Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Adams Super Center for for Brain Studies”

ObjectiveTo better understand the heterogeneous population of patients with new-onset refractory status epilepticus (NORSE), we studied the most severe cases in patients who presented with new-onset super-refractory status epilepticus (NOSRSE).MethodsWe report a retrospective case series of 26 adults admitted to the Columbia University Irving Medical Center neurologic intensive care unit (NICU) from February 2009 to February 2016 with NOSRSE. We evaluated demographics, diagnostic studies, and treatment course. Outcomes were modified Rankin Scale score (mRS) at hospital discharge and most recent follow-up visit (minimum of 2 months post discharge), NICU and hospital length of stay, and long-term antiepileptic drug use.ResultsOf the 252 patients with refractory status epilepticus, 27/252 had NORSE and 26/27 of those had NOSRSE. Age was bimodally distributed with peaks at 27 and 63 years. The majority (96%) had an infectious or psychiatric prodrome. Etiology was cryptogenic in 73%, autoimmune in 19%, and infectious in 8%. Seven patients (27%) underwent brain biopsy, autopsy, or both; 3 (12%) were diagnostic (herpes simplex encephalitis, candida encephalitis, and acute demyelinating encephalomyelitis). On discharge, 6 patients (23%) had good or fair outcome (mRS 0–3). Of the patients with long-term follow-up data (median 9 months, interquartile range 2–22 months), 12 patients (71%) had mRS 0–3.ConclusionAmong our cohort, nearly all patients with NORSE had NOSRSE. The majority were cryptogenic with few antibody-positive cases identified. Neuropathology was diagnostic in 12% of cases. Although only 23% of patients had good or fair outcome on discharge, 71% met these criteria at follow-up.

One of the most important areas of mathematics education that must be developed from a young age is geometry. Various studies state that arithmetic, geometry, and measurement are three mathematical disciplines that must be prioritized in early childhood education. This research aims to determine the effect of the Somatic, Auditory, Visual, and Intellectual (SAVI) learning model on the geometric abilities of children aged 5-6 years. This research uses a pre-experimental experimental method with a one-group pretest-posttest design. The sample in this study was 18 children aged 5-6 years old Harapan Bunda Kindergarten Pancung Sol Pesisir Selatan. Data collection was obtained from observation and documentation, then the data was analyzed using paired sample tests. The results obtained in this research are that the SAVI model can improve the geometric abilities of children aged 5-6 years. This is known from the results of the paired sample t-test, which obtained a significance value of 0.000 < 0.05, which means Ho is rejected and Ha is accepted so that children's initial mathematical abilities, geometry, increase through the SAVI learning model. Children may become actively involved in their education with the help of the SAVI learning model, particularly when it comes to teaching them geometric forms. Because the teacher may utilize real items to aid in learning, children can recognize and retain the geometric forms around them as they grow older. Keywords: SAVI learning model, geometry ability, early childhood References: Alfiani, D. A. (2016). Penerapan Model Pembelajaran SAVI (Somatis, Auditori, Visual, Intelektual) Terhadap Hasil Belajar Aanak Usia Dini. Jurnal Pendidikan Anak, 2(1), 1-15. https://www.syekhnurjati.ac.id/jurnal/index.php/awlady/article/view/763 Amineh, R. J., & Asl, H. D. (2015). Review Of Constructivism And Social Constructivism. Journal of Social Sciences, Literature and Languages, 1(1), 9-16. Andrianti, R. Y., Irawati, R., & Sudin, A. (2016). Pengaruh Pendekatan SAVI (Somatic, Auditory, Visual, Intellectual) Dalam Meningkatkan Kemampuan Komunikasi Matematis Dan Motivasi Belajar Siswa Sekolah Dasar Pada Materi Pengolahan Data. Jurnal Pena Ilmiah, 1(1), 471-480. https://ejournal.upi.edu/index.php/penailmiah/article/view/2976 Birel, G. K., Deniz, D., & Onel, F. (2020). Analysis of primary school teachers’knowledge of geometry. International Electronic Journal of ElementaryEducation, 12(4), 303-309. Dewi, D. M. T., Masitoh, S., & Bachri, B. S. (2019). Improve Language And Cognitive Ability Through SAVI Learning Model With Lego Media For Preschool Child In Group A. Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research, 212, 715-719. http://doi.org/10.2991/icei-18.2018.162 Elia, I., & Heuvel-panhuizen, M. V. D., & Gagatsis, A. (2018). Geometry Learning in the Early Years : Developing Understanding of Shapes and Space with a Focus on Visualization. 73–95. http://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-7153-9_5 Gejard, G., & Melander, H. (2018). Mathematizing in preschool: Children’sparticipation in geometrical discourse. European Early ChildhoodEducation Research Journal, 26(4), 495-511. Gilmore, J. H., Knickmeyer, R. C., & Gao, W. (2018). Imaging Structural And Functional Brain Development In Early Childhood. Nature Review: Neuroscience. 19, 123-137. Gohel, K. (2020). A Study of effectiveness of auditory learning style instructional strategy on science achievement with reference to study habit. Purakala (UGC Care Journal), 31(4), 412-420. Hardy, J. K., & Hemmeter, M. L. (2019). Systematic Instruction of Early Math Skill For Preschoolers At Risk For Math Delays. Topics in Early Childhood Special EducationI, 38(4), 234-247. https://doi.org/10.1177/0271121418792300 Hariawan, R., Nurul, U., Muhammad, H. A. Y., & Imron, A. (2019). Contributions Management of Parenting and Education Program to Strengthen The Service Three Early Childhood Education Center. International Education Studies. 12 (2). http://doi.org/10.5539/ies.v12n2p100 Hosain,M., & Wiest,L.R. (2013). Collaborative Middle School Geometry Through Blogs And Otherweb 2.0 Technologies. Journal of Computers in Mathematics and Science Teaching, 32(3), 337–352. https://eric.ed.gov/?id=EJ1006190 Hwang, W. Y., Hoang, A., & Tu, Y. (2019). Exploring Authentic Contexts With Ubiquitous Geometry To Facilitate Elementary School Students’ Geometry Learning. The Asia-Pacific Education Researcher, 29, 269-283. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40299-019-00476-y Hwang, W. Y., Liu, Y. F., Purba, S. W. D., & Zhang, Y. Y. (2018). Investigation On The Effects Of Measuring Authentic Contexts On Geometry Learning. IEEE Transactions on Learning Technologies, 12, 291-302. Ivrendi, A., Erol, A., & Atan, A. (2018). Developing a test for geometry andspatial perceptions of 5-6 year old. Kastamonu Education Journal, 26(6). Kencanawati, S. A. M. M., Sariyasa, S., & Hartawan, I. G. N. Y. (2020). Pengaruh penerapan model pembelajaran SAVI (Somatic, Auditory, Visual, Intellectual) terhadap kemampuan berpikir kreatif matematis. Pythagoras: Jurnal Pendidikan Matematika, 15(1), 13–23. https://doi.org/10.21831/pg.v15i1.33006 Lee, J. E. (2017). Preschool Teachers’ Pedagogical Content Knowledge In Mathematics. International Journal of Early Childhood. 49, 229-243. Meier, D. (2000). The Accelerated Learning Handbook A Creative Guide To Designing And Delivering Faster, More Effective Training Programs. United Kingdom: McGraw-Hill. Murti, E. D., Nasir, N., & Negara, H. S. (2019). Analisis Kemampuan Pemecahan Masalah Matematis : Dampak Model Pembelajaran SAVI ditinjau dari Kemandirian Belajar Matematis. Desimal: Jurnal Matematika, 2(2), 119–129.https://doi.org/10.24042/djm.v2i2.4072. National Research Council. (2009). Mathematics Learning In Early Childhood: Paths Toward Excellence And Equity.Washington, DC : National Academies Press. Ozcakir, B., Konca, A. S., & Arikan, N. (2019). Children’s Geometric Understanding Through Digital Activities: The Case Of Basic Geometric Shapes. International Journal of Progressive Education, 15(3), 108-122. Parks, A. N. (2015). Exploring Mathematics Through Play In The Early Childhood Classroom. Teachers College Press. Partini, K. E., Wirya, I. N., & Ujianti, P. R. (2017). Pengaruh Metode Proyek Terhadap Kemampuan Mengenal Bentuk Geometri Pada Kelompok B Gugus I Singaraja Semester I. e-Journal Pendidikan Anak Usia Dini: Universitas Pendidikan Ganesha, 5(2), 210-219. https://ejournal.undiksha.ac.id/index.php/JJPAUD/article/view/12606/12967 Pauli, C., & Reusser, K. (2015). Co-constructivism in educational theory andpractice. International Encyclopedia of the Social and Behavioral Sciences.(Second Edition). 913-917 Raiyn, J. (2016). The Role of Visual Learning in Improving Students’ High-Order Thinking Skills. Journal of Education and Practice, 7(24), 115-121. http://iiste.org/Journals/index.php/JEP/article/view/32607/33498. Reeve, R. A. (2019). Mathematical Learning And Its Difficulties In Australia. International Handbook of Mathematical Learning Difficulties, 253–264. http://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-97148-3 _16 Rohman, N., Rustono., & Rifa’i, A. (2016). Cooperative Learning Model To Increasing Mathematical Concept For Early Childhood. Indonesian Journal of Early Childhood Education Studies, 5(1), 54-58. https://doi.org/10.15294/ijeces.v5i1.11277 Sahara, R., Mardiyana., & Saputro, D. R. S. (2018). Discovery Learning With SAVI Approach In Geometry Learning. Journal of Physics: Conference Series, 1013, 1-5. https://iopscience.iop.org/article/10.1088/1742-6596/1013/1/012125 Sarnoko., Ruminiarti., & Setyosari, P. (2016). Penerapan Pendekatan SAVI Berbantuan Video Pembelajaran Untuk Meningkatkan Aktivitas Dan Hasil Belajar IPS Siswa Kelas IV SDN I Sanan Girimarto Wonogiri. Jurnal Pendidikan, 1(7), 1235-1241. http://journal.um.ac.id/index.php/jptpp/article/view/6524 Selmi, A. M., Gallagher, R. J., & More-Flores, E. R. (2014). Early Childhood Curriculum For All Learners: Integrating Play And Literacy Activities. SAGE Publications. Septia, P., Pandra, V., & Mandasari, N. (2023). Penerapan Model Pembelajaran SAVI Dalam Pembelajaran Bangun Ruang Untuk Mengukur Hasil Belajar Matematika, Journal of Elemantary School (JOES), 6(2), 468-476. https://doi.org/10.31539/joes.v6i2.6661 Shoimin, A. (2014). 68 Model Pembelajaran Inovatif Dalam Kurikulum 2013. Yogyakarta: Ar-ruzz Media. Sulaksana, Y. T., Margunayasa, I. G., & Wibawa, I. M. C. (2018). Pengaruh ModelPembelajaran SAVI (Somatic Auditory Visualization Intellectualy) Berbantuan LKS terhadap Hasil Belajar IPA. 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The pandemic of COVID-19 has afflicted every individual and has initiated a cascade of directly or indirectly involved events in precipitating mental health issues. The human species is a wanderer and hunter-gatherer by nature, and physical social distancing and nationwide lockdown have confined an individual to physical isolation. The present review article was conceived to address psychosocial and other issues and their aetiology related to the current pandemic of COVID-19. The elderly age group has most suffered the wrath of SARS-CoV-2, and social isolation as a preventive measure may further induce mental health issues. Animal model studies have demonstrated an inappropriate interacting endogenous neurotransmitter milieu of dopamine, serotonin, glutamate, and opioids, induced by social isolation that could probably lead to observable phenomena of deviant psychosocial behavior. Conflicting and manipulated information related to COVID-19 on social media has also been recognized as a global threat. Psychological stress during the current pandemic in frontline health care workers, migrant workers, children, and adolescents is also a serious concern. Mental health issues in the current situation could also be induced by being quarantined, uncertainty in business, jobs, economy, hampered academic activities, increased screen time on social media, and domestic violence incidences. The gravity of mental health issues associated with the pandemic of COVID-19 should be identified at the earliest. Mental health organization dedicated to current and future pandemics should be established along with Government policies addressing psychological issues to prevent and treat mental health issues need to be developed. References World Health Organization (WHO) Coronavirus Disease (COVID-19) Dashboard. 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Rewiring neural circuits by the formation and elimination of synapses is thought to be a key cellular mechanism of learning and memory in the mammalian brain. Dendritic spines are the postsynaptic structural component of excitatory synapses, and their experience-dependent plasticity has been extensively studied in mouse superficial cortex using two-photon microscopy in vivo. By contrast, very little is known about spine plasticity in the hippocampus, which is the archetypical memory center of the brain, mostly because it is difficult to visualize dendritic spines in this deeply embedded structure with sufficient spatial resolution. We developed chronic 2P-STED microscopy in mouse hippocampus, using a ‘hippocampal window’ based on resection of cortical tissue and a long working distance objective for optical access. We observed a two-fold higher spine density than previous studies and measured a spine turnover of ~40% within 4 days, which depended on spine size. We thus provide direct evidence for a high level of structural rewiring of synaptic circuits and new insights into the structure-dynamics relationship of hippocampal spines. Having established chronic super-resolution microscopy in the hippocampus in vivo, our study enables longitudinal and correlative analyses of nanoscale neuroanatomical structures with genetic, molecular and behavioral experiments.

The mobile telephone, or cellular telephone as it is called in North America, is the fastest-growing consumer product of the past decade. [1] Despite its popularity, metaphors of risk, contamination, and illness frequently run through stories about cellphone use. These representations are based mostly on a lingering but unproven link between brain cancer and cellphone use. Despite numerous scientific studies, none have definitively ruled out the risk and none have found conclusive evidence of harm. The claim that cellphone use is potentially dangerous or downright carcinogenic is supported instead by plenty of anecdotal evidence, rumour, urban myth, and "junk science." What is interesting to me is that these different representations of cellphone use as a practice that poses relative, absolute and no risk can coexist and persist, despite obvious contradictions. I suggest that Donna Haraway's concept of breached boundaries and Ulrich Beck's notion of "risk society" can be employed superficially to make sense of how we negotiate these different representations. In order to begin a discussion about why cellphone use in North America continues to be represented as a potentially risky practice, it is necessary to mention one story that is frequently credited as being the starting point for the narrative of fear and anxiety informing these representations. In spite of its germinal status, the story is but the latest embodiment of the narrative. It begins in August 1988 in Florida when David Reynard gave his wife Susan the gift of a cellphone. Seven months later, a medical scan revealed a tumour in Susan's brain. She claimed that as a result of being bombarded by radiation from the cellphone, the damaged cells either caused her tumour or accelerated the growth of an existing tumour. In April 1992, Susan launched a lawsuit against the phone's manufacturer, the company that provided the cellular service, and the retail store that sold the phone. A month after filing the lawsuit, Susan died of brain cancer. In January 1993, David Reynard was interviewed on the highly-rated CNN show Larry King Live. The interview sent shockwaves through the telecommunications industry. Stock prices of the major cellphone companies fell and some subscribers cancelled their contracts and returned their phones. Spokespeople for the industry countered David's accusations with claims that electromagnetic energy is as harmless as the oxygen we breathe. In fact, they said, it is already all around us in natural and artificial forms, including in emissions from the earth and sun. A spokesperson for Motorola, a major cellphone manufacturer, predicted that Susan's lawsuit would fail because "thousands" of studies had been conducted, which proved that radiation emitted by cellphones was not dangerous to users. In fact, no such studies existed. The lie was revealed when journalists and Susan's lawyer asked to see the studies. Almost as if to make up for the lie, the Cellular Telecommunications Industry Association,[2] a lobby group for North American cellular service providers, created the Wireless Research Center. Not surprisingly, the Center produced findings during its six-year mandate that were mostly favourable to the industry. In 1995, Susan's lawsuit was dismissed by a judge who said no reliable scientific evidence had been presented to link cellphone use to cancer. Expert witnesses for the defence had argued that the evidence presented on her behalf was merely wild speculation, "junk science," and a perversion of science masquerading as real science. Over a dozen similar lawsuits have been filed in the U.S. and the U.K. since. Few of them have surpassed Susan's lawsuit in notoriety and none have earned a favourable ruling. While it is still both mocked and venerated in the popular media and is the focus of derision in the telecom industry press and in medical science journals, the question central to the case (but does it cause cancer?) is still unresolved and so are the contradictions now associated with it. Did Susan's own body generate her tumour or was it generated by cellphone radiation? Where is the line between junk science and real science? Is artificial radiation from a cellphone as harmless as natural radiation from the earth or sun? These questions are indicative of some of the boundary breakdowns that Haraway claims are causing disorder and contradiction in late twentieth-century Western culture, namely between human and machine, between the physical and non-physical, and between natural and artificial. According to Beck, the degeneration of these boundaries are also indicative of a risk society characterised by environmental degradation. Because this degeneration is both perceived and potential, it hardly matters anymore what is rational or irrational, legitimate science or junk science. Both factual and fictional texts contribute to our knowledge of risks surrounding cellphone use as a biohazard that is a threat to individual bodies and to the social body. A series of events occurring throughout the 90s in North America added to the ambiguity and mystery surrounding cellphone use. Numerous rumours circulated about the practice sparking explosions at petrol stations and causing interference with car brakes, airbags, and electric wheelchairs. In addition, Health Canada and the U.S . Food and Drug Administration issued several bulletins to alert the public that cellphone use could cause heart pacemakers, hospital monitoring equipment, and aeroplane navigational instruments to malfunction. Susan's lawsuit ended when the court imposed closure, but the narrative embodied by the lawsuit continued in these rumours and warnings. The lawsuit was an event with a clear beginning and end. The narrative of fear and anxiety about contamination that could lead to illness, disease, and death preceded the lawsuit and was already embodied in other stories, particularly ones surrounding cancer and AIDS. When Susan launched her lawsuit, in some media reports, the cellphone was called the "new cancer villain" and the potential link between cancer and cellphone use was deemed the "yuppies version of AIDS." The comparison of cellphone use to cancer and AIDS functions both as a cultural and biological metaphor. It links the practice explicitly with disease and implicitly with death, and it also recalls the narrative of fear and anxiety surrounding cancer and AIDS, two potentially fatal diseases which preceded the introduction of cellphones. Seventeen years have passed since the cellphone became widely available in North America. Currently, almost nine million Canadians, or one in three people, own a cellphone. In the United States, there are 108 million users. Subscriptions there are increasing at the rate of approximately 46,000 each day or about one new owner every two seconds. The recent flood of private talk in public places in North America is being represented in popular media as a contamination of the social body, a morally repugnant practice, and a menace to civil society. A moral panic has arisen over cellphone use because it allows conversations to be audible and the user to be visible where before they were inaudible and the user was invisible by virtue of being hidden away in homes, offices, and phone booths. In public places the voice of the cellphone user extends the self and claims more space, which in turn impinges on the personal space of others. It is like a stranger's unwelcome touch. Proof that the moral panic has reached a new level in Canada may be evident in a request from the federal government last March for public opinion on whether devices known as silencers or jammers should be licensed for use so that businesses and institutions can disable cellphones within a particular radius when necessary. As a result of the popular use of the term "cellphone" in North America, a neat conflation of meaning is occurring between cellphone use as a potential threat to biological cells in the human body and the practice as a perceived threat to the physical spatial cells of personal spaces that comprise the social body. Stories about cellphone use as hazard articulate a narrative of fear and anxiety we share that cannot simply be dismissed as absurd. How people respond to cellphone use and the health questions and moral panic surrounding it cannot be decided by medical or legal experts alone. Consequently, in a risk society characterised by a peculiar synthesis of "empirical knowledge" and "indefinite uncertainty," the question "does it cause cancer?" becomes irrelevant. According to Beck, it may be more useful to ask "how do we want to live?" Endnotes [1] "Cellphone" (a contraction of cellular and telephone) is the popular term for "mobile telephone" in North America. "Mobile phone" usually refers to car phones with an antennae mounted on the roof or window of the car. [2] The Cellular Telecommunications Industry Association was recently renamed the Cellular Telecommunications & Internet Association. References Adams, Barbara, Ulrich Beck, and Joost van Loon, eds. The Risk Society and Beyond: Critical Issues for Social Theory. London: Sage Publications, 2000. Carlo, George, and Martin Schram. Cell Phones: Invisible Hazards in the Wireless Age. New York: Carroll & Graf Publishers, 2001. Erni, John. Unstable Frontiers: Technomedicine and the Cultural Politics of "Curing" AIDS. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994. Haraway, Donna. Simians, Cyborgs and Women: The Reinvention of Nature. New York: Routledge, 1991. Industry Canada. "Notice No. DGTP-002-01 Silencers (Devices Capable of Interfering with or Blocking Mobile Telephone Communications)." Gazette Notices Pertaining to Broadcasting, Radiocommunications and Telecommunications (Mar. 9, 2001). Lakoff, Georg, and Mark Johnson. Metaphors We Live By. Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1980. Milloy, Stephen J. "Cellphone Hysteric." National Post (June 23, 2000): C19. Nelson, Nancy J. "Recent Studies Show Cell Phone Use is Not Associated with Increased Cancer Risk." Journal of the National Cancer Institute 93.3 (Feb. 7, 2001): 170-172. Park, Robert L. "Cellular Telephones and Cancer: How Should Science Respond?" Journal of the National Cancer Institute 93.3 (Feb. 7, 2001): 166-167. Stacey, Jackie. Teratologies: A Cultural Study of Cancer. London & New York: Routledge, 1997.

Introduction Toys and games are important elements of child growth and development. When children play, they have fun. They also learn to perform and contest ideas making up their culture. The potential professional affiliations and skills offer an illustration of the roles that children learn about in the early years of their lives. Therefore, toys may serve as a site to research professional aspirations. In light of this, a question emerges: what do toys teach about professions and professionalism? As a feminist communication researcher, I study toys primarily intended for girls – the dolls in the American Girl collection. Even though the doll sets demand an excessively high price, this brand has a cultural significance for the girls and women growing up in the United States because of the historical and contemporary connections found in deeply researched stories and intricately designed accessories (Solly). The American Girl brand started in 1986. Mattel, the American toy conglomerate, has owned the American Girl brand since 1998 and describes the brand as helping "generations of girls find courage, build confidence, and spread kindness" ("American Girl"). The original American Girl dolls represented historical figures: for example, Melody Ellison from the era of the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s and Kit Kittredge from the time of the Great Depression in 1934. In addition to historical personalities, the American Girl depicts contemporary girls, including the Girl of the Year line introduced annually. These dolls portray modern girls who have special talents or hobbies and who navigate their lives and experience adventures through the prism of their talents. For example, Joss Kendrick’s passion is surfing, Gabriela McBride loves dancing and poetry, and Grace Thomas is interested in baking. As a rule, the talents of the Girls of the Year align with professional work and can inspire future generations to choose specific professions or develop professional qualities. To narrow the subject, this essay examines the professional aspirations presented in the stories and media associated with the American Girl doll, Luciana Vega, released in 2018. Luciana is an aspiring 10-year-old astronaut and scientist who dreams to be the first person to walk on Mars. Luciana is unique because she is the first doll among contemporary characters to exclusively engage in science, technology, engineering, and math, or STEM (Strickland). This doll marks an attempt to address the high barrier for women and underrepresented groups to enter and remain in science, technology, engineering, and math fields. The former NASA chief scientist Ellen Stofan reflects on the importance of Luciana, saying that "a lot of girls are sometimes intimidated by STEM careers" and that characters like Luciana can let "girls of color around the world know they can be astronauts" (Strickland). Therefore, Luciana Vega contributes to the discourse about professions for contemporary girls and women. The focus on professional aspirations represented in toys stems from the research about professionalism, which implies a set of assumptions that are taken for granted yet ambiguous, conflicted – and rarely questioned (Cheney and Ashcraft). The criticism of neoliberalism from the feminist perspective helps examine professionalism critically. Neoliberal feminism celebrates the achievements of individual women in the format of corporate and personal enterprises at the expense of confirming privileges based on race, class, and sexuality (Rottenberg). The essay argues that the lessons about professions and professionalism offered by the American Girl focus on establishing only a symbolic association with professional engagement. The emphasis on personal development through teamwork, leadership, and creativity promotes gendered professional capital that has limited resources to address potential imposter phenomenon and workplace harassment. Dolls and Professional Aspirations Scholars who study toys and playthings associate them with opportunities to display and obtain social rules and cultural values. Gender, race, and class norms are part of cultural production in toys (Foss; Rosner, Playing). As a product of culture, toys and texts associated with them represent professional futures and offer lessons about organisational life, professional identities, and work relations. Kuhn and Wolter report that young people tend to follow gender stereotypes in professional planning even in progressive locations, yet this connection between professional aspirations, career choices, and existing expectations is rather weak, suggesting that parental influence, regional or local specificities, educational programming, and other social factors, such as toys and games, may impact individual choices. The American Girl brand promotes an active lifestyle, teaching children to understand who they are and to bring positive changes to their communities. The company does not explicitly mention preparation for careers and professional education. The company emphasises holistic development for girls, where professionalism and career aspirations may serve as implied targets. Barbour, Rolison, and Jensen argue that “individuals construct professional selves that originate in the early socialisation phases of professional training and are further developed as they are immersed in the rules, language, skills, and work of the profession” (137). As such, playing with dolls and engaging with the issues suggested by the toy brand may have an impact on future generations as they explore potential professions and careers and learn what it means to be a professional. The academic research about the American Girl has not discussed professionalism yet. Scholars focus on exploring historic representations to argue that the company romanticises nostalgia to foster consumerism (Rosner, “The American Girl”) or presents a simplified and whitewashed version of history (Marcus; Valdivia). Marshall argues that the American Girl version of girlhood “reflects a gendered pedagogy of consumption rather than any lessons about empowerment or US history” (95). Scholars nevertheless have already noted the affiliations of the American Girl doll characters with neoliberalism. Neoliberalism refers to an approach to political economy that favours free market, economic growth, and capital accumulation. In feminist research, neoliberalism can be understood as “a sensibility or set of themes that privilege market-friendly notions of individualism, responsibility, and capitalization” (Thornton 273). The American Girl brand strives to empower girls, yet the empowerment offered by the brand is wrapped in a neoliberal frame of thinking, calling for girl power, self-determination, and femininity without changing the system that supports gender and other forms of discrimination and inequality (Rybas and Rybas; Zaslow). The criticism of neoliberal feminism provides a framework to examine professional belonging projected for future iterations of work, professions, and talents. Reading Professions in the American Girl Texts If Luciana Vega’s character offers lessons about professions and professionalism for the fans who play with the doll and engage with her story, it is important to explore these texts. The texts associated with the American Girl brand range from books that have traditionally defined the brand to mobile apps, short videos, feature or animated movies, and social media snippets that have appeared in recent years. The books create narratives about the characters, while multimedia texts offer alternative formats for the narratives as well as promote activities and engagements inspired by the characters. These texts offer rich data to examine the implications of the character for professionalism and being a professional. Further analysis draws from the content created for the 2018 Doll of the Year: the book Luciana by Erin Teagan and videos on the official American Girl YouTube channel and collected into a playlist. Material objects and discursive constructions of practices associated with work produce professional identification and belonging. Being a professional relies on demonstrating special skills and knowledge in work contexts and maintaining professional identities (Caza and Creary; Caza, Vough, and Puranik). As with other professionals, the character experiences contradictions and dilemmas embedded in the tasks (Ahuja). She evokes professional skills and grows her professional potential through the problems and struggles that she deals with. Based on how the character and spokespersons address situations associated with work and how they communicate about their experiences, the analysis identifies lessons about professions and professionalism. Lessons about Professions and Professionalism First, the discussion of lessons about professionalism focusses on the material markers of being a scientist. How do the professionally defined objects, places, and activities signify Luciana’s belonging to the STEM sphere? At the Space Camp, the kids wear space and science clothes, and Luciana receives an official Space Camp flight suit upon check-in. The camp participants move from their habitats, with bunk beds for six campers, to the habitat common area, with screens streaming news from the international space station, and to the mission floor, with spacecrafts, greenhouses, and training equipment. Luciana finds her sense of belonging to the Space Camp through items signifying connections to space explorations. She wears a dress of “the colors of the nighttime sky—blue, red, purple, orange” (Teagan 4) and the star-shaped necklace. She also packs her “favorite pajamas from the planetarium” (Teagan 11) and “a pillow with the solar-system pillowcase” (Teagan 2). The items make her feel comfortable upon her arrival at the camp. The STEM-style objects can stimulate desires to purchase the toys and outfits, such as the lunar habitat, space suit, galaxy-patterned dress for the doll, or science kit, available from the American Girl brand. In addition to the merchandise and branded items, the projects completed by the camp participants are indicative of their professional belonging: The campers perform soil experiments and design robots. The narrative refers to specialised terms (types of rocks and rockets), equipment (goggles, beakers), and scientific routines (wearing safety goggles, labelling samples) to create a world focussed on science. These details show Luciana’s familiarity with the camp space and speak to her abilities needed to complete the activities. The videos posted on YouTube provide additional illustration to the narrative. The spokespersons in the promotional videos as well as guests and hosts in the TV studio during the reveal wear blue overalls and walk through the NASA Centre (“A Day in the Life of Luciana”; “Meet American Girl’s 2018”). These descriptions and demonstrations create excitement about space exploration and make the STEM fields seem attractive and available. However, the price tag of almost $1,500 in 2023 (“Space Camp”) for camp participation keeps the dream of flying to Mars a distant reality for families. The financial barrier, obviously, does not appear in the texts promoted by the American Doll brand. Such silence indicates that each family needs to decide for themselves to what extent they can participate in the world of STEM, and such considerations reinforce class-based stratifications. Further, the discussion focusses on the ways of thinking associated with professionalism. Adams argues that professionalism offers epistemologies that define "what is sayable, what is knowable, what is included, and what is excluded" (332). In other words, professionalism implies a system knowledge necessary for success in the neoliberal economy (Adams; Cheney and Ashcraft). What skills and epistemologies emerge in the texts associated with Luciana Vega? The set-up of Luciana’s story establishes her responsibility for the success. She participates in a week-long space camp without her parents and friends. Even though she has an opportunity to develop her interests and meet new friends, the narrative suggests that Luciana must push back her longing for her family and her worries about the adoption of her new sister to emphasise the camp projects and her dream to be an astronaut. The discourse about work and life balance is significant for the neoliberal feminist analysis because those who are successful can do it all (Rottberg; Thornton). Luciana takes responsibility for adapting to the camp environment and controlling her own development. Luciana’s competitive record illustrates her drive. She obtains an acceptance to join the camp after two rejections, and this achievement communicates her resilience and perseverance necessary for a neoliberal subject (Rottberg). Teamwork, leadership, and creativity are core skills expected from workers in the contemporary economy. Creativity defines neoliberal femininity as it aligns with passion, energy, and stamina (Rottberg; Thornton). Creativity is Luciana’s quality. Alex, one of the trainers, confirms her reputation by saying, "we need creative future astronauts just like you" (Teagan 6). Luciana’s ideas, however, may cause mistakes, as it happens during the building of a rover because she ignores the expectations about the rover’s weight. As the narrative develops, the team needs Luciana’s ideas, especially in designing a robot from junk parts, and the team acknowledges Luciana’s contributions. They note that Luciana has pretty good ideas and that making mistakes is normal. Ella, one of the teammates, concludes that "it’s the person who thinks a little differently from the rest who has the greatest chance of making a difference in this world" (Teagan 133). Even though Luciana’s creativity leads to various results, it is essential for her success as a professional. In addition to creativity, Luciana develops her teamwork and leadership skills. These qualities are required for the success of the camp mission and future professional endeavours. Alex, the camp trainer, says that "for an astronaut team is everything" (Teagan 118). To compete in the robotics challenge, Luciana becomes the captain of one of the teams, and she encourages her team to work in a cohesive and productive manner. The team chooses the name Red Rover by brainstorming and voting, yet the team fails to collaborate in the rover-building challenge because Luciana does not rely on the knowledge of her teammates. Red Rovers get disqualified from the competition, but Luciana leads her team in continuing their experiment, building a successful robot, and even helping the team whose project the girls have damaged. As a result, the team members develop a strong friendship bond and receive an award for building a unique robot. Luciana’s leadership is meaningful for professional aspirations in the neoliberal style because it juxtaposes her character against the other participants of the camp, which promotes the emphasis on taking responsibility for mistakes. Creativity, teamwork, and leadership permeate the simple activities inspired by the 2018 Doll of the Year: making star-shaped cookies, creating a purple hair streak, and organising a space-themed party (AG Life). The short episodes follow the style of videoblogs or reality TV shows created by and for teens and tweens. The five hosts are girls of Luciana’s age who perform activities and share knowledge in an easy-going manner imitating a conversation. Faber and Coulter critique girls’ digital production as an embodiment of neoliberal ideologies built on playful authenticity and the affective glamourisation of entrepreneurial logics. Making star-shaped cookies, creating a purple hair streak, and organising a space-themed party represent science and space exploration only by association, similar to the pyjamas from the planetarium or the star-shaped necklace. Together with the claims for expertise in the STEM sphere and the emerging skills required for success in professional spheres, Luciana experiences difficulties, such as the imposter phenomenon and work harassment. Imposters exhibit doubt in their achievements, think of their success as fraud, and diminish their success (Parkman). In the story, Luciana completes a difficult docking manoeuvre with her team successfully, yet she concludes that the task has been “barely” (Teagan 151) completed. She compares herself to other kids: “my belly was starting to turn. I hadn’t expected there to be so many genius kids here. Did they all want to be astronauts like I did?” (Teagan 29). Luciana doubts her leadership abilities and questions her creativity, suggesting that her existing skills are not enough. In one of the episodes, she almost gives up her captain role, hinting at a potential burn-out situation. She particularly struggles to build connections with Ella, one of her team members, yet she develops a relationship with her after a few trials. These experiences illustrate the challenging process of finding self and connecting with others in a professional context. The creators of Luciana Vega attempt to send a positive message to future experts in the field by welcoming diverse individuals. Luciana states that “astronauts come with hair in all shades and sizes and colors” (Teagan 32). However, the positive message is muffled because it serves as a reaction to a comment by another camp participant, James, who shares that he never saw astronauts with purple hair. The focus on the signature purple hair streak as a sign of diversity exemplifies a simplistic approach to intersectionality and diversity, a common criticism of the American Girl dolls (Marcus; Valdivia; Zaslow). In addition, the exchange about the purple streak in the girl’s hair highlights gender dynamics in the contemporary workplace, pointing at the possibility of workplace harassment. James adds that “it’s the like mom law” (Teagan 32), thus offending Luciana. In organisational contexts, harassers make offensive jokes and engage in insults, making the workplace environment hostile (Griffin), and Luciana encounters this experience. James clashes with Luciana and her team members throughout the narrative. What is important here is not only the professional rivalry that emerges in the narrative and is normalised in competitions, but the reactions that Luciana practices. She ignores the hurtful comments made by James during the spacewalk simulation exercise, yet she shares her resources to help him complete the task. Luciana’s team supports James’s team in the robot design task and transfers sponsorship to the boys’ team. Even though the story line introduces diversity to the workforce, it falls short of addressing instances of potential workplace harassment with force. Luciana seems not yet equipped to address the hostility exhibited by the fellow camp participant. She prioritises teamwork and camp mission at the expense of her own well-being. These emphases contributing to the gendered professional capital (Rottberg) essential for neoliberal progress. Conclusion The lessons about professions and professionalism offered by the American Girl are complex, if not contradictory. The presence of Luciana Vega in the competitively selected camp is promising, yet the STEM field remains difficult to access. The character experiences the imposter phenomenon even if she has extensive knowledge of science. Science-themed clothes, books, and accessories as well as science-inspired activities may promote an interest in the field. Teamwork, leadership, and creativity establish markers of professionalism and provide resources for cultivating professional epistemology. The current generation of girls and the future generations of women receive exposure to difficulties in developing leadership and teamwork skills and potential work harassment but may learn to address them through self-improvement or individual development. These lessons emphasise empowerment in the neoliberal frame of reference typical of the American Girl dolls. References “A Day in the Life of Luciana at Space Camp | Luciana Vega: Girl of the Year 2018.” American Girl. 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