un nouveau genre.Le mercenariat occidental est ainsi passé en moins de vingt ans de structures artisanales, arrimées à la politiquepost-coloniale des grandes puissances, à un stade professionnel et industriel tendant à une transnationalisationcroissante de ses activités. Des bavures de la célèbre Blackwater à l’implication d’employés de CACI dans lescandale de la torture au sein de la prison d’Abu Grahib, en passant par les activités de la tentaculaire Aegis, lessociétés militaires privées, omniprésentes sur le champ de bataille, ont rythmé et marqué le récit de ces guerresmajeures du début du XXIe siècle. Fait crucial : c’est la première fois dans l’histoire des opérations militairesaméricaines qu’on assiste à un basculement de la démographie des forces en faveur du secteur privé. Produit del’économie de guerre permanente et ramifications expéditionnaires du complexe militaro-industriel, ces sociétésreprésentent un changement d’expression de la puissance militaire étatsunienne sans précédent. Cettemercenarisation de l’american way of war est désormais une tendance structurelle de la politique étrangère del’Empire et pourrait bien révolutionner à terme le visage même de la guerre. Cette thèse trace le récit historique deces armées privées, décrit les conditions politiques qui ont permis à ce nouveau marché de la guerre d’émerger etse propose d’analyser la portée sociopolitique de ce phénomène de mondialisation de la violence privée quant à laquestion de l’Etat. Cette question du retour du mercenariat à grande échelle dans la politique étrangère des Etats-Unis permet non seulement de former une hypothèse aiguë sur le déclin de la puissance militaire américaine maisaussi sur les évolutions de l’identité sociohistorique du monopole de la violence étatiqueIraq and Afghanistan Wars have seen a massive return of mercenary companies of a new genre. The Westernmercenaries have transformed in less than twenty years from craft structures, linked to the post-colonial politics ofgreat powers, to a professional and industrial stage that tends to a growing transnationalization of their activities.From the blunders of the famous Blackwater to the involvement of CACI’s employees in the torture scandal inAbu Ghraib prison, through the activities of the sprawling Aegis, private military companies, everywhere on thebattlefield, have marked and labeled the story of these major wars of the early twenty-first Century. Crucial fact:this is the first time in the history of U.S. military operations that we are witnessing a shift in the demographics offorces in favor of the private sector. Product of the permanent war economy and overseas branches of themilitary-industrial complex, these companies represent an unprecedented change in expression of U.S. militarypower. This mercenarization of the American way of war is now a structural trend of the foreign policy of theEmpire and could eventually revolutionize the face of the war. This thesis traces the history of these privatearmies, described the political conditions that led to the birth of this new market of war, and analyzes the scope ofthis sociopolitical phenomenon of globalization of private violence. This return of mercenaries on a large scale inthe foreign policy of the United States not only help to form a decisive hypothesis on the decline of Americanmilitary power but also on the socio-historical changes of the identity of the State monopoly of violence
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Henrotin, Joseph W. C. H. G. "Hypertrophie de la stratégie des moyens et révolution dans les affaires militaires: la technologisation, dérive de l'innovation dans le discours politico-stratégique américan ?" Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210564.
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Evaluation des mutations de la stratégie politico-militaire américaine depuis l'occurrence de la Revolution in Military Affairs jusqu'au processus actuel de "Transformation". L'analyse des évolutions vues - y compris à l'aune des opérations menées en Afghanistan et en Irak - montre, au delà du phénomène de technicisation (i.e. le processus d'intégration de nouvelles technologies aux armées) un phénomène de "technologisation". Dans ce cadre, le discours stratégique américain, examiné au travers des débats stratégiques et des contributions doctrinales, tendrait à être sur-déterminé par la technologie, du niveau tactique au niveau politique, de sorte que ledit discours tendrait à devenir en soi une technologie.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Jorge, Bernardo Wahl Gonçalves de Araújo. "As Forças de Operações Especiais dos Estados Unidos e a intervenção no Afeganistão: um novo modo de guerra americano?" São Paulo : [s.n.], 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/96024.
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Orientador: Reginaldo Mattar NasserBanca: Oliveiros S. Ferreira
Banca: Shiguenoli Miyamoto
O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"
Resumo: A reação inicial da administração de George W. Bush aos atentados de onze de setembro de 2001 foi atacar o governo Talebã no Afeganistão, visando a derrubar o regime do pregador religioso Omar do poder e a estabelecer bases que serviriam para a caçada à al- Qaeda, que tinha naquele país um santuário para planejar suas ações. A capital Cabul, assim como outras regiões no interior afegão, foram conquistadas rapidamente, isto teoricamente em função do plano militar estadunidense, baseado no emprego de Forças de Operações Especiais, poderio aéreo e na utilização de um parceiro local: a Aliança do Norte. O suposto sucesso dos Estados Unidos seria decorrente, conforme o discurso oficial norte-americano, da "transformação militar" que estava sendo promovida pelo secretário de Defesa Donald Rumsfeld. O chamado modelo afegão foi considerado um "novo" modo de guerra americano e, a partir de então, dentro do contexto de "guerra ao terror", as Forças de Operações Especiais passaram a ocupar, como nunca antes na história dos EUA, um lugar por demais proeminente dentro da concepção estratégica de Washington. Todavia, passados cerca de sete anos dos movimentos iniciais de invasão, a situação afegã não é das melhores, o que leva ao questionamento da validade e aparente inovação daquelas ações militares americanas.
Abstract: The initial reaction of the George W. Bush administration to the violent acts of september 11, 2001 was to attack the Taliban government in Afghanistan, aiming to bring down the Mullah Omar regime and to set up bases that would serve to the hunting of al- Qaida, organization which had that country as its sanctuary to plan its actions. The capital Cabul, as well as another regions in the countryside, were quickly conquered, theoretically because the american military plan, based on Special Operations Forces, air power and in the use of a local allie: the Northern Alliance. The supposed success of the United States would be the result, according to the official speech, of the "military transformation" that was being encouraged by the Defense secretary Donald Rumsfeld. The afghan model was considered a "new" american way of war and the Special Operations Forces, inside the context of "global war on terror", went on to the center of the american strategic conception. However, after seven years of the invasion, the afghan situation is not good, so it is possible to question the validity and the apparent inovation of that american military actions.
Mestre
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Mahmood, Tariq. "The Durand Line : South Asia's new trouble spot /". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FMahmood.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2005.Thesis Advisor(s): Peter R. Lavoy, Feroz Hassan Khan. Includes bibliographical references (p. 97-104). Also available online.
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Krym, Michael Jamison. "Reinventing the wheel". 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:1439824.
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McGinty, Karen Davis. "Having our say stressors and readjustment issues of veterans of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan from the perspective of loved ones : a project based upon an independent investigation /". 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10090/9906.
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DE, FRANCO Chiara. "War by images : from Kosovo to Afghanistan". Doctoral thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10442.
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Defence date: 4 February 2008Examining Board: Pier Paolo Giglioli (Univ. Bologna), Fritz Kratochwil (EUI) (Supervisor), Martin Shaw (Univ. Sussex), Pascal Vennesson (EUI/RSCAS)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
In the most classical way and a less than original strategy in International Relations, this research is about power, the sources of power, and power relations. However, the unit of analysis is all but classical; on the contrary, this is something which is still an unusual presence within the discipline: the mass media. This research, indeed, aims at understanding if, how, and why the news international television networks (and CNN in particular) had power over the political and military decision-making during NATO’s intervention in Kosovo and Operation Enduring Freedom. Having analysed the existing literature to clarify concepts and theories which explain media power during international conflicts, I advanced my criticisms and presented my hypotheses about media power, and its sources, in order to develop a theoretical framework on which I could ground the empirical part of the research. It has been clarified, therefore, that the international news networks have: a) Power over the political agenda; b) Power over the process (over timing of the decision making); c) Power over the selection of communication channels; d) Power over the choice of instruments. A complex set of different methods has been used, which leads to an essentially diagnostic case analysis. This is based on the examination of those processes which, through documentation and interpretation, would be considered as effects of media power. In particular, the presence of some different effects has been detected: Agenda Setting, Real Time Policy, Media Diplomacy, and what has been labelled Media War. Research methodology is a combination of qualitative methods of both data collection and analysis, varying for each supposed effect of media power. The most important data are transcripts from CNN, newspaper articles, press agency bulletins, memoirs, and texts of original interviews conducted with policy makers, journalists, and military officials. These texts have been considered both as sources of information and as text to be rigorously analysed through a particular method of text analysis, which is semiotics, in order show how meaning is constructed by different speakers.
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Ochoa, Susana. "An exploratory study Hispanic/Latino OEF/OIF U.S. military veterans readjusting post deployment : a project based upon an independent investigation /". 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10090/9830.
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Li-Chia-Hao i 李家豪. "The Study of Maritime Casualties and the Workaround of R.O.C. Government around Taiwan after Chinese Civil War (1950-2001)-Take Maritime Disaster of Vessel as Example". Thesis, 2014. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/03271274204193213275.
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碩士國立中央大學
歷史研究所
102
This Subject is “The Study of Maritime Casualties and the Workaround from R.O.C. Government around Taiwan after Chinese Civil War (1950-2001)-Take Maritime Disaster of Vessel as Example”. Since the circumstance of Taiwan is an island, the activities on the sea is an important factor in progress. Those activities includes high hazard, so maritime casualty is something common. Also, boats that used wind power declined because of the new source-oil. Maritime casualties not only threat the life of crewman, but also caused pollution of the marine environment because of the loaded oil. According to the discussion about the pollution of marine around Taiwan caused by maritime casualties isn’t that much in the community of the history studies in Taiwan. So this thesis is trying to clarify and compare what’s the movement of the government when they facing similar event. Via government gazette, investigation report and newspaper, carding the laws about marine pollution. This thesis list five cases, Kuang Lung, Borag, Oriental Lady, Aquarius Bright and Amorgos, explore the differences of how government react to different cases of marine pollution caused by maritime casualty, before the Marine Pollution Control Act been adopted, and after. First of all, this paper organize the difference of the laws of marine pollution from both international and R.O.C. After that, analyzed the correlation between Marine Pollution Control Act and both the laws of international and R.O.C. Although R.O.C. won’t be able to contract with international covenant, they still quoted the conception of international covenant to establish the law of marine pollution. Secondly, during the period when the rule of marine pollution still unsound, this paper will use several cases to find out how rescue work at this time. The discussion of all the cases will include injury, the level of the pollution, and the spot of the event, tourist area or outlying island. This paper will also talk about the status about the elimination and the distribution of rescue resource. However, the administrative units of elimination didn’t integrate well. And this means, even R.O.C. have basic knowledge of elimination, but still, can’t handle everything well, and need help from other countries. Overall, Taiwan was moving forward in concert with international trend in a passive way. In this situation, the government will be unprepared when marine casualties really happening. The unclear rights and responsibilities of administrative units caused a lot of needless duplication. The last part is the process of Marine Pollution Control Act. Carding the difference and changing of the very first version of the act. And government gazette had been used for recording the constructing process of the act. After Marine Pollution Control Act been passed, this paper use Amorgos as example to compare with before, and try to understand more about how government react to the accident. There are several characteristics when R.O.C. is facing marine pollution event. First, it’s hard for administrative units to work together. The second one is how Marine Pollution Control Act apply on foreigner. Third, the data of marine environment around Taiwan didn’t set up well. The last one is the function of mass media, although sometime the main point might be blurred by them.
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Lawrence, Michael Alan Biesecker Barbara A. "Signature remembrance the names of the 9/11 dead and the play of rhetoricity /". 2009. http://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/307.
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Smith, Dale Martin. "Rhetoric and public action in poetry after 1960". Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-05-2704.
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This dissertation considers the relation between literary documents and public identities, and how U. S. culture is reflected and transfigured by poetry in the United States after 1960. Concerned with epideictic communication in public contexts, this study looks at how private interventions in public spaces can shape attitudes toward cultural phenomena. A secondary concern elucidates the ways literary texts are valued in English departments, bearing critical reflection on rhetorical, literary, and creative pedagogy. Insofar as the epideictic mode prepares individuals for a decision-making process in current democratic situations, this dissertation considers recent examples of strategic public engagements, and provides rhetorical readings of key situations in American social and cultural life since 1960 to illustrate how such methods can bring rhetoric and literature together in contemporary public contexts.
The first of these studies inspects the correspondence and poetry of Robert Duncan and Denise Levertov during the Vietnam War over the uses of poetry as a public document. Public identity and U. S. social practices are explored in the following chapter with the 1970s and ’80s poetry of Lorenzo Thomas and Edward Dorn, whose poems participate in the articulation of tensions between private and public life. Chapter 4 argues that Charles Olson’s poems and letters appearing in the editorial pages of The Gloucester-Daily Times in the 1960s effectively helped bring civic attention to the transformation of public space in Gloucester, Mass. While he interpreted the changes he perceived in Gloucester through literary and historical theories, he framed them within rhetorically motivated communication strategies to deliver new perceptions of what constituted civic value. Chapter 5 concludes by examining more recent attempts by poets to influence public reflection on crucial events that led to the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan through digital media, public performance, and civic encounters mediated by fugitive texts. The opening and final chapters introduce my methodology and present the problem of poetry in public contexts, and advocates for reflection within English departments on the rhetorical value of literary texts.text
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Daggett, Virginia Sue. "Needs and Concerns of Combat Veterans with Mild Traumatic Brain Injury and the Development of the Veterans Compensate, Adapt and Reintegrate Intervention". Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/2252.
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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)Traumatic brain injury (TBI) has emerged as a major cause of morbidity among U.S. soldiers who have served in Iraq and Afghanistan. Even mild TBI (mTBI) can result in cognitive impairments that can impact how veterans experience such things as physical symptoms, emotions and behaviors, instrumental activities of daily living, interpersonal interactions, and community reintegration. The purpose of this study was to develop a comprehensive self-management intervention for veterans with mTBI to facilitate their community reintegration upon returning from deployment to combat zones. This study was conducted in two Phases. Phase I entailed collecting qualitative data regarding needs, concerns, strategies used, and advice given by eight veterans with mTBI, guided by a conceptual model derived from Ferrans’ and colleagues’ health-related quality of life model and the TBI literature. Six key categories and predominant themes emerged providing further support for the model (cognitive impairments, physical symptoms, emotions and behaviors, instrumental activities of daily living, interpersonal interactions, and community reintegration). Guided by the conceptual model, a mTBI Veteran Needs and Concerns Checklist and 14 algorithms making up the VETeranS Compensate, Adapt, REintegrate (VETSCARE) intervention were developed. Phase II entailed obtaining review of the mTBI Veteran Needs and Concerns Checklist and the 14 VETSCARE algorithms from six TBI experts. On a scale of 1 to 5, with 5 being strongly agree, expert ratings provided moderate evidence of content validity for the checklist (3.33), and for the 14 algorithms (problem relevance 3.92, accuracy 3.73, feasibility 3.80, acceptability 3.84). The average overall expert rating for the VETSCARE intervention was 3.82. The checklist and the 14 algorithms are being revised based on specific comments provided by the experts. Once revised, the mTBI Veteran Needs and Concerns Checklist and the VETSCARE intervention will be tested for feasibility in a future pilot study with veterans with mTBI who have recently returned from combat zones in Iraq and Afghanistan.
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McCarthy, Michael Damian. "The psychometric properties and clinical utility of the Air Force Post-Deployment Health Reassessment (PDHRA) for airmen with posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) or depression". Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-05-2697.
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Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) (Afghanistan) and Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF) represent one of the longest wartime deployments in the history of the American military. To date, 1.6 million American military members have deployed. Of these, an estimated 300,000 have returned with a mental health condition, such as depression or PTSD. The Department of Defense has established a robust screening program to identify and track deployment-related physical and psychiatric illnesses. The Post-Deployment Health Reassessment (PDHRA) is a primary tool to identify physical and psychiatric risk following a deployment. The PDHRA is a web-based survey, which is administered between 90-180 days after a deployment. This study seeks to evaluate the psychometric properties and clinical utility of the Post-Deployment Health Reassessment (PDHRA) for accurately identifying truama and depression among Airmen following a deployment. Descriptive statistics, confirmatory factor analysis and structural equation modeling were used to address separate research aims. Study aims assessed the impact of deployment on military members and the clinical utility and psychometric properties of the Post-Deployment Health Reassessment. Findings suggest that the Post-Deployment Health Reassessment is a useful triage tool to identify trauma and depression among Airmen following deployment. The study makes recommendations for improving the clinical utility and psychometric properties of the Post-Deployment Health Reassessment (PDHRA).text
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Kim, Nam-Doo. "Making news out of Al-Jazeera: a comparative content analysis of American and British press coverage of events and issues involving the Arab media". Thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/2916.
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Cudney, Shane, Daryl Kinsman i George Deibert. "Perspective vol. 45 no. 1 (Feb 2011)". 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10756/251196.
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Cudney, Shane, Daryl Kinsman i George Deibert. "Perspective vol. 45 no. 1 (Feb 2011)". 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10756/277685.
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