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1
Lo, Sonny. "Hong Kong in 2020". Asian Survey 61, nr 1 (styczeń 2021): 34–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.1.34.
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Due to Beijing’s deep concern about its national security being undermined in Hong Kong, where the anti-extradition protests from June to December 2019 not only challenged the legitimacy of both the central and Hong Kong governments but also constituted an attempt at initiating a “color revolution,” a national security law was enacted in late June 2020. The new law aims at demonstrating its immediate deterrent effects on protestors and dissidents by empowering the Hong Kong authorities to pursue suspected offenders. The results were the escape, arrest, and imprisonment of some local political activists. The year 2020 marked the immediate impacts of the national security law on Hong Kong’s political development, resulting in the territory’s truncated autonomy and exerting controls over the society, education, and the judiciary.
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CHIN, ANGELINA Y. "Diasporic Memories and Conceptual Geography in Post-colonial Hong Kong". Modern Asian Studies 48, nr 6 (17.03.2014): 1566–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000577.
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AbstractThis paper explores how the government of the People's Republic of China (PRC) has been trying to incorporate post-1997 Hong Kong into the framework of a Greater China. The construction of two ‘narratives’ are examined: the grand narrative of Chinese history in secondary school textbooks in Hong Kong; and the development of a new regional framework of the Pearl River Delta. The first narrative, which focuses on the past, signals the PRC government's desire to inculcate through education a deeper sense of collective identity as patriotic citizens of China amongst residents of Hong Kong. The second narrative, which represents a futuristic imagining of a regional landscape, rewrites the trajectory of Hong Kong by merging the city with the Pearl River Delta region. However, these narrative strategies have triggered ambivalent responses from people in Hong Kong, especially the generations born after 1980. In their discursive battles against merging with the mainland, activists have sought to instil a collective memory that encourages a counter-imagination of a particular kind of Hong Kong that draws from the pre-1997 past. This conflict pits activists and their supporters against officials in the local government working to move Hong Kong towards integration with greater Guangdong and China at large. But the local resistance discourses are inadequate because they are constrained by their own parochial visions and colonial nostalgia.
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Lincey, QI, i Tai Wei LIM. "The Rise of Localist Young Activists in Hong Kong". East Asian Policy 09, nr 02 (kwiecień 2017): 100–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930517000204.
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Six pro-independence/pro-autonomy individuals who ran for the Hong Kong elections were successfully elected to Hong Kong’s legislature in 2016, reflecting some public sentiments about the current state of affairs between Beijing and Hong Kong. As they are still young, they may stay on in power until the ‘one country, two systems’ ends. Since the Occupy Central movement, a series of social movements and standoffs such as the “Fishball Revolution” and other political events had taken place.
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Ortmann, Stephan. "Contentious politics and democratization in Hong Kong". Asian Education and Development Studies 9, nr 4 (19.11.2019): 547–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-03-2018-0064.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explain why many activists in Hong Kong have shifted from demanding democracy to independence while, at least for a short time, there have been more aggressive tactics which culminated in the Fishball Revolution of 2016. Design/methodology/approach Based on event analysis, participant observation in recent protests, as well as interviews with participants and non-participants in various pro-democracy protests, this paper traces the changes of the democracy movement from 1997 until 2018. Findings The paper demonstrates that the inability of the democracy movement to make progress has contributed to a change in the goals and tactics of some pro-democracy activists. The goals have shifted from moderate democratic reforms to much more revolutionary demands including calls for full autonomy or independence while the approach has shifted from an institutionalized approach toward more aggressive tactics such as illegal forms of resistance. During the Lunar New Year in 2016, the growing frustrations over perceived threats to the local culture have, for the first time since the handover, even led to the use of violence. Originality/value This paper views contentious politics in Hong Kong through McAdam’s distinction of reform-oriented and revolutionary goals as well as institutionalized and non-institutionalized tactics. This provides a new perspective for explaining the rise of localism and Hong Kong nationalism.
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Canning, Craig N. "Hong Kong: “One Country, Two Systems” in Troubled Waters". Current History 103, nr 674 (1.09.2004): 290–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2004.103.674.290.
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Chinese central government officials are reluctant to allow political reform in Hong Kong to proceed too rapidly or to be driven primarily by public demonstrations and aggressive pro-democracy activists.
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Tremlett, Paul-François. "Affective Dissent in the Heart of the Capitalist Utopia: Occupy Hong Kong and the Sacred". Sociology 50, nr 6 (11.07.2016): 1156–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038515591943.
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Hong Kong has been represented as a politically indifferent, capitalist utopia. This representation was first deployed by British colonial elites and has since been embroidered by Hong Kong’s new political masters in Beijing. Yet, on 15 October 2011, anti-capitalist activists identifying with the global Occupy movement assembled in Hong Kong Central and occupied a space under the HSBC bank. Occupy Hong Kong proved to be the longest occupation of all that was initiated by the global Occupy movement. Situated in a space notable for previously having been the haunt of Filipina domestic workers, the occupation conjured a community into the purified spaces of Hong Kong’s financial district. I describe this in terms of an eruption of the sacred that placed conventional norms of Hong Kong city life under erasure, releasing powerful emotions into spaces once thought to be immune to the ritual effervescences of the transgressive.
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Rahmasari, Shafira. "TRANSITIVITY ANALYSIS REPRESENTING HONG KONG PROTEST 2019 IN THE GUARDIAN NEWS ARTICLE". Journal of Language and Literature 8, nr 2 (2020): 196–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.35760/jll.2020.v8i2.3096.
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News is one of a medium to give new and recent information regarding particular event including the person that is involved that is published by news publishers. One of the leading publishers in The United Kingdom is The Guardian. The Guardian reported an international news which was the activists and pro-democracy figures arrested on Hong Kong protest 2019 that was published in August, 30 2019. The paper attempts to find out the transitivity process to see how the protest is represented. It applied transitivity as the theoretical framework and discourse analysis as the approach. Based on the analysis, material process appears as the most frequent process followed by verbal, mental, and relational process. It is seen that the authorities and the government have the authority to control the protest including the activists and the activists are powerless during the arrested. Besides, the pro-democracy figures still have a room to express their opinion while the activists give their statement after being released seen through the verbal process. Relational process and mental process remark that the activists are prominent figures through the protest. In addition, circumstances are used to give detail information regarding the process.
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Chan, Steve Kwok-Leung. "Prostrating Walk in the Campaign against Sino-Hong Kong Express Railway: Collective Identity of Native Social Movement". Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 9, nr 1 (21.03.2017): 20–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v9i1.4986.
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Occupation, blockage and storming are not rare in social movements a decade after China resuming sovereignty in Hong Kong. The organizers and participants usually involve locally born young people. Some of them are secondary school students in their teens. They are known as the fourth generation or post-1980s born Hongkongers. The paper examines the cultural context of social movements involving these youth activists. It mainly studied the campaign against the Sino-Hong Kong Express Railway development project. The project called for the demolition of the Tsoi Yuen Village, a small rural village located on its designed route. Since then, the role of younger generation in social movements has been generally recognized. Social media are widely employed in all stages of the movements with citizen journalists actively involved. The impressive ‘prostrating walk’ imitating Tibetan pilgrims becomes the symbol of these youth activists. It keeps appearing in other campaigns including Occupy Central in Hong Kong in 2014. This paper argues that the rise of nativism, advancement in ICT technology and shifting towards new social movements contribute to the dominant role of youth in recent social movements of Hong Kong. Collective identity of Hongkonger in response to the top-down assimilation by China, strengthens the movement.
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Kong, Sui Ting, Stevi Jackson i Petula Sik Ying Ho. "Seeking Love and Justice Amid Hong Kong’s Contentious Politics". Feminist Encounters: A Journal of Critical Studies in Culture and Politics 7, nr 2 (1.09.2023): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.20897/femenc/13547.
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Hong Kong women activists’ understanding of love and justice has shaped, and been shaped, by their political engagement under changing circumstances through two phases of mass protest: in 2014 and 2019. This article is focused on the sentiments of love and justice and how they evolved over time, from the peaceful protest of the Umbrella Movement in 2014 to the violent confrontations of 2019 in the context of the rise of ethno-nationalism. This shift reflects a changed understanding of justice – revenge against China – and a specific version of passionate love for Hong Kong and protective love for their comrades. Women activists’ experiences offer insights into how a social movement has engaged women’s emotional energies in particular gendered ways, while persistently marginalising gender issues. In the aftermath of the movement, when protest was effectively banned by both COVID-19 restrictions and the 2020 National Security Law, these women’s emotions have found a new object of their fierce love for Hong Kong: the boy band Mirror<i>,</i> which has come to symbolise Hongkonger pride, belonging and resistance.
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Stern, Rachel. "Unpacking Adaptation: The Female Inheritance Movement in Hong Kong". Mobilization: An International Quarterly 10, nr 3 (1.10.2005): 421–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.10.3.q67572r37257vx66.
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In 1994, after a year of intense activism by indigenous women and their urban supporters, indigenous women in the New Territories of Hong Kong were legally allowed to inherit land for the first time. In pushing for legislative change, the female inheritance movement adopted key ideas—gender equality, human rights and a critique of patriarchy—from a global vocabulary of feminism and human rights. This article examines this rights frame to understand how, if at all, activists modified international conceptions of discrimination and rights to fit Hong Kong. Overall, the ideology was not fundamentally altered or adapted, but indigenized by local activists through the use of local symbols. More deep-rooted change was not necessary for two reasons: First, in the pre-handover moment, rights arguments derived political currency from their association with an international community. Also, critical movement participants, here termed translators, helped encompass the indigenous women's individual kinship grievances within a broader movement based on rights.
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LIN, Yu-Hsin. "When Activists Meet Controlling Shareholders in the Shadow of the Law: A Case Study of Hong Kong". Asian Journal of Comparative Law 14, nr 1 (6.06.2019): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asjcl.2019.12.
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AbstractShareholder activism has changed corporate governance around the world in the past decade. Conventional wisdom holds that shareholder activism is only effective in firms with dispersed ownership; there has been much less discussion on whether and how activism would work in firms with controlling shareholders. This article fills this gap by investigating whether and how legal mechanisms influence strategy planning and activism outcomes based on hand-collected data regarding activists’ initiatives against firms with concentrated ownership in Hong Kong from 2003 to 2017. This article finds that cases using formal legal mechanisms appear to have had a higher success rate. Among the legal tools available, minority veto rights are the most popular mechanism used by activists in Hong Kong, and are quite effective in leveraging their position in controlled firms. Furthermore, the availability of legal remedies and the ownership level of controlling shareholders are factors that influence activists’ strategies. Most activist initiatives against controlled firms involve corporate governance disputes where activists can rely on legal protection to enhance their bargaining position. On the other hand, activists tend not to make their demands public, and they also avoid exercising legal rights when controlling shareholders control the majority of the shares.
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Chao, Long. "Hong Kong as Alternative Sinophone Articulation: Translation and Literary Cartography in Dung Kai-Cheung’S Atlas: The Archaeology of an Imaginary City". Open Cultural Studies 2, nr 1 (1.12.2018): 771–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2018-0069.
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Abstract Following the 2014 Umbrella Movement, Hong Kong society has witnessed a series of fights between social (youth) activists and its Special Administrative Government (SAR). What was at stake really boils down to the issue of Hong Kong’s self-positioning vis-a-vis the rising economic and political strength of Mainland China. This issue is certainly nothing new, given that most cultural discourses in the 1990s, both within and outside Hong Kong, have focused on the city’s postcolonial status after the handover. This article therefore proposes to approach such an issue from the perspective of the Sinophone to bring to light how cultural production in Hong Kong can generate alternative thinking. It considers specifically a literary work by a native Hong Kong writer, namely, Dung Kai-cheung’s Atlas: The Archaeology of an Imaginary City (Atlas), through the lens of translation. By analysing how Dung Kai-cheung engages in three levels of translation to paint a kaleidoscopic image of Hong Kong, this article shows how the concept of Sinophone can inspire, enlighten and even question existing knowledge about Hong Kong’s history and culture. Eventually, Atlas, shown as deprived of a nativist or nationalistic discourse, creates new epistemic possibilities for understanding Hong Kong. As part of the ongoing global Sinophone cultures, Atlas also exemplifies how Hong Kong can be imagined to hold an equally important position vis-a-vis Mainland China.
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Husa, Jaakko. "Constitutional Biography of Hong Kong and Ambiguities of One Country, Two Systems Policy". Chinese Journal of Comparative Law 9, nr 2 (1.09.2021): 268–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjcl/cxab014.
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Abstract This essay reviews Albert Chen’s ‘The Changing Legal Orders in Hong Kong and Mainland China: Essays on One Country, Two Systems' (2021). The aim is to address the most significant points raised by the author of the book and provide a readable and critical synthesis of Chen’s key arguments. The focus is on the background of the tension points between China and Hong Kong that are generated by the One Country, Two Systems policy. The article ends with discussion on the book’s contribution and the possible future of Hong Kong’s common law heritage as a part of China.
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Wong, Wai Kwok Benson. "The ties that bind: mutuality of political destiny between Hong Kong and Taiwan". Asian Education and Development Studies 8, nr 2 (8.04.2019): 137–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-07-2018-0117.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explain how post-1997 Hong Kong has been perceived in Taiwan and to critically evaluate the demonstration effects of Hong Kong under the “One Country, Two Systems” policy on cross-strait relations. Design/methodology/approach “Today’s Hong Kong, Tomorrow’s Taiwan” has become a dominant discourse in cross-strait relations in recent years. The paper has adopted discourse analysis of selected texts during and after the 2014 Sunflower Movement to elucidate the disapproval of the developments of post-handover Hong Kong and the construction of the Movement’s self-identity. Findings It has observed the following arguments which shaped the prevailing perceptions among critics of the “One Country, Two Systems” policy: political infiltration of China in Hong Kong could be extended to Taiwan in the sense that the Beijing authorities would adopt the identical approach to manipulate Taiwan through the cross-strait trading agreements; negative perceptions and images of China and Chinese capitals as a collective aggressor and a threat, raising fear and worries in both Hong Kong and Taiwan; and Kuomintang, as a ruling party at that time under the leadership of President Ma Ying-jeoh, was dismissed by protesters as an incompetent gatekeeper and defender of Taiwan’s interests. Originality/value The pervasive sentiments and perceptions about post-1997 Hong Kong has been articulated discursively by the young activists in Taiwan and Hong Kong into a statement – “Today’s Hong Kong, Tomorrow’s Taiwan” – which has brought about a somewhat unexpected bonding effect between Hong Kong and Taiwan through a strong disapproval of “One Country, Two Systems” and the China factor, which has be reproduced, delivered and circulated in both societies since 2014.
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Loo, Jeff Hai-chi. "The Myth of “Hong Kong Nationalism”". Asian Education and Development Studies 9, nr 4 (7.03.2020): 535–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-10-2018-0161.
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PurposeThe persistent growth of ‘nativists’ in Hong Kong not only highlighted people's consideration over mainlandization, it also stimulates Beijing's nerve on national security. This paper adopts a critical perspective to explore the development of ‘Hong Kong Nationalism’ that emerged in 2015. It will show the development of ‘Hong Kong nationalism’ is a phenomenon compounded by the creation of critical academics, government exaggeration, and pro-Beijing media labeling. In fact, this phenomenon leads to the suppression of political space for critical opposition.Design/methodology/approachThe interaction between Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) government, central government, critical academics, and pro-Beijing media will be used to adopt a conceptual framework to show how their interrelationship would derive tremendous impacts to the development of ‘Hong Kong Nationalism.’ It will further investigate some implications for the further political development in Hong Kong.FindingsThe development of ‘Hong Kong Nationalism’ illustrates the triangular relations between critical academic, HKSAR and the Beijing government, and pro-Beijing media. The critical academics create and imagine such ‘Hong Kong Nationalism’ with Hong Kong's political destiny that stimulates the nerve of Beijing and HKSAR on territorial integrity. The ‘imagined nationalism’ advocated by critical and opposition academics and advanced by the activists not only opened the Pandora's box that derives a Trojan horse scenario for the development of pan-democratic camp which affects the democracy movement tremendously.OriginalityThis paper is the first academic paper to explore ‘Hong Kong Nationalism’ through analyzing the discourse advocated by critical academics. This paper can also fill in the gap from existing literature about social movement in Hong Kong as most of them ignored the influence of radical nativist movement.
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Lam-Knott, Sonia. "Contesting brandscapes in Hong Kong: Exploring youth activist experiences of the contemporary consumerist landscape". Urban Studies 57, nr 5 (14.03.2019): 1087–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098019829413.
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Since the 2000s, Hong Kong has become inundated with retail centres, such that the territory is now known as ‘Mall City’, a condition now problematised by youth activists in the city. This article is interested in why these youths take issue with this form of urban development. By tracing the emergence of the contemporary consumerist landscape from the colonial era to the present, it is shown that the current manifestation and characteristics of Hong Kong’s brandscapes are the product of unequal power dynamics between the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) government, estate developers and the Hong Kong citizenry in shaping the city. By bringing youth activist voices to the forefront through the use of ethnographic data, the discussion then examines youth activist accounts detailing the experiential dimensions of living in this consumerist landscape, noting the feelings of alienation and exploitation circulating within the vernacular domains of Hong Kong society. The article concludes by reviewing the different ways these youths have attempted to reconfigure their relationship with this brandscape, and thus challenge the control the HKSAR government and estate developers have over Hong Kong urban space.
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Hung, Ho-fung, i Iam-chong Ip. "Hong Kong's Democratic Movement and the Making of China's Offshore Civil Society". Asian Survey 52, nr 3 (maj 2012): 504–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.3.504.
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Abstract Hong Kong's civil society has remained vibrant since the sovereignty handover in 1997, thanks to an active defense by the democratic movement against Beijing's attempts to control civil liberties. Hong Kong is becoming mainland China's offshore civil society, serving as a free platform for information circulation and organizing among mainland activists and intellectuals.
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Dedman, Adam K., i Autumn Lai. "Digitally Dismantling Asian Authoritarianism". Contention 9, nr 1 (1.06.2021): 97–132. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cont.2021.090105.
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In April 2020, a Twitter war erupted under the hashtag #MilkTeaAlliance. It united users from Thailand, Taiwan, and Hong Kong in a fight against Chinese techno-nationalists’ attempts to shame public figures into supporting the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)’s framing of geopolitics. In the months that followed, Thai, Taiwanese, and Hong Kong activists continued to lend support to each other through their use of this and other hashtags. Why does the #MilkTeaAlliance hashtag resonate with so many? What political contexts preceded the consolidation of the #MilkTeaAlliance, and how may this alliance reshape geopolitical landscapes off-line? We approach these questions from our perspective as activists embedded in these movements. We argue that the formation of the #MilkTeaAlliance unites voices that are marginalized diplomatically, discursively, and affectively by the CCP, and—more crucially—generates valuable affective and physical forms of intra-Asian solidarity against authoritarianism in the region.
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Varese, Federico, i Rebecca WY Wong. "Resurgent Triads? Democratic mobilization and organized crime in Hong Kong". Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 51, nr 1 (17.03.2017): 23–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0004865817698191.
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On 3 October 2014, peaceful pro-democracy protestors were attacked by thugs in Mong Kok, a working-class neighbourhood of Hong Kong. Using this event, we explore whether the attackers came from the same neighbourhood and mobilized to protect their illegal business activities, and whether the attackers were affiliated to the Triads. We conclude that the attackers were low-level Triads affiliates from outside Mong Kok and were paid to attack the protesters. While several scholars have suggested that Triads are in inexorable decline in post-1997 Hong Kong, we suggest that they might have found a new role as enforcer of unpopular policies and repression of democratic protests in the context of a drift towards authoritarianism in Hong Kong. The paper is based on field interviews with Triad members, businesspeople and activists, and on press reports and official documents.
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Lam, Jermain T. M. "Hong Kong District Council elections 2015". Asian Education and Development Studies 6, nr 4 (2.10.2017): 354–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-11-2015-0066.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyze the results of Hong Kong’s 2015 District Council elections in order to test the repercussions of the Occupy Central Movement. The paper attempts to identify the political implications of the Movement as reflected by the 2015 election results. Design/methodology/approach The methodology used for the paper was to collect election data and conduct data analysis to generalize the political implications of the Occupy Central Movement. Findings The paper found that, first, Hong Kong is still polarized, as most voters were divided into those who supported the Occupy Central Movement and those who opposed it. Second, there is no consensus regarding political reforms, as most voters were split into two antagonistic positions. Third, the activists of the Occupy Central Movement have formed a new political force that attracts voters who demand change. Fourth, the Occupy Central Movement has become a breeding ground that nurtures localism. Research limitations/implications The 2015 District Council elections were a continuation of the Occupy Central Movement. The Movement affected the political balance between the pro-establishment and pan-democratic camps in the 2015 elections and it has shaped the democratization process in Hong Kong. Originality/value The paper was the product of an original research project that examined the results of the 2015 District Council elections to reflect on the implications of the Occupy Central Movement. The paper concluded that the 2015 elections sent important political messages to key political players in Hong Kong.
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Castro Campos, Bente, Kuei-Hsien Liao i Edward Chung Yim Yiu. "The Displacement Risks and Impacts of Hong Kong’s Nonindigenous Villagers: A Grounded Theory Analysis". Urban Affairs Review 55, nr 6 (29.03.2018): 1646–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087418766607.
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Land resumption in Hong Kong, which involves involuntary displacement in contemporary development projects, deliberately targets nonindigenous villages, where many residents are landless farmers. In this article, we examine the risks and impacts associated with such displacement of the nonindigenous villagers through a grounded theory approach. Interviews were conducted with nonindigenous villagers who were either in a pre- or in a post-relocation state as well as with activists who condemn the current development projects in Hong Kong. Our major findings are that displacement risks and impacts of the nonindigenous villagers can be understood against the background of five interrelated factors: marginalization by nonindigenous status, demographic characteristics, economic impacts, mental health, and community attachment. Displacement loss unfolds particularly strong for the landless, often elderly, farmers. While Hong Kong is a highly developed area, its nonindigenous villagers largely face the negative outcomes of development projects, similar to the landless people in the developing world.
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Chan, Kelly Ka-lai, Jaz Hee-jeong Choi i Daniel Harris. "Urban Pedagogies of Resistance in Apocalyptic Hong Kong". Journal of Public Pedagogies, nr 6 (8.02.2022): 103–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15209/jpp.1248.
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The COVID-19 pandemic has amplified existing inequalities and highlighted multiple apocalyptic conditions affecting many different people and other-than-humans. At the same time, the pandemic has made it difficult to mobilise and make visible collective action in public, which has required artist-activists to devise new and diverse strategies to identify, occupy, and refuse spaces of publicness. Hong Kong’s unique urban and socio-political conditions continue to coevolve rapidly with the pandemic and intensifying political oppression. Following the Umbrella Movement (2014) and the ‘Be Water’ Movement (2019-2020), the current COVID-19 era forms the third key turn in the development of public pedagogy at the intersection of art and protest practices in Hong Kong. This paper examines the emerging artistic tactics of creating spaces of publicness as ‘the wild place’ or ‘cracks’ in apocalyptic Hong Kong, through two cases of artistic interventions and interruptions—the Hong Kong Way (August 2019) and #Hijack Art Basel HK (May 2021)—which in Biesta’s (2012) words can act both as a test of and a reminder of publicness. To contest the notion of publicness and Savage’s (2010) multiplicity of publics, we incorporate Harney and Moten’s (2013) conceptualisation of ‘study’ in the undercommons as urban public pedagogies.
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Wong, Andrew D. "The trouble with tongzhi". Pragmatics. Quarterly Publication of the International Pragmatics Association (IPrA) 18, nr 2 (1.06.2008): 277–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/prag.18.2.05won.
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A general address term in Communist China, tongzhi ‘comrade’ was appropriated by gay rights activists in Hong Kong to refer to members of sexual minorities. Examining its level of acceptance among non-activist gay and lesbian Hongkongers, this article argues that non-activists’ ideology about sexuality accounts for their rejection of tongzhi and their preference for strategies that leave same-sex desire unspecified. This study demonstrates how the discursive history of a label can both enable and impede its political efficacy. It also sheds light on the internal resistance that representatives of minority groups encounter when introducing new labels for those they supposedly speak for.
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Kennedy, Kerry J., Lijuan Joanna Li i Hoi Yu Ng. "The development of Hong Kong students’ civic attitudes under Chinese sovereignty". Asian Education and Development Studies 7, nr 4 (1.10.2018): 382–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-04-2017-0035.
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Purpose The recent mobilization of many Hong Kong youth to engage in what are regarded as radical political activities is not a new area of investigation. Much has been discussed about this growing political activism and localism often giving an impression that Hong Kong youth are radical and disengaged from China as a nation. Yet little is known about the possible antecedents of such disengagement. The purpose of this paper is to identify whether there is empirical evidence of growth or decline in civic trust and national attitudes amongst Hong Kong young adolescents over the ten-year period from 1999 to 2009. Design/methodology/approach In this study latent profile analyses were used to classify cohorts of Hong Kong secondary students according to the levels of their self-reported trust in civic institutions and attitudes toward the nation. The cohorts were separated by a ten-year gap. Comparisons were made across groups and across the ten-year time span, in order to trace changes in civic attitudes of young adolescents following the return of Hong Kong to China in 1997. Findings Three distinct groups were identified in both cohorts – Activists, who had negative attitudes to trust and toward the nation, Nationalists who had positive attitudes toward trust and the nation and Moderates who endorsed average responses to the, two variables. The gaps between the groups tended to be greater in the 2009 group compared to the 1999 groups suggesting greater polarization amongst adolescents on these measures. Originality/value Young adolescents cannot be assumed to be politically neutral or lacking social values. Citizenship education needs to take this into account so that values can be clarified and major issues can be discussed in a safe and supportive environment.
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Ma, Miranda L. Y. "Affective Framing and Dramaturgical Actions in Social Movements". Journal of Communication Inquiry 41, nr 1 (19.09.2016): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0196859916667457.
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With the increasing use of innovative and expressive dramaturgical actions in contemporary social movements, activists appeal to the public’s emotional and moral convictions so as to elicit action. This study aims to investigate how the affective framing process, composed of sensual–emotional dramaturgical actions, can unleash the mobilizing and consolidating forces in social movements. I seek to elaborate upon the cognitively confined framing perspective by expanding the theoretical discussion to include the affective dimension of framing. I explore these issues through the investigation of a resistance movement in Tsoi Yuen Village, a rural community in Hong Kong, in which people rallied against the demolition of their community to make way for a regional express railway connecting Hong Kong to China. Through this investigation, I argue that dramaturgical tactics employed in social movements enhance the affective mobilization and consolidation power of framing through the mediation of emotional and moral components.
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Pérez-Milans, Miguel, i Carlos Soto. "Reflexive language and ethnic minority activism in Hong Kong". AILA Review 29 (31.12.2016): 48–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/aila.29.03per.
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This article engages with Archer’s call to further research on reflexivity and social change under conditions of late modernity (2007, 2010, 2012) from the perspective of existing work on reflexive discourse in the language disciplines (Silverstein 1976, Lucy 1993). Drawing from a linguistic ethnography of the networked trajectories of a group of working-class South Asian youth in Hong Kong (Pérez-Milans & Soto 2014), we analyze the trajectory of Sita, a Hong Kong-born young female with Nepali background. In her trajectory, performative acts of ethnic minority-based activism emerge as key in the enactment of a given set of values, stances, types of persona and situated forms of alignment/disalignment. That is to say, Sita’s enactment of activism is seen in this article as tied to a discourse register (Agha 2007: 147). As such, ‘talking/doing activism’ is inter-textually linked to a speech chain network of a group of secondary school students, teachers, researchers and community-based minority activists engaged with Sita in various interrelated projects for social empowerment. Analysis of interview transcripts, online chats and multimodal artifacts shows the extent to which the coordinated formation of this discourse register proved useful in providing Sita with relevant cultural capital (Bourdieu 1986) with which she shaped her own academic trajectory, from a low-prestige government-subsidized secondary school to an elite international college. Data also point towards the need for further engagement with recent invitations to re-imagining identity and social action under current conditions of diversification (Blommaert 2013).
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Ho, Petula Sik Ying, Stevi Jackson i Shirley Sui-Ting Kong. "Speaking against Silence: Finding a Voice in Hong Kong Chinese Families through the Umbrella Movement". Sociology 52, nr 5 (4.09.2017): 966–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038517726644.
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Social movement researchers have investigated how personal relationships and emotional attachments are implicated in activism, but less attention has been given to the ways in which activism affects personal lives. This article addresses this issue, drawing on interviews and focus groups with Hong Kong’s Umbrella Movement’s active participants, bystanders and opponents to explore its consequences for family life. While those who were not involved in the movement articulated an acceptance of hierarchical family structures and their imposed silences, movement activists saw their experience of the occupation as enabling them to find a voice within their families. The Umbrella Movement, we suggest, has opened up a space for the reflexive exploration of personal life and raised the possibility of modifying Hong Kong family practices.
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Mackillop, A. "GILLIAN BICKLEY, The Golden Needle: The Biography of Frederick Stewart (1836-1889) Hong Kong, Hong Kong Baptist University, 1997, pp.xi + 308, Pbk. £13.50". Scottish Economic & Social History 20, nr 1 (maj 2000): 144–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/sesh.2000.20.1.144.
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Mackillop, A. "GILLIAN BICKLEY,The Golden Needle: The Biography of Frederick Stewart (1836-1889)Hong Kong, Hong Kong Baptist University, 1997, pp.xi + 308, Pbk. £13.50". Scottish Economic & Social History 20, PART_1 (styczeń 2000): 144–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/sesh.2000.20.part_1.144.
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Serrano Moreno, Juan Enrique. "Ordinary citizens and political crises: The Hong Kong Anti-Extradition Movement (2019-2020)". Estudios Internacionales 55, nr 205 (22.08.2023): 93–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.5354/0719-3769.2023.71195.
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This study focuses on the actions and perceptions of individuals who participated in the Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill (Anti-ELAB) movement in Hong Kong initiated in April 2019 and interrupted by the covid 19 pandemic and the adoption of the National Security Law in June 2020. Based on semi-structured interviews, the article explains how ordinary citizens and first-time activists helped shape a political crisis and how it changed their political perceptions. The study adopts a theoretical perspective inspired by studies of collective action in contexts of political crises, placing the individual at the centre of the analysis and adopting a situational and processual approach. The findings show that the actors perceived themselves as protagonists of historical events produced by the authoritarian turn of the Hong Kong political system thanks to the appropriation of new identities, the radicalisation of their liberal values and the mobilisation of their previous skills and resources.
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Wong, Shiau Ching, i Scott Wright. "Hybrid mediation opportunity structure? A case study of Hong Kong’s Anti-National Education Movement". New Media & Society 22, nr 10 (1.11.2019): 1741–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444819879509.
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This article assesses how social movements make use of media, and how their media practices influence movement outcomes using a case study of the Anti-National Education Movement in Hong Kong. It contributes to the literature on this important protest event and to ongoing debates about changes in the relationship between media and protesters. It is argued that activists adapted to what we call a “hybrid mediation opportunity structure.” The concept of a hybrid mediation opportunity structure is built on a critical engagement with Cammaerts’ mediation opportunity structure and is informed by Chadwick’s hybrid media system theory. We find that old (mainstream) and new (social) media tactics were deployed interdependently in a hybrid, symbiotic process. Old and new media logics fed off each other, in turn producing new logics: hybrid mediation opportunities which enabled activists to simultaneously broaden their connective networks and capture the attention of news media to publicize and legitimize their collective protests.
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Lai, Yan-ho, i Ming Sing. "Solidarity and Implications of a Leaderless Movement in Hong Kong". Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, nr 4 (1.12.2020): 41–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2020.53.4.41.
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In 2019, what began in Hong Kong as a series of rallies against a proposal to permit extraditions to mainland China grew into a raft of anti-authoritarian protests and challenges to Beijing’s grip on the city. Given the gravest political crisis confronting Hong Kong in decades, this research investigates why the protests have lacked centralized leaders and why the solidarity among the peaceful and militant protesters has been immense. This article also examines the strengths and limitations of this leaderless movement with different case studies. The authors argue that serious threats to the commonly cherished values in Hong Kong, amid the absence of stable and legitimate leaders in its democracy movement, underpinned the formation of a multitude of decentralized decision-making platforms that orchestrated the protests in 2019. Those platforms involved both well-known movement leaders organizing conventional peaceful protests and anonymous activists crafting a diversity of tactics in ingenious ways, ranging from economic boycotts, human chains around the city, artistic protests via Lennon Walls, to the occupying of the international airport. The decentralized decision-making platforms, while having generated a boon to the movement with their beneficial tactical division of labor, also produced risks to the campaign. The risks include the lack of legitimate representatives for conflict-deescalating negotiations, rise in legitimacy-sapping violence, and susceptibility to underestimating the risks of various tactics stemming from a dearth of thorough political communication among anonymous participants who had different goals and degrees of risk tolerance. In short, Hong Kong’s anti-extradition movement in 2019 sheds light on the basis of leaderless movements, and on both the strengths and risks of such movements.
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Aldrich, Brian C. "Habitat Defense in Southeast Asian Cities". Asian Journal of Social Science 13, nr 1 (1985): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/080382485x00110.
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AbstractUsing interviews with public officials and activists as well as research reports available in Southeast Asia, this research compares the level of organization, mobilization and collective action among neolocal urban groups threatened with removal and relocation for large infrastructure projects. The results show that habitat defense is extensive in Bangkok, Jakarta and Manila, but minor or non-existent in Singapore, Hong Kong and Kuala Lumpur. A model of collective action is nested in an ecological model to explain differences in level of habitat defense among the six Southeast Asian cities.
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Duckett, Bob. "Dictionary of Hong Kong Biography2012241Edited by Mary Holdsworth and Christopher Munn. Dictionary of Hong Kong Biography. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press 2012. xiv+525 pp., ISBN: 978 988 8083 66 4 £66.50 Available in the UK, Europe, the Middle East and Africa from Eurospan". Reference Reviews 26, nr 5 (8.06.2012): 56–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/09504121211240800.
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Hilde, Rosalie K., i Albert Mills. "Making sense from the in-between state". Equality, Diversity and Inclusion: An International Journal 36, nr 2 (13.03.2017): 150–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/edi-09-2016-0070.
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Purpose This paper sets out to understand how immigrants to Canada (specifically Hong Kong immigrants) deal with competing senses of their situation in deciding how or whether to adjust to their new environment. In particular, the purpose of this paper is to focus on the “in-between state” of mind where individuals try to manage competing senses of their experiences in Canada. Design/methodology/approach The authors draw on critical sensemaking (CSM) in the study of the micro-processes of identity work at play among a group of 19 Hong Kong Chinese skilled immigrants to Canada. Findings The study’s findings indicate that immigrant experiences are often filtered through the competing sensemaking of the immigrants themselves and those of the so-called “host” community. As the study of Hong Kong immigrants suggests, this can lead to confused and compromised experiences of being an immigrant in the Canadian context. Research limitations/implications The study was confined to immigrants to Canada from Hong Kong. Further study of different immigrant groups may throw light on the extent to which competing sensemaking is related to cultural differences that affect not only the distance in understanding but the management of that distance. Practical implications The paper contributes to the diversity management literature and practice through understanding immigrants’ identity construction and its oscillations, influences, and restrictions as agency in context. Social implications The paper helps diversity managers, policy makers, and social activists to understand the role of sensemaking when providing social and structural support in workplace contexts. Originality/value The study reveals the importance of sensemaking in the experiences of immigrants to Canada. In particular, it broadens knowledge of the problems of adjusting to a new (national) environment from structural constraints to micro-processes of making sense. In the process, the study of the management of competing senses of an environment contributes to the development of CSM with the focus on, what we call, the state of in-betweeness.
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Coombs, Gretchen. "It’s (Red) Hot Outside! The Aesthetics of Climate Change Activists Extinction Rebellion". Journal of Public Space, Vol. 5 n. 4 (1.12.2020): 123–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.32891/jps.v5i4.1407.
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From 2011’s Occupy movements to the Umbrella Movement Hong Kong to the recent Climate March in September 2019, typified by Extinction Rebellion’s performative acts of resistance, there’s been an exponential increase in protests around the world. People move together en masse to challenge economic inequality and political ineptitude; they demand racial justice and action against climate change and Indigenous land rights. Ideally, protests and forms of direct action generate new ideas where the use of bodies in space become conduits to spark debate, bring awareness, with the hope to change the discourse about urgent issues. The visual power of many bodies speaking both to each other and to a larger public offers a space everyone can safely participate in the social imaginary. This paper considers Extinction Rebellion's graphic and performative aesthetics.
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Chan, Chitat. "Young Activists and the Anti-Patriotic Education Movement in Post-Colonial Hong Kong: Some Insights from Twitter". Citizenship, Social and Economics Education 12, nr 3 (styczeń 2013): 148–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/csee.2013.12.3.148.
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Ip, Iam-chong. "After mobilization". Dialogue and Ways of Relating 10, nr 1 (19.05.2020): 74–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ld.00060.ip.
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Abstract My research addresses how social actors “act upon” social change by generating self-interpretation and representation of social life on the one hand and control over values and cultural orientations against the authorities on the other. While the existing literature on social movements overemphasizes the moments of mobilization, this article examines the intersections of social activism, online curative practices, and their everyday life. For this article, I opted to depict three representative cases of Hong Kong young activists who joined the Umbrella Movement in 2014. I argue that despite their similar political experiences, there are three divergent forms of agency embodied in their cultural representations. They figure in contestations which increasingly alienate the politicized crowd from civil society and the establishment.
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Yung, Danny, i Maciej Szatkowski. "Cultural Institution and Institutional Culture from the Transcultural Perspective: What Is the Culture behind the Stage, and What Is the Culture inside a Cage?" Pamiętnik Teatralny 72, nr 3 (1.09.2023): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.36744/pt.1476.
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This article presents the profile of the East Asian theatre artist Danny Yung, director of the acclaimed Zuni Icosachedron theatre in Hong Kong. In the first part, Maciej Szatkowski offers a synthesis of his artistic biography, from his early years as a theatre maker in Hong Kong in the 1980s to the creation of a transnational Chinese theatre, which provides a space for artistic encounters of established and emerging artists from the Sinosphere and beyond. The article focuses on highlighting the main areas of Yung’s work and contextualizing them in terms of the realities of Chinese cultural life. The author describes the central distinguishing features of Yung’s activity and its consecutive stages over the years, as well as the impact of his work on theatres in China and Taiwan. The appendix provides a transcript of Yung’s talk at the conference Contemporary Acting Techniques in Eurasian Theatre, Performance and Audiovisual Art: Intercultural and Intermedia Perspective (2021). The guiding idea of the lecture is the role of institutions in shaping theatre policy and connecting artists and ideas. Yung draws on examples from his own experience, describing the process of creating his most recent productions. He emphasizes the importance of collaboration and dialogue between artists, as well as the role of theatre institutions as major actors influencing the development of theatre art in contemporary Eurasia.
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Orleck, Annelise. "“They're Formidable, They're Beautiful, They're Hiding”: Filipina Migrant Domestic Workers in London and Dreams of a Global Union". Labor 21, nr 2 (1.05.2024): 68–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-11018497.
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Abstract Throughout the twenty-first century the Philippines has sent more people abroad to work than almost any other country. Among them have been millions of women hired in New York, Los Angeles, London, Dubai, Hong Kong, Singapore, and other locales as domestic workers. Building on organizing experience and political knowledge they acquired as activists while still in the Philippines, overseas Filipina domestic workers have organized for better working conditions and fairer immigration policies in countries around the world. Among those are Waling Waling, a UK movement named after a Philippine orchid that grows in the dark. Some of the women of Waling Waling have been active since the 1980s. They are now seeking to organize a movement together with other Filipina domestic worker groups in countries around the world.
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Yang, Shen. "In the Name of the Law: Legal Frames and the Ending of the Occupy Movement in Hong Kong". Law & Social Inquiry 44, nr 2 (1.04.2019): 468–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lsi.2018.15.
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The Hong Kong government made tactical use of legal instruments to end the Occupy Movement in 2014, yet there were divergent responses to the injunctions at the two main protest sites. Through a within-case comparison, this study argues that diverging legal frames explain the different reactions at the two sites. Law, as a constitutive symbol of certain collective action frames, constructs the boundaries of a movement and creates expectations among protesters regarding how to address legal instruments. The protesters in Admiralty tended to adhere to a law-abiding frame that required them to respect and obey the law when confronted with legal tactics. In contrast, the framing contest and self-selection of participants made activists in Mongkok susceptible to a law-defying frame that disposed them to resist the actions of law enforcement authorities. This study sheds light on the conditions under which protesters will obey the law.
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Lau, Doretta, i Jim Wong-Chu. "Simon Johnston: Two Cultures, One Vision". Canadian Theatre Review 110 (marzec 2002): 31–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ctr.110.008.
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“If you know two languages, then you have two truths because you have two ways of saying the same thing,” says Gateway Theatre’s Artistic Producer and General Manager Simon Johnston late in the interview. This astute point becomes more pertinent upon closer examination of Johnston’s personal experience and character. Johnston’s abridged biographical notes span a page; his career is long and storied. In addition to the theatre, where he has served as actor, director, playwright, producer and artistic director, he has taught at the University of Toronto, York University, Ryerson University, Sheridan College, Dalhousie University and the University of Waterloo. As well, he has written for CBC Television, CBC Radio, History Television and Vision TV. He estimates that he has directed 150 or 160 professional productions across Canada. Between dramatic projects, he completed a novel, Lion Dance (which he describes as “an early and very angry attempt at writing”), and a children’s book, A Song For Harmonica. He has written fourteen plays for stage and radio. As he puts it, the “Reader’s Digest” version of his biography is first and foremost a journey, chronicling the movement from his birthplace, Hong Kong, to Canada, down to the United States, back through Canada, with a return trip to Hong Kong before settling in Richmond, British Columbia, to helm the Gateway Theatre. It is a job that he refers to as “the best artistic director job in the country” because it allows him the freedom to explore issues relevant to himself and the surrounding community.
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Legrandjacques, Sara. "Go East! 1905 as a Turning Point for the Transnational History of Vietnamese Education". TRaNS: Trans -Regional and -National Studies of Southeast Asia 8, nr 2 (14.10.2020): 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/trn.2020.13.
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AbstractThis paper discusses the year 1905 as an educational watershed in colonial Vietnam. It focuses on the development of student mobility that transcended colonial and imperial boundaries and gave new momentum to educational training on a transnational scale. In the mid-1900s, the anti-colonial mandarin Phan Bội Châu launched a new nationalist movement called Đông Du, meaning ‘Going East.’ It centred on sending young men to Japan via Hong Kong to train them as effective anti-French activists. These students came from Tonkin, Annam, and Cochinchina and enrolled in a variety of curricula. Although this initiative collapsed in the late 1900s, it remained a watershed. Regional mobility did not disappear afterwards but mostly redirected itself towards China. This paper brings a great diversity of material face-to-face, including governmental archives and biographies, and challenges the colonial-based vision of Vietnamese education by highlighting its regional dimension, from the early twentieth century to the outset of the Second World War.
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HOBBS, WILLIAM R., i MARGARET E. ROBERTS. "How Sudden Censorship Can Increase Access to Information". American Political Science Review 112, nr 3 (2.04.2018): 621–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055418000084.
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Conventional wisdom assumes that increased censorship will strictly decrease access to information. We delineate circumstances when increases in censorship expand access to information for a substantial subset of the population. When governments suddenly impose censorship on previously uncensored information, citizens accustomed to acquiring this information will be incentivized to learn methods of censorship evasion. These evasion tools provide continued access to the newly blocked information—and also extend users’ ability to access information that has long been censored. We illustrate this phenomenon using millions of individual-level actions of social media users in China before and after the block of Instagram. We show that the block inspired millions of Chinese users to acquire virtual private networks, and that these users subsequently joined censored websites like Twitter and Facebook. Despite initially being apolitical, these new users began browsing blocked political pages on Wikipedia, following Chinese political activists on Twitter, and discussing highly politicized topics such as opposition protests in Hong Kong.
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Sweeting, Anthony. "The Golden Needle: The Biography of Frederick Stewart (1836–1889). By Gillian Bickley. [Hong Kong: David C. Lam Institute for East-West Studies, Hong Kong Baptist University, 1997. £13.50. ISBN 962–8027–08–5.]". China Quarterly 158 (czerwiec 1999): 515–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000006081.
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MACKENZIE, JOHN M. "The Golden Needle: the Biography of Frederick Stewart (1836–1889). By Gillian Bickley. Pp. xi, 308. ISBN 9628027085. Hong Kong: David C. Lam Institute for East-West Studies, Hong Kong Baptist University; UK & worldwide distributor outside Hong Kong, Aberdeen & NE Scotland Family History Society, 164 King Street, Aberdeen AB24 5BD. 1997. Pb. £13.50." Scottish Historical Review 78, nr 1 (kwiecień 1999): 136–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.1999.78.1.136.
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Tsou, Tang. "Deng Xiaoping pingzhuan (A Critical Biography of Deng Xiaoping). By Han Shan Bi. [Hong Kong: East West and Culture Publishing Co., 1984. 242 pp. HK$20.00.]". China Quarterly 106 (czerwiec 1986): 351–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000038686.
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Chekalov, Kirill A. "Yearning for Verne. Twenty Thousand Leagues under the Seas “Restored” Edition". Studia Litterarum 8, nr 3 (2023): 322–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2500-4247-2023-8-3-322-337.
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In 2022, the university press Presses universitaires Blaise-Pascal (Clermont-Ferrand, France) published the first scholarly edition of one of the most prominent works by Jules Verne — Twenty Thousand Leagues Under the Seas. The publisher, ex-professor at the University of Hong Kong, and author of Jules Verne’s English-language biography (2006), as well as numerous works about the writer, William Butcher, describes this edition as the novel’s “restored revision” (texte restaure). This book is the result of many years of research into restoring Jules Verne’s works in their original form, untouched by extensive editorial revisions. It is commonly known that all works in The Extraordinary Voyages collection underwent various amendments and adjustments by the publisher Pierre-Jules Hetzel and later on, by Jules Verne’s son Louis-Jules. W. Butcher previously published English translations and the original versions of certain Jules Verne’s works, including Five Weeks in a Balloon, Journey to the Center of the Earth, The Adventures of Captain Hatteras, Around the World in Eighty Days and others. The pocket size of these editions, however, would not allow to carry out the ambitious editorial project. This review focuses on the core strategies of the Twenty Thousand Leagues Under the Seas’s edition, which W. Butcher refers to as dehetzelisation. The edition also includes a comprehensive scholarly apparatus (an introductory article, rationale, name index, biographical background, detailed chronology of novel writing, annotated bibliography, etc.).
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Chow, T. Edwin. "Estimating the Crowd Size of a Rally by Crowdsourcing-Geocomputation". Abstracts of the ICA 1 (15.07.2019): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/ica-abs-1-46-2019.
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<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> Dynamic population estimation – counting people in a special event (e.g. rally, sport events, evacuation) has been challenging because a large crowd is difficult to acquire an accurate count manually as people can join and leave the crowd at any time and place. In the context of a rally where people are moving on the streets over an extended period, it is often difficult to answer some questions with regards to confine the phenomenon, including but not limited to: When and where does the rally start/end precisely? Who are the attendees (e.g. activists, spectators, organizers, police, opposing crowd(s), etc.)? How does the confining environment affect stochastic human behaviours, interactions and movements over time and space? What is the count (e.g. peak attendance, total count)?</p><p>Nevertheless, estimating the attendance of these dynamic events could be emotionally and politically charged. Due to these practical uncertainties of dynamic population estimation, the attendance of annual July 1st Rally in Hong Kong reported by the police and organizers could be very different as it often became a bluffing game to promote hidden political agenda. For example, the police estimated a peak attendance of 9,800 in the 2017 July 1st Rally, whereas the organizers reported five times the attendance at about 50,000. Independent researchers from the University of Hong Kong estimated the total attendance of 14,170 (Yip, 2017) and 29,000 (HKUPOP, 2017) respectively. With limited field observations, it is hard to examine the accuracy and confident level of these reported counts.</p><p>This research aims to estimate the total attendance of 2017 July 1st Rally in Hong Kong and examine the counts reported by various stakeholders. Based on many stories reported by the public and social media, the timeline of the rally event was reconstructed to trace the observed rally time of the head and tail crowds participated in the rally event. Important geospatial features, including the street network, approved protest areas and entry/exit gateways along the main rally route, were reconstructed in the Geographic Information System (GIS). This study adopted a crowdsourcing-geocomputation approach to simulate how a dynamic crowd would have navigated in such as rally event (Chow, 2019). Using a mobile application that tracks individual trajectory, volunteers were recruited to contribute valuable in-situ data of dynamic human movements and behaviours attending the rally event. These data were used to formulate and calibrate the parameters of a computational cartographic model where each rally attendees were represented as a moving agent (x, y, t) confined in a micro spatial environment where the protesters marched from Victoria Park to the Government Headquarter in Hong Kong. Hence, individual GPS (Global Positioning System) trajectory during the rally was collected and converted into GIS data format for further analysis. More details about the data collection and processing can be found on the project website (https://chowte.wixsite.com/dynamicpop). By leveraging a large number of observations volunteered by crowdsourcing, this study attempted to answer the research question: <i>What might be the simulated crowd size that reasonable range of model parameters can be converged?</i></p><p> Using this crowdsoucing-geocomputation model, a sensitivity analysis was conducted to simulate varying model parameters, including maximum walking speed, maximum crowd density, early departure and late entry rates. Based on the reported count reported by the police, organizers and independent researchers, various crowd sizes were simulated to be compared against the observed rally time of 209 minutes (i.e. about 3.5 hours) from start to finish. Using the crowdsourced data for calibration, most rally models simulated an arrival time of head crowd between 106&ndash;108 minutes, which was very close to the observed rally time of head crowd of 107 minutes. In this study, crowd sizes were considered to be acceptable based on a 95% confidence interval of arrival time of tail crowd (i.e. 174&ndash;192 minutes) and total rally time (i.e. 199&ndash;219 minutes). For example, a crowd size of 9,800 people was simulated matching the total rally time to examine the credibility of calibrated model parameters (Figure 1).</p><p> Within the tested range of calibrated model parameters, the results indicated that it was possible to tweak the model parameters of varying crowd size to match the observed rally time (Table 1). Despite the simulated rally time of some accepted models were within ±5% of the observed rally time, the parameters used to simulate such a model were not necessary reasonable in reality. The simulated count of 9,800, for example, would require a cap of maximum walking speed of 0.5&thinsp;m/s, which seemed to be unreasonably slow under normal circumstance and incompatible with crowdsourced data (Figure 1). Given the observed rally time, it was found that the crowd sizes of 14,000&ndash;29,000 could be simulated with reasonable model parameters, whereas the crowd sizes of 9,800 and 50,000 would yield unreasonable model parameters. Taking the median within the range of 14,000&ndash;29,000, this study also found that a crowd size of 21,000 could yield eight matching simulations with varying reasonable model parameters that may be better simulate the actual rally attendance.</p><p>This paper provided empirical evidences to examined the credibility of various crowd sizes of the 2017 July 1st Rally in Hong Kong reported by the stakeholders. The research also presents a transparent, repeatable and verifiable approach to explore, quantify and simulate human movements in a rally event, such as the early departure and late arrival, to better understand dynamic crowd behaviours and interactions.</p>
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Pataraya, Kristina Iraklievna, i Kseniya Mikhailovna Krymova. "National scenarios of digitalization of political protest". Конфликтология / nota bene, nr 3 (marzec 2022): 42–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2022.3.36736.
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The authors consider significant changes in the political landscape associated with the impact of digitalization. The aim of the work was to study the changes in the characteristic features of political protests due to the introduction of new digital technologies in them. National scenarios of digitalization of political protest are considered through comparative analysis. Case study and comparative analysis were used as research methods. The techniques of the scenario method were applied. The object of the study were five cases reflecting the nature of the digitalization of political protest: protests against the extradition bill in Hong Kong (2019-2020), protests of those who disagree with the results of the presidential elections in Belarus (2020-2021), protests in France against the bill "On Global Security" (2020-2021), protests of those who disagree with the results of the elections in the United States (2020-2021), as well as protests in support of A. Navalny in Russia (2021). The result of the study was the identification of common and special characteristics of the national models under consideration. First of all, the variety of technologies used allows activists to form an alternative information agenda and involve broad masses of people in the protest. Secondly, the harsh reaction of the authorities to protest activity damages any attempts at dialogue between the state and civil society. Thirdly, the network nature of the organization of modern protests determines the trend towards decentralized protest management. Fourth, large media corporations in modern conditions acquire the status of independent political actors. Fifth, the request for anonymity in order to minimize restrictions on the use of digital tools in the future may also become a new serious challenge for public authorities.