Gotowe bibliografie tematyczne / Activists – Hong Kong – Biography

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Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Activists – Hong Kong – Biography”

Autor: Grafiati

Data publikacji: 29 lipca 2024

Data aktualizacji: 30 lipca 2024

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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Activists – Hong Kong – Biography"

Lo, Sonny. "Hong Kong in 2020". Asian Survey 61, nr 1 (styczeń 2021): 34–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.1.34.

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Due to Beijing’s deep concern about its national security being undermined in Hong Kong, where the anti-extradition protests from June to December 2019 not only challenged the legitimacy of both the central and Hong Kong governments but also constituted an attempt at initiating a “color revolution,” a national security law was enacted in late June 2020. The new law aims at demonstrating its immediate deterrent effects on protestors and dissidents by empowering the Hong Kong authorities to pursue suspected offenders. The results were the escape, arrest, and imprisonment of some local political activists. The year 2020 marked the immediate impacts of the national security law on Hong Kong’s political development, resulting in the territory’s truncated autonomy and exerting controls over the society, education, and the judiciary.

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CHIN, ANGELINA Y. "Diasporic Memories and Conceptual Geography in Post-colonial Hong Kong". Modern Asian Studies 48, nr 6 (17.03.2014): 1566–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000577.

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AbstractThis paper explores how the government of the People's Republic of China (PRC) has been trying to incorporate post-1997 Hong Kong into the framework of a Greater China. The construction of two ‘narratives’ are examined: the grand narrative of Chinese history in secondary school textbooks in Hong Kong; and the development of a new regional framework of the Pearl River Delta. The first narrative, which focuses on the past, signals the PRC government's desire to inculcate through education a deeper sense of collective identity as patriotic citizens of China amongst residents of Hong Kong. The second narrative, which represents a futuristic imagining of a regional landscape, rewrites the trajectory of Hong Kong by merging the city with the Pearl River Delta region. However, these narrative strategies have triggered ambivalent responses from people in Hong Kong, especially the generations born after 1980. In their discursive battles against merging with the mainland, activists have sought to instil a collective memory that encourages a counter-imagination of a particular kind of Hong Kong that draws from the pre-1997 past. This conflict pits activists and their supporters against officials in the local government working to move Hong Kong towards integration with greater Guangdong and China at large. But the local resistance discourses are inadequate because they are constrained by their own parochial visions and colonial nostalgia.

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Lincey, QI, i Tai Wei LIM. "The Rise of Localist Young Activists in Hong Kong". East Asian Policy 09, nr 02 (kwiecień 2017): 100–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930517000204.

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Six pro-independence/pro-autonomy individuals who ran for the Hong Kong elections were successfully elected to Hong Kong’s legislature in 2016, reflecting some public sentiments about the current state of affairs between Beijing and Hong Kong. As they are still young, they may stay on in power until the ‘one country, two systems’ ends. Since the Occupy Central movement, a series of social movements and standoffs such as the “Fishball Revolution” and other political events had taken place.

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Ortmann, Stephan. "Contentious politics and democratization in Hong Kong". Asian Education and Development Studies 9, nr 4 (19.11.2019): 547–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-03-2018-0064.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explain why many activists in Hong Kong have shifted from demanding democracy to independence while, at least for a short time, there have been more aggressive tactics which culminated in the Fishball Revolution of 2016. Design/methodology/approach Based on event analysis, participant observation in recent protests, as well as interviews with participants and non-participants in various pro-democracy protests, this paper traces the changes of the democracy movement from 1997 until 2018. Findings The paper demonstrates that the inability of the democracy movement to make progress has contributed to a change in the goals and tactics of some pro-democracy activists. The goals have shifted from moderate democratic reforms to much more revolutionary demands including calls for full autonomy or independence while the approach has shifted from an institutionalized approach toward more aggressive tactics such as illegal forms of resistance. During the Lunar New Year in 2016, the growing frustrations over perceived threats to the local culture have, for the first time since the handover, even led to the use of violence. Originality/value This paper views contentious politics in Hong Kong through McAdam’s distinction of reform-oriented and revolutionary goals as well as institutionalized and non-institutionalized tactics. This provides a new perspective for explaining the rise of localism and Hong Kong nationalism.

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Canning, Craig N. "Hong Kong: “One Country, Two Systems” in Troubled Waters". Current History 103, nr 674 (1.09.2004): 290–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2004.103.674.290.

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Chinese central government officials are reluctant to allow political reform in Hong Kong to proceed too rapidly or to be driven primarily by public demonstrations and aggressive pro-democracy activists.

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Tremlett, Paul-François. "Affective Dissent in the Heart of the Capitalist Utopia: Occupy Hong Kong and the Sacred". Sociology 50, nr 6 (11.07.2016): 1156–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038515591943.

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Hong Kong has been represented as a politically indifferent, capitalist utopia. This representation was first deployed by British colonial elites and has since been embroidered by Hong Kong’s new political masters in Beijing. Yet, on 15 October 2011, anti-capitalist activists identifying with the global Occupy movement assembled in Hong Kong Central and occupied a space under the HSBC bank. Occupy Hong Kong proved to be the longest occupation of all that was initiated by the global Occupy movement. Situated in a space notable for previously having been the haunt of Filipina domestic workers, the occupation conjured a community into the purified spaces of Hong Kong’s financial district. I describe this in terms of an eruption of the sacred that placed conventional norms of Hong Kong city life under erasure, releasing powerful emotions into spaces once thought to be immune to the ritual effervescences of the transgressive.

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Rahmasari, Shafira. "TRANSITIVITY ANALYSIS REPRESENTING HONG KONG PROTEST 2019 IN THE GUARDIAN NEWS ARTICLE". Journal of Language and Literature 8, nr 2 (2020): 196–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.35760/jll.2020.v8i2.3096.

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News is one of a medium to give new and recent information regarding particular event including the person that is involved that is published by news publishers. One of the leading publishers in The United Kingdom is The Guardian. The Guardian reported an international news which was the activists and pro-democracy figures arrested on Hong Kong protest 2019 that was published in August, 30 2019. The paper attempts to find out the transitivity process to see how the protest is represented. It applied transitivity as the theoretical framework and discourse analysis as the approach. Based on the analysis, material process appears as the most frequent process followed by verbal, mental, and relational process. It is seen that the authorities and the government have the authority to control the protest including the activists and the activists are powerless during the arrested. Besides, the pro-democracy figures still have a room to express their opinion while the activists give their statement after being released seen through the verbal process. Relational process and mental process remark that the activists are prominent figures through the protest. In addition, circumstances are used to give detail information regarding the process.

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Chan, Steve Kwok-Leung. "Prostrating Walk in the Campaign against Sino-Hong Kong Express Railway: Collective Identity of Native Social Movement". Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 9, nr 1 (21.03.2017): 20–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v9i1.4986.

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Occupation, blockage and storming are not rare in social movements a decade after China resuming sovereignty in Hong Kong. The organizers and participants usually involve locally born young people. Some of them are secondary school students in their teens. They are known as the fourth generation or post-1980s born Hongkongers. The paper examines the cultural context of social movements involving these youth activists. It mainly studied the campaign against the Sino-Hong Kong Express Railway development project. The project called for the demolition of the Tsoi Yuen Village, a small rural village located on its designed route. Since then, the role of younger generation in social movements has been generally recognized. Social media are widely employed in all stages of the movements with citizen journalists actively involved. The impressive ‘prostrating walk’ imitating Tibetan pilgrims becomes the symbol of these youth activists. It keeps appearing in other campaigns including Occupy Central in Hong Kong in 2014. This paper argues that the rise of nativism, advancement in ICT technology and shifting towards new social movements contribute to the dominant role of youth in recent social movements of Hong Kong. Collective identity of Hongkonger in response to the top-down assimilation by China, strengthens the movement.

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Kong, Sui Ting, Stevi Jackson i Petula Sik Ying Ho. "Seeking Love and Justice Amid Hong Kong’s Contentious Politics". Feminist Encounters: A Journal of Critical Studies in Culture and Politics 7, nr 2 (1.09.2023): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.20897/femenc/13547.

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Hong Kong women activists’ understanding of love and justice has shaped, and been shaped, by their political engagement under changing circumstances through two phases of mass protest: in 2014 and 2019. This article is focused on the sentiments of love and justice and how they evolved over time, from the peaceful protest of the Umbrella Movement in 2014 to the violent confrontations of 2019 in the context of the rise of ethno-nationalism. This shift reflects a changed understanding of justice – revenge against China – and a specific version of passionate love for Hong Kong and protective love for their comrades. Women activists’ experiences offer insights into how a social movement has engaged women’s emotional energies in particular gendered ways, while persistently marginalising gender issues. In the aftermath of the movement, when protest was effectively banned by both COVID-19 restrictions and the 2020 National Security Law, these women’s emotions have found a new object of their fierce love for Hong Kong: the boy band Mirror<i>,</i> which has come to symbolise Hongkonger pride, belonging and resistance.

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Stern, Rachel. "Unpacking Adaptation: The Female Inheritance Movement in Hong Kong". Mobilization: An International Quarterly 10, nr 3 (1.10.2005): 421–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.10.3.q67572r37257vx66.

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In 1994, after a year of intense activism by indigenous women and their urban supporters, indigenous women in the New Territories of Hong Kong were legally allowed to inherit land for the first time. In pushing for legislative change, the female inheritance movement adopted key ideas—gender equality, human rights and a critique of patriarchy—from a global vocabulary of feminism and human rights. This article examines this rights frame to understand how, if at all, activists modified international conceptions of discrimination and rights to fit Hong Kong. Overall, the ideology was not fundamentally altered or adapted, but indigenized by local activists through the use of local symbols. More deep-rooted change was not necessary for two reasons: First, in the pre-handover moment, rights arguments derived political currency from their association with an international community. Also, critical movement participants, here termed translators, helped encompass the indigenous women's individual kinship grievances within a broader movement based on rights.

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Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Activists – Hong Kong – Biography"

Sham, Priscilla, i 沈蔚. "Post-90s Hong Kong girl activists and their struggles for recognition". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2012. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B4833022X.

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At present, adolescent girls in Hong Kong face increasing pressure from society as most adults believe these girls are rebellious, promiscuous, apathetic, and dependent. In order to examine these claims, this study explores the following: 1) ‘Post-90s’ girls’ perceptions about themselves and the labels ‘Post-80s’ and ‘Post-90s’; 2) how they participate in social movements to redefine their identities as daughters, students, young women, and Hong Kong citizens; 3) their family relationship and their strategies to manage family expectations; and 4) their experiences in the social movements they join, and the effects of their participation on their social and personal lives. I adopt the post-structuralist feminist perspective to explore six girl activists’ agency, life choices, and strategies in managing their relationships within their families, schools, and communities. I follow the interpretivist constructivist approach in examining the process by which these girls give meanings to their practices and personal relationships. I employ methods such as focus group, participant observation, and in-depth interviews to explore their desires, need for social recognition, and life constraints. The results reveal that girl activists want autonomy from their parents. They need their teachers and schoolmates to appreciate their non-academic achievements. They crave society’s acknowledgment of their non-economic contributions in mobilising social change and the cultural values of local cultural heritages and natural landscapes. In the social movements, they want to make new friends who share their visions about social development. They also wish to learn new skills and knowledge from the movements and be able to use them in their daily lives. There are four main interpersonal strategies that the girls employ to manage their personal relationships: 1) they negotiate, 2) deploy alternative identities, 3) make media exposure, and 4) become pioneers to educate their parents, teachers, and schoolmates. They also employ other strategies to mobilise social movements (including the use of cosplay, arts, and alternative media exposure) and draw people’s attention to the causes that concern them. Thus, I argue that the post-90s girl activists distinguish themselves from the ‘Kong Nui’. They believe that Kong Nuis are indifferent to social issues, are uninterested in politics and activism, and would rather focus on consuming branded products. To distinguish themselves from the Kong Nuis, the post-90s girl activists adopt alternative lifestyles (e.g., becoming farmers) and unconventional attitudes towards social development. They are aware that mainstream people regard them as awkward, and they do feel frustrated about being belittled. Nevertheless, they are happy if they can enlighten other people about socio-political injustices in Hong Kong and finding alternative lifestyles. This research has three major contributions. It identifies various ways for young women to make themselves young women icons. It also discusses the new social problems that concern the girl activists, including government-business collusion and ‘property hegemony’. It also demonstrates that, apart from sexual, affective and material desires, teenage girls also need social recognition. Girl activists struggle to be recognised as full members in their families, schools, communities and Hong Kong society by actively participating in social movements.
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Social Work and Social Administration
Master
Master of Philosophy

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Lee, Vicky, i 李美琪. "Hong Kong eurasian memoirs: identity and voices". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2001. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31243289.

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Chow, Esther Oi-wah, i 周愛華. "Resilience among stroke survivors: the experience of Hong Kong women". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2006. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B4501534X.

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Lam, Lai Ling. "Perceiving and practicing citizenship : a study on youth activists' experience in social movement in Hong Kong". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2019. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/762.

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This study investigates how youth activists in Hong Kong make sense of citizenship and practice citizenship by participating in different kinds of social movements. Informed by the work of Faulk (2000) and Isin (2009), citizenship is conceptualised as a framework as well as a practice where the definitions are developed and constructed accordingly. A qualitative method is adopted in this research in which in-depth interviews are conducted with 16 youth activists between 18-29 years old and a thematic analysis is carried out for analysis purposes. The major findings suggest that youth activists, even though they are at the forefront of the citizenship movement, find citizenship to be both a familiar and an alien concept. Nevertheless, participation in social movements raise their concerns about citizenship and has compelled some of them to explore a local identity and strive to develop a Hong Kong citizenship from the bottom up. By taking part in social movements, the youth activists build and accumulate experience in citizenship movements, and create diverse and multiple meanings of citizenship. Three types of citizenship acts are found in this study: responsive acts which are emotionally-driven, confrontational and adversarial. The related practices reproduce a market-oriented and exclusionary type of citizenship. Then there are resilient acts of citizenship which are driven by ideology, and emphasise the importance of connecting citizens in the community to collectively advocate for the realisation of citizenship. These citizenship practices tend to produce an open and inclusive type of citizenship. Finally, there are reinvented acts of citizenship, which emphasise autonomous everyday life practices in the community. These are driven by the reflexive practices that are applied in daily life, which tend to inspire a communitarian type of citizenship. The findings of this study also suggest that the authoritarian-neoliberal regime in Hong Kong has a dominant influence over the construction of citizenship. This has been a major force that dictates the direction of youth activism towards exclusionary practices, downplays equal citizenship and causes solo actions in social movements. This citizenship practice reduces the capacity of youth activism from advancing towards activist citizenship, and leads to speculative citizenship characterised by uncertainty and precarity. Notwithstanding the structural constraints, it is found that alternative practices still exist, and the reflexive capacity of youth activism should not be underestimated. It is argued that different acts of citizenship practiced by different groups of activists are not mutually destructive but rather, feed each another in their controversies and debates, and through communication, thus inspiring alternative acts that erode the dominant conception of citizenship, answer to justice as well as inspire activist citizenship.

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Chan, Flora Kay, i 陳鳳姬. "呂壽琨的藝術發展". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1991. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B1300587X.

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Lee, Sai-chong Jack, i 李世莊. "Painting in western media in early twentieth century Hong Kong". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31214344.

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Wong, Chi Tsing. "Bridging the gap between structure and action : a sociological study of political activists' organisational involvement in Hong Kong". Thesis, University of Essex, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.363547.

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Yeung, Kin-chung Clifton, i 楊健忠. "Understanding primary school principals: the biographies approach". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2000. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31962087.

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楊舒恒. "戲裏戲外 : 香港六十年代國語電影女星的螢幕再現與現實生活 = Inside/outside the movies: Hong Kong Mandarin film actresses of the 1960s : their representations on screen and their real lives". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2008. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/926.

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Dumm, Elena. "Show No Weakness: An Ideological Analysis of China Daily News Coverage of the 2019 Hong Kong Protests". Wittenberg University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wuhonors1617884910805174.

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Książki na temat "Activists – Hong Kong – Biography"

Gheddo, Piero. Lorenzo Bianchi di Hong Kong. Novara: Istituto Geografico de Agostini, 1988.

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Spurr, Russell. Excellency: The Governors of Hong Kong. Hong Kong: FormAsia, 1995.

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Hong Kong Museum of Art., red. Wang Shaoling: Wong Siu Ling / [produced by] Contemporary Hong Kong Art Gallery, Hong Kong Museum of Art. Xianggang: Xianggang shi zheng qu, 1994.

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Shaddick, Gill. The Hong Kong letters: A travel memoir. North Melbourne, Vic: Arcadia, 2019.

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Ha, Louis Keloon. The history of Evangelization in Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Follow up Group on Year of Evangelization, 2007.

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Martin, Booth. Gweilo: Memories of a Hong Kong childhood. London: Doubleday, 2004.

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Kwan, Stanley S. K. The dragon and the crown: Hong Kong memoirs. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2009.

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Pottinger, George. Sir Henry Pottinger: First governor of Hong Kong. Phoenix Mill, Thrupp, Stroud, Gloucestershire: Sutton, 1997.

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"Xianggang ren ming lu" bian zuan wei yuan hui. Xianggang ren ming lu: Who's who in Hong Kong. [Haikou shi]: Hainan chu ban she, 1997.

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Hayhoe, Ruth. Full circle: A life with Hong Kong and China. Toronto: Women's Press, 2004.

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Części książek na temat "Activists – Hong Kong – Biography"

Kwok, Levon. "Standing With Laborers and Activists". W The Independent Media Movements in Hong Kong and Taiwan, 43–64. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003294993-3.

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Tan, Hongze, i Miguel Angel Martínez López. "Has Urban Cycling Improved in Hong Kong? A Sociopolitical Analysis of Cycling Advocacy Activists’ Contributions and Dilemmas". W Contested Cities and Urban Activism, 123–46. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-1730-9_6.

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Wray, Jacob. "National Histories, Private Memories: Indonesia and the Japanese Occupation". W Trajectories of Memory, 99–116. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-1995-6_6.

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AbstractIn 1982, the Japanese Ministry of Education authorised the publication of a history textbook in which some of Imperial Japan’s most controversial acts of wartime aggression were significantly downplayed, if not altogether omitted. The publication of the textbook angered the governments and peoples of many former occupied territories. The governments of China and South Korea, for instance, accused Japan of attempting to rewrite history and thus denying responsibility for the brutalities it inflicted upon colonial subjects during the Second World War. Okinawans denounced the omission of the forced mass suicides which took place during the Battle of Okinawa, the Taiwanese government made representations over the depiction of the colonial administration in Formosa, and activists in Hong Kong organised large-scale protests at which a petition condemning the textbook collected some 400,000 signatures.

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"Biography of Contributors". W Marathon in Hong Kong, xv—xxii. The Chinese University Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt1p9wqzv.5.

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Ho, Selina C. F. "Hong Kong Museum of Art in Hong Kong". W Museum Processes in China. Nieuwe Prinsengracht 89 1018 VR Amsterdam Nederland: Amsterdam University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463723527_ch05.

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This chapter examines the museum circuit of the Hong Kong Museum of Art, an official art museum in Hong Kong, which was shaped by national, local and global forces, and colonial legacies. The museum’s intermediaries, mainly in-house curators, have demonstrated potency in articulating cultural representations for diplomacy, cultural nationalism, leisure consumption, global gratification, and interpretation of the local, tending to produce a feudalized public sphere that discourages critical thinking and public debate. Visitors to the museum are demographically diverse and characterized by six distinct identities. Critical audience and activists oppose or resist the strategies of consumption that the museum’s structures enjoin. The museum reveals the tension between the government and its counter-publics and has created a cultural circuit of contested values and identities.

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Yu, Eilo Wing-yat. "The Mirror Image". W The Umbrella Movement. Nieuwe Prinsengracht 89 1018 VR Amsterdam Nederland: Amsterdam University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463723343_ch12.

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This chapter sheds light on the perception of Macao’s people regarding the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong and its implications for the youth movement in Macao. I argue that Macao society negatively evaluated the occupy movement as counterproductive to economic growth. It believed that the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong would merely harm the central- HKSAR relationship and hurt the development of the region in the long run. To Macao’s young activists, the Hong Kong Umbrella Movement was not necessarily a motivation for their political campaign for reform of the MSAR. The Umbrella Movement demonstrated the enthusiasm of Hong Kong young people for political reform but, at the same time, mirrored and reinforced Macao’s young activists’ political frustration.

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Sing, Ming. "Hong Kong’s Turn toward Greater Authoritarianism". W Take Back Our Future, 241–44. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501740916.003.0011.

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This afterword addresses how the prodemocracy community and activists have been besieged by the battle of defending Hong Kong against the perceptible erosion of its freedoms and its turn to greater authoritarianism. The Umbrella Movement of 2014 in Hong Kong shocked the world and captured global attention. Indeed, the movement has been hailed by many in the world, as so many Hong Kong people had the courage to challenge bluntly the largest dictatorial regime on earth for democracy. That said, the democracy movement has hit a bump, with Beijing not budging on democratization. What is worse, Beijing and the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) government have patently tightened their control over Hong Kong's freedoms and genuine electoral contestation in the aftermath of the movement. Soon after the termination of the Umbrella Movement, Beijing doggedly stuck to its hardline policy on Hong Kong by dramatically raising the political cost for those challenging its suppression of Hong Kong's democratization. To pre-empt another large-scale Occupy Movement, Beijing and the HKSAR government have also curbed Hong Kong's press freedom and academic freedom.

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Lee, Ching Kwan. "Take Back Our Future". W Take Back Our Future, 1–33. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501740916.003.0001.

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This introductory chapter provides a background of the Umbrella Movement, which emerged in the fall of 2014. The genesis of the Umbrella Movement can be traced to an intensification of popular discontent against the Hong Kong government and its principal, the government of the People's Republic of China (PRC). Since China's resumption of sovereignty in July of 1997, the end of British colonialism has been experienced by many Hong Kong citizens as the beginning of another round of colonization, this time by the Mainland Chinese communist regime. Such recolonization, which proceeded with fits and starts in the early years after the handover and had become more aggressive since 2003, can be broken down into three constitutive processes: political disenfranchisement, colonization of the life world, and economic subsumption. Increasing encroachment by China to turn Hong Kong into an internal colony has spurred the rise of new political actors and groups to defend Hong Kong's way of life and liberal civic values. The chapter then looks at the series of contentious mobilizations leading up to the Umbrella occupations, to trace how the contradiction constitutive of this Hong Kong regime in transition from liberalism to authoritarianism have contributed to nurturing and growing the collective capacity of at least three general categories of political actors who would converge during the Umbrella protests: the self-mobilized citizenry, the localists, and the student activists.

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Atha, Mick, i Kennis Yip. "How We Know about Ancient Sha Po". W Piecing Together Sha Po. Hong Kong University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5790/hongkong/9789888208982.003.0002.

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This chapter charts the twists and turns of Sha Po’s ‘site biography’, or how over a period of eight decades our present understanding of its archaeological treasures gradually came to light. It is a story that reflects Hong Kong archaeology as a whole, in that there were the discoveries made by pre-war pioneers, significant contributions by the Hong Kong Archaeological Society and the Antiquities and Monuments Office (AMO) and, most recently, a series of important finds made by archaeologists working in the commercial sector. During that story of discovery, fieldwork progressed from poorly recorded ‘antiquarian collecting’, through more formalised research digging, into the present era of AMO-licensed excavations working to agreed research designs.

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Gruffydd-Jones, Jamie J. "Implications for China and Beyond". W Hostile Forces, 149—C9.P82. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197643198.003.0009.

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Abstract This chapter considers the book’s implications for the international community’s efforts to improve human rights in China and around the world. Using case studies of Uganda, Zimbabwe, the United Kingdom, and Hong Kong, it argues that regimes can most successfully use international pressure to their advantage in places where the “hostile forces” narrative is resonant, and where they have the media control to manipulate that narrative. The chapter explores how citizens’ support for authoritarian and nationalist policies might grow in the face of a liberal international system and finishes with a discussion of the implications for activists, governments, and international organizations. When public condemnation is used, the chapter suggests practical measures that activists, governments, and international organizations could take to minimize negative consequences on public opinion in the target state.

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