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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Afghan war, 2001 – casualties"
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Bohannon, John. "Counting the Dead in Afghanistan". Science 331, nr 6022 (11.03.2011): 1256–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.2011.331.6022.331_1256.
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A military data set of civilian casualties, provided exclusively to Science , indicates that the war has become more lethal to the Afghan population, largely because of indiscriminate insurgent attacks.
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Dill, Janina. "Distinction, Necessity, and Proportionality: Afghan Civilians’ Attitudes toward Wartime Harm". Ethics & International Affairs 33, nr 3 (2019): 315–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679419000376.
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AbstractHow do civilians react to being harmed in war? Existing studies argue that civilian casualties are strategically costly because civilian populations punish a belligerent who kills civilians and support the latter's opponent. Relying on eighty-seven semi-structured interviews with victims of coalition attacks in Afghanistan, this article shows that moral principles inform civilians’ attitudes toward their own harming. Their attitudes may therefore vary with the perceived circumstances of an attack. Civilians’ perception of harm as unintended and necessary, in accordance with the moral principles of distinction and necessity, was associated with narratives that cast an attack as relatively more legitimate and with a partial or full release of the coalition from blame. The principle of proportionality, which requires that civilian casualties are caused in pursuit of a legitimate war aim, informed their abstract attitudes toward civilian casualties in Afghanistan. Two rules of international law, which accord with the moral principles of distinction and necessity, were reflected in the civilians’ attitudes. The legal rule of proportionality, which diverges from the namesake moral principle, failed to resonate with the civilians. The article explores whether compliance with the legal rules of distinction and necessity can contribute to mitigating the strategic costs of civilian casualties.
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Bhutta, Z. A. "Children of war: the real casualties of the Afghan conflict". BMJ 324, nr 7333 (9.02.2002): 349–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.324.7333.349.
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Lyall, Jason. "Civilian Casualties, Humanitarian Aid, and Insurgent Violence in Civil Wars". International Organization 73, nr 4 (2019): 901–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818319000262.
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AbstractIndiscriminate violence against civilians has long been viewed as a catalyst for new rounds of violence in civil wars. Can humanitarian assistance reduce violence after civilians have been harmed? Crossnational studies are pessimistic, drawing a connection between humanitarian aid and increased civil war violence, lethality, and duration. To date, however, we have few subnational studies of wartime aid and subsequent violence. To examine this relationship, I draw on the Afghan Civilian Assistance Program (ACAP II), a USAID-funded initiative that investigated 1,061 civilian casualty incidents (2011–13). Aid was assigned as if randomly to about half (55.8%) of these incidents, facilitating counterfactual estimation of how assistance affected Taliban attacks against the International Security Assistance Force, Afghan forces, and civilians. Challenging prior studies, I find that ACAP was associated with an average 23 percent reduction in attacks against ISAF, but not Afghan forces or civilians, at the village level for up to two years after the initial incident.
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Yusuf, Farhat. "Size and Sociodemographic characteristics of the Afghan refugee population in Pakistan". Journal of Biosocial Science 22, nr 3 (lipiec 1990): 269–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932000018654.
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SummarySome recent data are presented on the size and selected sociodemographic characteristics of the Afghan refugee population in Pakistan. Although the official figures show that there were 3·27 million registered Afghan refugees in Pakistan, it is estimated that the actual number may be as high as 3·6 million. There is an excess of females over males, mainly due to war-related activities and excessive casualties particularly among males. While infant and childhood mortality rates are declining and are lower than the levels prevalent in Pakistan, as well as in Afghanistan during the prewar period, the fertility levels among Afghan refugees seem very high indeed.
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Cottom, Daniel. "To Love to Hate". Representations 80, nr 1 (2002): 119–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rep.2002.80.1.119.
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FROM THE TIME OF SOCRATES' Phaedo to the present, misanthropy has been thought of as spoilt idealism: the flipside of generosity for Timon of Athens, of sincerity for Molièère's Alceste, of reason for Jonathan Swift's Gulliver, and so on. Misanthropy thus construed places one in a critical position between ''humanity and humans'' (Schiller). In contrast, Chris Burden's work leads us to see the misanthropy fundamental to and constitutive of the very conception of art. For instance, through its erasure of the line commonly drawn between symbolic and real violence and through the uncertainties, equivocations, contradictions, and overdeterminations it evoked, the performance he titled 747 represented art's undoing of humanity, its drive to betray what Samuel Beckett called ''anthropomorphic insolence,'' or whatever may be thought of as properly human desires, intentions, and concerns. Similarly, through The Other Vietnam Memorial (1991) Burden drew out the fierce misanthropy in Maya Lin's beloved wall by reminding us of the names of the millions of Vietnamese that it symbolically and, in effect, violently erases. More recently,and perhaps even more controversially,the artist Dread Scott has followed Burden's example in a work titled (and dramatizing the equivoque in the term) Enduring Freedom (2002), a shrine based on those created in New York City in the aftermath of the September 11th attacks but devoted to the Afghan casualties of the war the United States is conducting in response to them. Using Beckett as one of his favored exemplars, Theodor Adorno directed attention to the aesthetic implications of misanthropy (even as he struggled to give them a utopian spin) when he remarked upon the Baudelarian ''spleen'' of art, without which it cannot be and with which it maintains ''a permanent protest against morality.'' Even though we continue to play it down whenever we try to discipline art into spiritual health by working some sense of responsibility into our theories of what it is, does, and has been, this disorienting protest is arguably the most ancient theme of Western aesthetics. Despite its so-called terrorist aspects, then, Burden's art is thoroughly traditional in emphasizing art's misanthropic appeal. A comparison on this score to literary works by writers such as Franz Kafka and Thomas De Quincey, to historical episodes such as the practice of ascetism among the fourthcentury ''desert fathers,'' to artworks by Caspar David Friedrich and Pieter Bruegel the Elder, to the films of Ingmar Bergman, and to the controversies over aesthetics that arose in the immediate aftermath of the events of 9/11 shows us why politics will be aestheticized, whether we like it or not. In other words, this analysis shows us why we cannot even begin to conceive of human justice without working through art and thus through the subject of misanthropy.
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Mufti, Khalid A., Farooq Naeem, Haroon Rasheed Chaudry, Asad Haroon, Farida Saifi, Siama Mahmood Qureshi i Saif ur Rehman Dagarwal. "Post-traumatic stress disorder among Afghan refugees following war". International Psychiatry 4, nr 1 (styczeń 2007): 7–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s1749367600005087.
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There was a large influx of Afghan refugees into Pakistan during the 1980s and in particular after the US invasion of Afghanistan in 2001. That refugees have high rates of mental health problems has been well established (e.g. De Jong et al, 2000) — causes include migration, often with painful transit experiences, difficult camp life and the experience of major trauma, including multiple losses of family members as well as the loss of property and traditional lifestyle. However, the Afghan refugees in Pakistan have been poorly studied. Although the mental health problems of Afghan refugees have been studied in the West, the numbers of participants in such research have been relatively small.
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Friesendorf, Cornelius, i Thomas Müller. "Human costs of the Afghanistan war". Journal of Regional Security 8, nr 2 (2013): 137–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.11643/issn.2217-995x132ppf34.
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The war in Afghanistan has been the longest war in United States history. This article argues that from the beginning of the US-led invasion of Afghanistan in late 2001, the US conduct of the war posed great dangers for Afghan civilians. It distinguishes between three phases, each of which held distinct risks for civilians. The first phase, from late 2001 to 2009, was marked by the fight against al Qaeda and insurgent forces; the second phase, from 2009- 2010, by counterinsurgency; and the third phase by the transition of security responsibilities from NATO to Afghan security forces. While risk transfer clearly marked the first and third phases, civilians also suffered during the second phase, when the US put a primacy on civilian protection. We argue that neglecting civilian protection has not only been morally problematic but also risks undermining the Western goal of ensuring that Afghanistan will no longer pose a threat to international security.
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Idrees, Muhammad, i Manzoor Ahmad Naazer. "The dynamics of Pak-Afghan relations: an analysis of (mis)trust between the two countries from 2001-2018". Journal of Humanities, Social and Management Sciences (JHSMS) 3, nr 1 (30.06.2022): 525–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.jhsms/3.1.36.
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Pakistan and Afghanistan share the contiguity of neighbourhood and bonds of Islam. Despite linguistic, cultural and traditional similarities, their relations have remained in a spin. Pakistan and Afghanistan are geographically so dependent on each other that the effects of war and peace could be felt on both sides of the borders. Many factors are involved in upsetting these relations: the hostility of Afghan rulers and their tilt towards India since Pakistan’s independence; Durand Line and Pakhtunistan issues and Pakistan's role during the Soviet-Afghan war (1979-1989) in supporting the Afghan Jihadists. Pak-Afghan relations remained exemplary during the Taliban rule (1996-2001). The paper explores: a) Pak-Afghan relations during President Hamid Karzai's rule; b) the relations under President Ashraf Ghani; c) India's role in sabotaging the relations; and d) Pakistan's efforts in Afghanistan’s rebuilding and reconstruction process. The study finds that the dynamics of relations in the post-9/11 era were not cordial and there was a great trust deficit between the two countries during different US-led regimes. The paper is based on historical legacies and an analytical understanding of them. The previous research on the subject did not fully explore the era between 2001-2018, which this study aims to fulfil.
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Zafar, Muhammad Umair, Nazir Hussain Shah, Tahira Parveen i Tayyaba Syed. "Indo- Afghan Nexus: Implications for Pakistan (2001- 2014)". Academic Journal of Social Sciences (AJSS ) 4, nr 4 (19.01.2021): 782–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.54692/ajss.2020.04041231.
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Afghanistan, unlike India and Pakistan, has never been colonized throughout its history. People of Afghanistan have always enjoyed cordial relations with the people of undivided sub-continent. However, the creation of a new state ‘Pakistan’ was considered as both, a threat and a geo-graphical de linkage between the people of Afghanistan and India. Both Indo- Afghan strengthen their bi-lateral relations through the treaty of friendship 1950. On the contrary, Afghanistan was the only country to vote against Pakistan’s admission to United Nations Organization. Despite of lingual, cultural and religious ties, Pak- Afghan relations failed to form strong basis. Since the emergence of Pakistan, India has been engaged in derailing Pakistan’s stability and security through its multidimensional approaches. India’s aim to isolate Pakistan in its neighbors is a serious implication for Pakistan. Indian consulates in Kandahar and Jalalabad near the Pak- Afghan border have further raised serious concerns for Pakistan about the Indian presence in Afghanistan. The US war against terror campaign and Pakistan’s policy reversal against Taliban grew severe resentments among the Afghan Taliban against Pakistan. This article analyzes the Indian designs and its involvement in Afghanistan which directly affects the security and stability of Pakistan.
Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Afghan war, 2001 – casualties"
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Dyke, John R. Crisafulli John R. "Unconventional counter-insurgency in Afghanistan". Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Jun%5FDyke.pdf.
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Savych, Bogdan. "Effects of deployments on spouses of military personnel". Santa Monica, Calif. : Pardee Rand Graduate School, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA487634.
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Milakovic, Amy E. "The National Endowment for the Arts' "Operation Homecoming" shaping military stories into nationalistic rhetoric /". [Fort Worth, Tex.] : Texas Christian University, 2009. http://etd.tcu.edu/etdfiles/available/etd-10162009-150448/unrestricted/Milakovic.pdf.
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Masson, Anne-Sophie. "Le droit de la guerre confronté aux nouveaux conflits asymétriques : généralisation à partir du conflit Afghan (2001-2013)". Thesis, Normandie, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017NORMLH03.
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Le conflit afghan (à partir de 2001) peut être considéré comme un nouveau conflit asymétrique reprenant les caractéristiques des conflits asymétriques classiques (rapport de force disproportionné entre les belligérants) à l’exception de la territorialisation, remplacée par l’appartenance à une idéologie commune. En conséquence, le champ de bataille y est devenu secondaire, la guerre est devenue cognitive. La séparation entre la paix et la guerre s’est atténuée à tel point qu’il est devenu impossible de compartimenter le droit de la guerre en fonction de l’intensité du conflit ou de son internationalisation. Faute de s’y être adapté, le droit de la guerre a cessé de faciliter le rétablissement de la paix et a été perçu par les militaires occidentaux comme une entrave aux combats. C’est pourquoi, certains belligérants ont tenté de s’en affranchir en ayant recours à des méthodes de combats illégitimes. Ces effets ont été médiatisés et ont participé à la perte de légitimité des Etats occidentaux allant jusqu’à remettre en question la division du monde en Etats souverains. L’absence de résolution de ces conflits pourrait conduire à une guerre civile globalisée. En réponse, l’harmonisation du droit de la guerre autour de la garantie inconditionnelle des droits inaliénables doit être affirmée par les Etats et les nouveaux acteurs internationaux. Elle pourrait émerger d’un « Parlement mondial », garant du droit international. De plus, l’irréprochabilité morale des belligérants est attendue. Le droit et la place des armées au sein de la société doivent le refléterThe Afghan war (since 2001) may be seen as a new asymmetric conflict. It has all characteristics of the former asymmetric conflicts except territoriality, which has been replaced by ideology. Therefore, the battlefields have been displaced to the cognitive war. The distinction between war and peace became so small that it is now impossible to distinguish the law of war in regard to its intensity or to the implication of several states. The law of wars, due to its lack of adaptation stopped to ease the peace recovery, becoming a hindrance to combat. In consequence, some warriors have been tempted to use forbidden combat methods. Whose effects have been mediatized and took part of the western states legitimacy crisis (and questionning the World division in sovereign states). The lack of conflicts settlement could lead to a worldwide civil war. Unless, law of wars are harmonized through universal core rights mandatory for states and new international actors; a “World Parliament” could protect them. Furthermore, moral integrity of warriors is expected, it may be reflected into the military laws and their position into the civil society
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Berry, Philip Andrew. "The U.S. and the UK's war on the Afghan opium industry : a critical evaluation of Anglo-American counter narcotics policies in Afghanistan 2001-2011". Thesis, University of Dundee, 2015. https://discovery.dundee.ac.uk/en/studentTheses/2d223112-6dea-4718-9f75-d364bf7e54cb.
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Western counter narcotics policies in Afghanistan failed dismally after opium cultivation surged to unprecedented levels. At the centre of this failed battle against illegal narcotics was the Anglo-American partnership. Far from working harmoniously, the alliance was separated by competing and opposing views of how to address the opium problem. These disputes led to open diplomatic clashes and friction within the wider Anglo-American relationship. This work provides the first definitive account of the United States’ and United Kingdom’s counter narcotics policies in Afghanistan and details the inside story of the policy-making process which underpinned their formulation and implementation. Through interviews with key policy practitioners on both sides of the Atlantic, this study reveals the complex picture of counter narcotics policies; highlighting key points of cooperation and contention and detailing the often contradictory and competitive objectives of the overall war effort in Afghanistan. An integral part of that explanatory analysis is also a more comprehensive account of the development of British counter narcotics policies than hitherto available. Building on the limited volume of work by previous scholars, this study presents previously unknown details regarding the decision-making process that underpinned key policies, including: compensated eradication (2002); UK appointment as ‘G8 lead nation’ (2002); and the transition of the UK’s role as ‘partner nation’ to the UNODC (2011). Furthermore, the study provides unique coverage of Anglo-American discord over aerial eradication (2004-2008). This issue was been covered by many academic and media reports over the course of the conflict but no research has provided in-depth analysis of events from policy makers’ perspectives in both governments within the context of their wider special relationship.
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Vant, Megan. "In Legal Limbo? The status and rights of detainees from the 2001 war in Afghanistan". The University of Waikato, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10289/2448.
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During the 2001 war in Afghanistan hundreds of people associated with the Taliban or al Qaeda were arrested by United States forces and transported to the Naval Base at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. The legal status and treatment of these detainees has been an ongoing problem over the last five years. The majority have been given no recourse to justice and allegations of inhuman treatment and torture have been frequent. The first issue raised by the incarceration of these people is whether any of them may be entitled to Prisoner of War status. The evidence shows that, in general, the Taliban and al-Qaeda fighters were not lawful combatants, and hence they are not entitled to Prisoner of War status. While the rights of Prisoners of War are well documented and generally uncontested, the rights of people not entitled to Prisoner of War status are not so easily definable. Despite classification as unlawful or unprivileged combatants, the detainees are not in legal limbo - they are still entitled to the benefit of certain fundamental human rights. There are applicable protections under the Fourth Geneva Convention, Additional Protocol I, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the United Nations Convention Against Torture. The main rights upheld by these documents are the right to liberty and freedom from arbitrary detention; the right to a fair trial; and the right to life. Furthermore, there is a requirement of humane treatment and an absolute prohibition on torture. Reports from international humanitarian watchdogs such as the International Committee of the Red Cross, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch suggest that the United States Government is not upholding the rights held by the detainees. It is essential that the United States Government recognises the fundamental rights owed to the detainees and ensures that they receive the requisite treatment and access to justice.
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Abonadi, Earl E. K. "Weinberger-Powell and transformation : perceptions of American power from the fall of Saigon to the fall of Baghdad /". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Jun%5FAbonadi.pdf.
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Rhidenour, Kayla. "Ideographs, Fragments, and Strategic Absences: An Ideographic Analysis of ". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2008. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc9742/.
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This study examined the ideograph of
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Belt, Leslie Marie, i Leslie Paul Schellbach. "Perceptions of mental health services among marines". CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2007. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/3141.
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Bricet, des Vallons Georges-Henri. "L’entreprise de guerre au XXIe siècle : Les sociétés militaires privées dans la politique étrangère et la stratégie militaire des Etats-Unis". Thesis, Paris 5, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA05D001.
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Les guerres d’Irak et d’Afghanistan ont vu la réapparition massive de sociétés de mercenariat d’un nouveau genre.Le mercenariat occidental est ainsi passé en moins de vingt ans de structures artisanales, arrimées à la politiquepost-coloniale des grandes puissances, à un stade professionnel et industriel tendant à une transnationalisationcroissante de ses activités. Des bavures de la célèbre Blackwater à l’implication d’employés de CACI dans lescandale de la torture au sein de la prison d’Abu Grahib, en passant par les activités de la tentaculaire Aegis, lessociétés militaires privées, omniprésentes sur le champ de bataille, ont rythmé et marqué le récit de ces guerresmajeures du début du XXIe siècle. Fait crucial : c’est la première fois dans l’histoire des opérations militairesaméricaines qu’on assiste à un basculement de la démographie des forces en faveur du secteur privé. Produit del’économie de guerre permanente et ramifications expéditionnaires du complexe militaro-industriel, ces sociétésreprésentent un changement d’expression de la puissance militaire étatsunienne sans précédent. Cettemercenarisation de l’american way of war est désormais une tendance structurelle de la politique étrangère del’Empire et pourrait bien révolutionner à terme le visage même de la guerre. Cette thèse trace le récit historique deces armées privées, décrit les conditions politiques qui ont permis à ce nouveau marché de la guerre d’émerger etse propose d’analyser la portée sociopolitique de ce phénomène de mondialisation de la violence privée quant à laquestion de l’Etat. Cette question du retour du mercenariat à grande échelle dans la politique étrangère des Etats-Unis permet non seulement de former une hypothèse aiguë sur le déclin de la puissance militaire américaine maisaussi sur les évolutions de l’identité sociohistorique du monopole de la violence étatiqueIraq and Afghanistan Wars have seen a massive return of mercenary companies of a new genre. The Westernmercenaries have transformed in less than twenty years from craft structures, linked to the post-colonial politics ofgreat powers, to a professional and industrial stage that tends to a growing transnationalization of their activities.From the blunders of the famous Blackwater to the involvement of CACI’s employees in the torture scandal inAbu Ghraib prison, through the activities of the sprawling Aegis, private military companies, everywhere on thebattlefield, have marked and labeled the story of these major wars of the early twenty-first Century. Crucial fact:this is the first time in the history of U.S. military operations that we are witnessing a shift in the demographics offorces in favor of the private sector. Product of the permanent war economy and overseas branches of themilitary-industrial complex, these companies represent an unprecedented change in expression of U.S. militarypower. This mercenarization of the American way of war is now a structural trend of the foreign policy of theEmpire and could eventually revolutionize the face of the war. This thesis traces the history of these privatearmies, described the political conditions that led to the birth of this new market of war, and analyzes the scope ofthis sociopolitical phenomenon of globalization of private violence. This return of mercenaries on a large scale inthe foreign policy of the United States not only help to form a decisive hypothesis on the decline of Americanmilitary power but also on the socio-historical changes of the identity of the State monopoly of violence
Książki na temat "Afghan war, 2001 – casualties"
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Hunnicutt, Susan C. Casualties of war. Detroit: Greenhaven Press, 2011.
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Pavlov, Andrea M. Casualties of U.S. wars. Hauppauge, N.Y: Nova Science Publisher's, 2011.
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Hunnicutt, Susan C. Casualties of war. Detroit: Gale/Cengage Learning, 2011.
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(Organization), Human Rights Watch. "Troops in contact": Airstrikes and civilian deaths in Afghanistan. New York, NY: Human Rights Watch, 2008.
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Tillman, Mary. Boots on the ground at dusk: The life and death of Pat Tillman. Emmaus, Penn: Modern Times, 2008.
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Libero, Loretana de. Tod im Einsatz: Deutsche Soldaten in Afghanistan. Potsdam: ZMSBw, 2014.
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Alláh, ʻAbd. Afghānistān da Amrīkā lapārah bal Wiyatnām: Da Mujāhidīno sare fawż. Wyd. 8. Peshawar]: [publisher not identified], 2003.
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The letter: My journey through love, loss, and life. New York: Grand Central Publishing, 2012.
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1980-, Compton Michelle, i Smith Marnie Summerfield, red. Home from war: How love conquered the horrors of a soldier's Afghan nightmare. Edinburgh: Mainstream, 2010.
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Christoph, Reuter, red. Kunduz, 4. September 2009: Eine Spurensuche. Berlin: Rogner & Bernhard, 2010.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródłaCzęści książek na temat "Afghan war, 2001 – casualties"
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"9. Afghan Conflicts under U.S. Occupation, 2001–". W Organizations at War in Afghanistan and Beyond, 254–78. Cornell University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9780801459306-013.
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de Rond, Mark. "Christmas in Summer". W Doctors at War. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501705489.003.0008.
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The author talks about the midsummer Christmas celebrated at the wards of the field hospital. He first discusses patrol-free days, which give insurgents plenty of opportunity to dig in new explosives, meaning that the next few days can be particularly dangerous as troops struggle to identify freshly upturned soil in an otherwise familiar, arid terrain not helped by the wind blowing topsoil all across it. He then turns to the day's casualties, which include three American soldiers, two of whom were victims of gunshot wounds; an eight-year-old girl who had been intubated inflight with an endotracheal tube; an Afghan double amputee; and a badly burned baby with a contagious infection. The author also mentions a major military campaign that was scheduled to be launched in forty-eight hours' time; the hospital had been warned to expect up to sixteen new casualties per day.
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de Rond, Mark. "Kandahar". W Doctors at War. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501705489.003.0010.
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The author talks about the day he was invited to join one of the doctors on a flight to Kandahar to witness the handover of three Afghan casualties to the local health care system. He first discusses the so-called “humpback day” for one of the doctors, or the day that marked the midpoint of his six-week tour. Doctors arrived and departed unaccompanied, whereas nurses came and left en masse to give way to a brand-new cohort in a formal handover ceremony before their twenty-four-hour decompression in Cyprus. Camaraderie has always been a strong feature of military life and especially in the theater of war. The author then turns to the day's casualties, who were to be dropped off at Kandahar Military Regional Hospital, called Camp Hero. He also narrates his flight back to Camp Bastion together with other passengers that included three insurgents, bound and blindfolded.
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Lebovic, James H. "The Afghanistan War, 2001–?" W Planning to Fail, 119–80. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190935320.003.0004.
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With the September 11, 2001 attack by al-Qaeda terrorists on the World Trade Center, the Bush administration conceded to decisional bias. It committed to Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan without duly assessing the implications of a Taliban defeat or how it might serve the administration’s “global war on terrorism.” Once engaged, the administration defined the US mission in Afghanistan broadly yet remained detached from harsh realities—including Afghan government corruption and ineptitude, finite alliance resources (in the International Security Assistance Force), and a Taliban resurgence—that hampered the achievement of these goals. The Obama administration capped US involvement in pursuing the limited goal of “reversing” the Taliban’s momentum. Although the administration increased US force levels in Afghanistan, it did so modestly and temporarily and then pursued a troop exit despite the country’s ongoing violence and instability. The administration stuck to its plan, slowing, not reversing, the withdrawal as the country’s security conditions worsened.
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Brown, Katherine A. "Afghanistan’s Press". W Your Country, Our War, 51–71. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190879402.003.0004.
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This chapter discusses the history of the Afghan news media, which was under either authoritarian or hyperpartisan control throughout the 20th century. This chapter explores the political and sociocultural factors that have contributed to the state of modern Afghan journalism, and how Afghan government officials have treated their press since 2001. It also examines the habits and norms local journalists have created, in addition to the impact of Western aid money and the presence of Western journalists in the country. Independent news media organizations have helped to drive dramatic change in Afghan politics and society, often at a seemingly breakneck speed. The patchwork media landscape of present-day Afghanistan reflects the various power struggles between the country’s politicians, extremists, strongmen, progressives, and foreign actors.
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Giustozzi, Antonio, i Barnett R. Rubin. "More War, Insurgency, and Counterinsurgency". W Afghanistan. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190496630.003.0009.
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How did the insurgency against the Afghan government and international presence in Afghanistan start? The Taliban were utterly defeated in 2001 and dispersed among remote villages in Afghanistan and Pakistan; some even sought refuge in Iran. Attempts to negotiate deals with some of the...
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Dorronsoro, Gilles. "The Security Council And The Afghan Conflict". W The United Nations Security Council And War, 452–65. Oxford University PressOxford, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199533435.003.0020.
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Abstract The conflict in Afghanistan has persisted in various forms since 1979, making it one of the longest conflicts since 1945. Twice, foreign powers intervened militarily (the USSR from 1979 to 1989; and the US from 2001 to the present), while neighbouring countries – notably Pakistan, Uzbekistan, and Russia – have continuously supported different armed Afghan military movements. The Afghan conflict is a good case study by which to analyse the role of the UN Security Council, with the conflict spanning a pivotal period of evolution in the international system.
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"The Afghan Civil War (1978–2001): Invasion Versus Military Aid". W Joining the Fray, 143–88. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315590646-10.
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Hirsh, Michael. "Introduction: The Age of the Oberpower". W At War with Ourselves, 1–25. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195152692.003.0001.
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Abstract In The Early Days after September 11, 2001, when the Pentagon and lower Manhattan lay smoking and it dawned on Americans that thousands of their compatriots had died because of something evil emanating from Afghanistan, the Department of Defense was in a state of confusion and fear. The heart of America’s economic and military power had been attacked. The terrible images from the twin towers, the caved-in facade across the way from Secretary Donald Rumsfeld’s office, cried out for decisive retaliation. But the idea of launching a war in Afghanistan seriously worried a military brass still haunted by “Vietmalia” syndrome: a wariness of suffering U.S. casualties in out-of-the-way places like Vietnain and Somalia, where both the national interest and the exit strategy were unclear. Afghanistan was a nation fabled over the centuries for its ferocious resistance to invaders. With its treacherous mountain passes and jutting, knifelike ridges, the country was God’s gift to guerrilla warfare, the place where great powers sent their young men to die.
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Baczko, Adam. "The social upheavals of a war-torn society". W The Taliban Courts in Afghanistan, 45–70. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198896777.003.0003.
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Abstract The Afghan civil war stirred up private conflicts that laid bare the place of the state in settling disputes and regulating social relations. When the United States intervened militarily in 2001, the twenty-three-year civil war had created deep legal uncertainty. The succession of different authorities from the judicial system of Daoud Khan’s Afghan Republic to that of the Communist regime in 1978, the various mujahideen factions, and the Taliban shook social structures deeply. It put in play social hierarchies, property, and gender relations, especially as the belligerents instrumentalized them. In the 1980s, Marxist parties, like the Islamist parties, espoused a revolutionary agenda to rebuild society on a new footing. The programme of the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) called for the recognition of minorities, land redistribution, and gender equality. These reforms, only partially implemented by the time the state’s authority over a large swath of territory evaporated, stirred up private disputes involving multiple and contradictory demands for social, economic, and political rights. Interpersonal disputes centring on property and gender relationships proliferated. They took on an ethnico-confessional colouration as the parties to these disputes mobilized their respective affiliations in the conflict. Insurgency commanders also stoked these conflicts, using them to impose their authority locally, to grab resources, and to enforce their vision of social relations.
Streszczenia konferencji na temat "Afghan war, 2001 – casualties"
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Veretilnyk, Oleksandr. "Reintegration of former collaborators into the labor market of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan: problems and prospects". W Conferinta stiintifica internationala "Strategii si politici de management in economia contemporana", editia VII. Academy of Economic Studies of Moldova, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.53486/icspm2022.26.
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The victory of the ultra-conservative Islamic Taliban movement in the military conflict in Afghanistan led to the flight of hundreds of thousands of people from this country in the summer of 2021, fearing revenge from the Taliban. The reason for this kind of concern was the cooperation of these people with foreign military (primarily from the United States and other NATO countries), who were in Afghanistan from 2001 to 2021. According to members and supporters of the Taliban movement, foreign soldiers were occupiers who illegally attacked Afghanistan and occupied it against the will of the Afghan people, and all these years the Afghan people for the most part provided armed resistance to their presence (waging a liberation jihad against the invaders). The United States and other Western states, retreating under the onslaught of the Taliban from Afghan cities, promised, together with their soldiers, to evacuate from Afghanistan all Afghan citizens who collaborated with the armed forces and intelligence services of NATO countries, but in reality, not everyone could leave Afghan territory with evacuation flights. This article presents the results of a study on the problem of reintegration of non-evacuated Afghans into the Afghan labor market, and also analyzes the role they can play in achieving the sustainable development goals of post-war Afghanistan.
Raporty organizacyjne na temat "Afghan war, 2001 – casualties"
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Avis, William. Refugee and Mixed Migration Displacement from Afghanistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), sierpień 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.002.
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This rapid literature review summarises evidence and key lessons that exist regarding previous refugee and mixed migration displacement from Afghanistan to surrounding countries. The review identified a diverse literature that explored past refugee and mixed migration, with a range of quantitative and qualitative studies identified. A complex and fluid picture is presented with waves of mixed migration (both outflow and inflow) associated with key events including the: Soviet–Afghan War (1979–1989); Afghan Civil War (1992–96); Taliban Rule (1996–2001); War in Afghanistan (2001–2021). A contextual picture emerges of Afghans having a long history of using mobility as a survival strategy or as social, economic and political insurance for improving livelihoods or to escape conflict and natural disasters. Whilst violence has been a principal driver of population movements among Afghans, it is not the only cause. Migration has also been associated with natural disasters (primarily drought) which is considered a particular issue across much of the country – this is associated primarily with internal displacement. Further to this, COVID-19 is impacting upon and prompting migration to and from Afghanistan. Data on refugee and mixed migration movement is diverse and at times contradictory given the fluidity and the blurring of boundaries between types of movements. Various estimates exist for numbers of Afghanistan refugees globally. It is also important to note that migratory flows are often fluid involving settlement in neighbouring countries, return to Afghanistan. In many countries, Afghani migrants and refugees face uncertain political situations and have, in recent years, been ‘coerced’ into returning to Afghanistan with much discussion of a ‘return bias’ being evident in official policies. The literature identified in this report (a mix of academic, humanitarian agency and NGO) is predominantly focused on Pakistan and Iran with a less established evidence base on the scale of Afghan refugee and migrant communities in other countries in the region. . Whilst conflict has been a primary driver of displacement, it has intersected with drought conditions and poor adherence to COVID-19 mitigation protocols. Past efforts to address displacement internationally have affirmed return as the primary objective in relation to durable solutions; practically, efforts promoted improved programming interventions towards creating conditions for sustainable return and achieving improved reintegration prospects for those already returned to Afghanistan.