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Carey, Kristin. "Resistance in and of the university : neoliberalism, empire, and student activist movements". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/61296.
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In a time of global neoliberal precarity that follows from perpetual war, uncontracted labour, and heightened forced global migration to name a few contemporary violences, there has been a noticeable rise of protest both nationally and also localized to university campuses in the United States. Experiencing the historical weight of racism, classism, sexism, ableism, and nationalism on college campuses, students are claiming public and digital spaces as sites of resistance. These movements trace connections to the accomplishments of the civil and academic rights movements of the 1960s, by again and still asking for institutional responses to white supremacy and systems of oppression (Ferguson, 2012) while realizing they take different shapes due to the international, national, and local forces that call them into being. This paper provides some preliminary mapping of the student activist and institutional responses to student movements. Necessarily, my work also historicizes the how the university is shaped by national and global political and economic violence and structures—namely, neoliberalism and empire. Using feminist, queer, and critical race theory as my theoretical and methodological frameworks, I examine two case studies of student protest: The University of California, San Diego of 2009 and the University of Missouri in 2015. I ask questions about the production of student political subjectivity, as both process and product. Using what Guattari and Rolnik (2008) term capitalist subjectivity, I am particularly interested in analyzing how a particular, perhaps alternate kind of student (activist) political subject(ivity) emerges in/out of confrontation with the university’s normative student subjectivity, but nonetheless constituted in relation to it. This thesis works within a historico-political moment (2009-2015), and hopes to both interrogate and understand the university, its strategic gains for social justice, and what we make of its role in the here and now.Arts, Faculty of
Gender, Race, Sexuality and Social Justice, Institute for
Graduate
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Loomis, Jennifer Cullen. "Activist Doctors: Explaining Physician Activism in the Oregon Movement for Single-Payer Healthcare". PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2214.
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Changes in American healthcare over the last half century have created social and economic crises, presenting challenges for doctors and patients. The recently-implemented Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act is an incremental reform that does little to change the complex multi-payer financing characterizing American healthcare. There have been growing demands for more equitable financing arrangements, notably, a single-payer healthcare system in which medical care is financed through a single, non-profit payer and in which medical care is treated as a public good and medically-necessary care is available to everyone.
Nationally-representative surveys have demonstrated widespread physician support for single-payer legislation. Yet, very little scholarship has examined physician activism and virtually no studies have examined physician activism for single-payer healthcare. It is important to examine physician activism for single-payer because their participation is considered fundamental to achieving the goals of the movement. If the movement is successful in implementing single-payer financing , more efficient use of healthcare resources will ensure that all residents have access to needed medical care without being saddled by financial burdens from their care.
Oregon is one of several US states with a growing grassroots movement to enact single-payer healthcare at the state level. This study seeks to examine the determinants of collective action for physicians in the Oregon movement for single-payer healthcare by answering two research questions. First, what accounts for differences in activism among physicians who support single-payer healthcare system? And second, for those physicians who are active, what activities do they do and what shapes those choices of activities? Data includes 21 semi-structured interviews with physicians around the state of Oregon supplemented with participant observation data. The interview data was analyzed using techniques from grounded theory and thematic analysis.
I find that among collective action theories, collective identity theory best accounts for whether or not a physician engages in single-payer activism. A strength of collective identity theory is that it brings to light the importance of subjective interpretations of structural conditions by movement actors. The findings suggest that differences in interpretation shape the influence of motivators for and barriers to an individual's decision to engage in activism.
Physicians that become active are primed to engage in single-payer activism because of their moral value sets and frustrating work experiences. They seek out groups of like-minded physicians who then are part of the process of socially-constructing a collective identity. This collective identity is emotionally-laden, is a reaction to state policies, serves to distinguish insiders from outsiders, and facilitates activism. Activist physicians engaging in the process of collective identity come to believe that altering financing is the only way to solve healthcare system issues. The activists view the political and cultural barriers to single-payer as surmountable by their activism.
In contrast, non-activists interpret structural conditions like American politics and American culture as immutable barriers that will prevent the attainment of single-payer at the national or state level. In addition, non-activists lack the collective identity activists share because their beliefs contradict key beliefs of activists. The combination of the lack of collective identity and the perception of immutable barriers results in their non-participation.
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Singh, Jewellord Tolentino Nem. "Framing processes in transnational activist networks : the case of anti-free trade movements in Southeast Asia /". Lund : Centre for East and South-East Asian Studies, Lund University, 2008. http://www.niaslinc.dk/gateway_to_asia/nordic_webpublications/x506037362.pdf.
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Morioka, Rika. "Anti-karoshi activism in a corporate-centered society medical, legal, and housewife activist collaborations in constructing death from overwork in Japan /". Diss., [La Jolla] : University of California, San Diego, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3307702.
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Taha, Islam Shah Md. "Social movements and country-by-country reporting: A global study". Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2019. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/132412/9/Shah_Md_Taha_Islam_Thesis.pdf.
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Concern about a lack of transparency in the foreign operations of multinational companies has led to intensified stakeholder scrutiny and pressure through protests and counter-reports. This thesis investigated whether multinational companies' decision to voluntarily disclose country-by-country information was influenced by ideologically motivated activist protests and counter-reports. Consistent with expectations, the results suggested that ideologically motivated activist protests and counter-reports by social movement organizations improved corporate transparency regarding foreign operations. This study further found that ideologically motivated activist protests and counter-reports with intensified media attention induced a positive impact on country-by-country reporting.
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Ocholla, Akinyi Margareta. "Tensions and contradictions of being African, feminist and activist within LGBTI social movements: : An Autoethnographic Account". Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Tema Genus, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-107074.
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In this thesis, I explore the tensions and contradictions of being African, feminist and activist within sexual and gender minority social movements. I ask how an African activist with multiple backgrounds negotiates the different personal and political landscapes, tensions she encounters, as well as the implications this has for activism work. This study is meant to complement the growing body of activism publications, which, though varied and rich, tend to shy away from depicting and critically analyzing the internal problems experienced in groups, because of differences of ideological perspectives, backgrounds and power differentials. Using an autoethnographic methodology I analyse how a lesbian feminist activist, engages in self-reflections on life outlook, belonging, art and contentious online African and international activism. My materials include extracts of email conversations within two online discussions, my own art pieces and memories of my experiences. The theoretical framework includes situated partial perspectives, disidentification and unlearning. My analysis shows that my situated Kenyan - Swedish backgrounds have affected not only my art, but my thought processes which in turn affect how I engage in different activist contexts. Tensions and contradictions with other activists show how ideological differences, situated perspectives, age and power differentials determine the outcome of some activism agendas. My findings also suggest that activism encounters can lead to partial affective distancing, disidentifications, multiplicitous and holographic identities. Furthermore our origins, and experiences matter a lot in shaping our feminism ideals and ways of working. These ways of working reveal various instances of oppression, subjugation and privilege, effected by maternal affiliations, online invisibility, ethnic and indigenous identities and language. In conclusion, I argue that much more self-reflection, self-revelation, accommodation for individual differences and analysis of our ways of oppressing is required, for activism work to be successful and mutually beneficial.
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Scharla, Løjmand Ida. "Voicing Women’s Rights: Being and Becoming a Women’s Rights Activist in Assam, India". Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21191.
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This thesis is based on a minor field study (MFS) with the aim of investigating what habitus and forms of capital facilitate women’s rights activism in Assam, India – a state described as highly patriarchal but also a place where women enjoy higher status than elsewhere in the country. Using the concepts of capital and habitus and elements from social movement- and feminist theory, I analyze interviews with eight Assamese women’s rights activists. I conclude that the habitus of social engagement has been embodied early in most participants and that they all possess strong cultural and social capital that enable them to act. The identity of being independent is an integrated part of the participants and it is also what they strive to implement in the communities of women they work with.
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Oyakawa, Michelle Mariko. ""Turning Private Pain Into Public Action": Constructing Activist-Leader Identities in Faith-Based Community Organizing". The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1341340078.
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Gawell, Malin. "Activist Entrepreneurship : Attac'ing Norms and Articulating Disclosive Stories". Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : School of Business, Stockholm University, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-1384.
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James, Rina Lynne. "The Efficacy of Virtual Protest: Linking Digital Tactics to Outcomes in Activist Campaigns". PDXScholar, 2017. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4008.
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Activists are increasingly relying on online tactics and digital tools to address social issues. This shift towards reliance on the Internet has been shown to have salient implications for social movement formation processes; however, the effectiveness of such actions for achieving specific goals remains largely unaddressed. This study explores how the types of Internet activism and digital tools used by activism campaigns relate to success in meeting stated goals. To address these questions, the study builds on an existing framework that distinguishes between four distinct types of Internet activism: brochure-ware, which is oriented towards information distribution; e-mobilizations, which treats digital media merely as a tool for mobilizing individuals offline; online participation, which is characterized by wholly online actions such as e-petitions or virtual protests; and online organizing, where organization of a movement takes place exclusively via the internet with no face-to-face coordination by organizers.
Ordinal regression models were conducted utilizing cross-sectional data from the Global Digital Activism Data Set (GDADS), a compilation of information on 426 activism campaigns from around the world that began between 2010 and 2012; additional data regarding the types of Internet activism used was also appended to the GDADS using source materials provided within the data set. The findings suggest that use of the Internet for mobilizing offline actions is negatively associated with campaign success, but that this does not hold true for protest actions organized without use of digital tools. E-petition use was also found to be negatively related to achievement of campaign goals.
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Ballesté, Isern Eduard. "El poder en los movimientos. Jóvenes activistas en el post-15M: estudio de caso sobre la Marea Blanca, la PAH y los Colectivos Anticapitalistas en Lleida". Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Lleida, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/664831.
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El post-15 emergeix com una nova fase de resituació política després d’un gran esdeveniment com va ser la indignació. En aquest nou context, els joves polititzats ocupen un paper diferenciat en els moviments socials depenen del format i de les demandes d’aquests, dels perfils interns, de les relacions de poder que es donen al seu sinus, de les acumulacions diferenciades de capital militant, entre altres factors. A través d’aquestes formes diferenciades s’han pogut observar, per un costat, les relacions que estableixen aquests moviments amb altres actors del campo polític o de l’espai social, les formes d’actuar i d’organitzar-se, així com els discursos que utilitzen; per l’altre costat, i en conseqüència, depenen del caràcter que adquireix cada moviment es pot observar una diferent relació o participació d’aquests joves polititzats. És a través d’aquest anàlisis intern dels propis moviments des d’on es poden il·luminar a les diferents formes d’activisme polític juvenil i observar com actua la mateixa categoria de “joves” en aquests contextos. Per això, s’analitzen processos d’estigmatizació, de marginació, de normalització o de reestructuració del poder que es donen a través de la participació dels joves en moviments locals com la Marea Blanca, la Plataforma d’Afectats per les Hipoteques o els Col·lectius Anticapitalistes.El post-15M emerge como una nueva fase de resituación política después de un gran evento como fue la indignación. En este nuevo contexto, los jóvenes politizados ocupan un papel diferenciado en los movimientos sociales dependiendo del formato y las demandas de estos, de los perfiles internos, de las relaciones de poder que se dan en su seno, de las acumulaciones diferenciadas de capital militante, entre otros factores. A través de estas formas internas diferenciadas se pueden observar, por un lado, las relaciones que establecen dichos movimientos con otros actores del campo político o del espacio social, las formas de actuar y de organizarse, así como los discursos que utilizan; por el otro, dependiendo del carácter que adquiere cada movimiento, se puede observar una diferente relación o participación de dichos jóvenes politizados. Es a través de dicho análisis interno de los propios movimientos desde donde se puede arrojar luz a las formas diferenciadas de activismo político juvenil y observar cómo actúa la categoría de “jóvenes” en dichos contextos. Para ello, se analizan procesos de estigmatización, de marginación, de normalización o de reestructuración del poder que se dan a través de la participación de los jóvenes en movimientos locales como la Marea Blanca, la Plataforma de Afectados por las Hipotecas y los Colectivos Anticapitalistas.
The post-15M emerges as a new phase of political resituation after an important event as it was the indignation. In this new context, politicised young people occupy a distinguished role in the social movements. This role depends on the kind movement (and the demands made by each of them), the internal profiles, the power relationships within the movements and the different distributions of militant capital accumulated by each member, among others. Through these contrasts, it can be observed, on the one hand, the relations established by these movements with other actors of the political field or the social space, as well as the utilised discourses and the ways they act and organise themselves. On the other hand, depending on the nature that each movement acquires, it can be observed different relations or participations by these politicised young people. It is through the internal analysis of these movements that different forms of political youth activism can be enlightened, observing how the “young people” category acts in these contexts. In order to do that, processes of stigmatisation, marginalisation, normalisation or power reorganisation are analysed. This reorganisation is produced by the participation of the young people in local movements like Marea Blanca, Plataforma de Afectados por las Hipotecas and Colectivos Anticapitalistas.
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Casas-Cortés, María Isabel Escobar Arturo. "Social movements as sites of knowledge production precarious work, the fate of care and activist research in a globalizing Spain /". Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2009. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,2773.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2009.Title from electronic title page (viewed Mar. 10, 2010). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy in the Department of Anthropology." Discipline: Anthropology; Department/School: Anthropology.
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Haas, Anne E. "Political process, activism, and health". Connect to resource, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1127220576.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xi, 260 p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 236-260). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center.
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Leisinger, Laura A. "The Other Earthquake: Janil Lwijis, Student Social Movements, and the Politics of Memory in Haiti". Scholar Commons, 2016. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6533.
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Among increased calls for "new narratives" of Haiti, this thesis seeks to honor Haitian traditions of intellectualism and resistance, centering on the life and legacy of martyred professor Janil Lwijis in post-earthquake student social movements. Based on oral histories with student activists at the State University of Haiti (UEH), this work explores student protest in Haiti through the voices, often at odds, of those en lutte; it explores how Janil is invoked and remembered, and argues that oral history can contribute to activist research and pose a challenge to dominant narratives. A legacy that is contested, differential claims to Janil's memory are infused with politics and history. This work seeks to understand contested claims to his memory through Marxist political economy, arguing that an interpretation of Haiti’s political economy is crucial to understanding the emergence of critical consciousness and social movements, political demands, and the symbols and meanings that characterize them.
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McMinn, Tempe. "‘With Friends Like These’: Human Rights, Neoconservatism and U.S. Foreign Policy from Carter to Reagan". Thesis, Department of History, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8625.
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This thesis engages with two emerging bodies of scholarship: the history of human rights and the history of U.S. neoconservatism. It begins with an exploration of the genesis of the contemporary international human rights movement, arguing that human rights as we know and understand them today were a product of the latter half of the twentieth century. Their path, however, was not a clear one. The emergence of neoconservative ideology in U.S. domestic politics would greatly impact upon the trajectory of the human rights movement under the presidencies of Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan. The latter period witnessed a conflict between America’s Watch and the Reagan administration over human rights as an ‘idea’ and as praxis, with U.S. policy towards Latin America as the primary battle field .
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Hildwein, Fabien. "Le travail de mobilisation d'un groupe activiste. Le répertoire tactique, les médias et l'implication de ses membres". Thesis, Université Paris-Saclay (ComUE), 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016SACLH015/document.
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Notre travail explore les groupes activistes en tant qu’organisations de mouvements sociaux. Pour cela, nous étudions comment les activistes expriment leur message en mobilisant des symboles (discours, position du corps, objets…) pour construire un ensemble de performances spécifiques appelé le répertoire tactique. Pour ce faire, ils s’inspirent de leurs prédécesseurs et de leurs cadres théoriques. Dans un deuxième temps, nous décrivons comment les activistes mobilisent les médias à l’aide d’une stratégie médiatique, reposant à la fois sur le répertoire tactique et sur une certaine intégration des activistes en son sein. Enfin, nous analysons les moyens par lesquels le groupe activiste mobilise ses membres (c’est-à-dire les recrute et les retient) ; cela passe en particulier par l’acquisition de compétences émancipatrices pour les activistes. En conclusion, nous montrons que le répertoire tactique constitue la colonne vertébrale d’un groupe activiste et participe à toutes les tâches que nous avons décrites (mobilisation de symboles, des médias et des activistes). Cette spécificité définit le groupe activiste en tant qu’organisation. Nous nous appuyons sur un travail ethnographique d’un an auprès du groupe activiste féministe La Barbe qui dénonce l’absence de femmes en haut des organisations. Notre travail s’accompagne d’une réflexion méthodologique sur l’observation d’un groupe féministe par un ethnographe hommeThis work analyses activist groups as organizations of social movements. Firstly, I study how activists express their message by mobilizing symbols (discourses, demeanor, objects…) in order to build a set of performances called the “tactical repertoire”. To do so, they draw inspiration from their predecessors and their theoretical frames. Secondly, I describe how activists mobilize media. Their media strategy relies both on the tactical repertoire and the integration of activists into the group. Finally, I enquire how the activist group mobilize its members (how it recruits and retains them); the acquisition of emancipatory skills is a particularly strong motivation for activists. In the conclusion, I show that the tactical repertoire is the backbone of an activist group as it participates in all the tasks described (mobilization of symbols, of media and of activists). This specific characteristic defines the activist group as an organization. I rely on a one-year-long ethnography among the French feminist activist group La Barbe, which denounces the absence of women at the head of organizations. I also reflect on the methodological implications of observing a feminist activist group as a male ethnographer
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Chase, Steve. "Activist Training in the Academy: Developing a Master's Program in Environmental Advocacy and Organizing at Antioch New England Graduate School". [Yellow Springs, Ohio] : Antioch University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1163790650.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Antioch University New England, 2006.Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Apr. 12, 2007). Advisor: Heidi Watts. "A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy [in] Environmental Studies at Antioch New England Graduate School 2006"--The title page. Keywords: environmental advocacy, activist training, social movements, curriculum action research, master's curriculum, environmental studies, popular education, critical pedagogy, education for citizenship. Includes bibliographical references (p. 345-357).
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Fernández, Planells Ariadna 1983. "Keeping up with the news: youth culture, social activism & digital communication". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/371740.
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Esta tesis presenta una exploración global del uso de medios e información a partir del estudio de las generaciones más jóvenes, tanto en su día a día así como en situaciones excepcionales. Para tal fin, hemos abordado los hábitos de consumo de medios, noticias e información de jóvenes y activistas, los soportes utilizados para el consumo de información, las motivaciones para consumir-la de un medio u otro, en un soporte u otro y las demandas de la juventud sobre los contenidos informativos.
Se trata de una tesis doctoral por compendio de artículos. Los seis artículos que la componen contribuyen, de este modo, a aumentar la comprensión de las actitudes informativas de las personas jóvenes en etapas, edades y contextos distintos. A partir de una primera aproximación al consumo mediático de jóvenes adolescentes en sus rutinas diarias, la tesis se adentra en un contexto específico (el activismo) y en una práctica mediática definida (la búsqueda de información). El resultado presenta un escenario amplio y completo de la ecología de medios de las personas jóvenes y, concretamente, de los/las jóvenes activistas de los nuevos movimientos en red como el Movimiento 15M o el Umbrella Movement. De este modo, nuestra investigación aporta conocimientos sobre un segmento de la población de vital importancia para comprender el futuro de la comunicación, dada su condición de ciudadanos jóvenes, activos y comprometidos con la sociedad. Además, aporta modelos de análisis que pueden ser utilizados para futuras investigaciones o por parte de otros investigadores.Aquesta tesi presenta una exploració global de l'ús de mitjans i informació d'actualitat a partir de l'estudi de les generacions més joves, tant en el seu dia a dia així com en situacions excepcionals. Hem abordat l’estudi dels hàbits de consum de mitjans, notícies i informació de joves i activistes, els suports utilitzats per consumir informació d'actualitat, les motivacions per consumir-la d'un mitjà o d’un altre, amb un suport o un altre i què esperen les persones joves dels continguts informatius. Es tracta d'una tesi doctoral per compendi d'articles. Sis són els articles que la composen i que contribueixen a incrementar la comprensió de les actituds informatives de les persones joves en etapes, edats i contextos diferents. A partir d'una primera aproximació al consum mediàtic de joves adolescents en les seves rutines diàries, la tesi s'endinsa en un context específic (l’activisme) i en una pràctica mediàtica definida (la cerca d’informació). Els resultats presenten un escenari ampli i complert de l'ecologia de mitjans de les persones joves i, concretament, dels i les joves activistes dels nous moviments en xarxa com el Moviment 15M o l’Umbrella Movement. D'aquesta manera, la nostra investigació aporta coneixement sobre un segment de la població d'importància vital per comprendre el futur de la comunicació, donada la seva condició de ciutadans joves, actius i compromesos amb la societat. A més, aporta models d'anàlisi que poden ser utilitzats per a futures investigacions i/o per part d'altres investigadors.
The thesis presents a global exploration of youth information behaviour, both in their daily lives and in specific situations. Media and information consumption habits among young people and young activists have been studied, as well as the media used for news consumption, the motivations to choose information from one media or another, and youth expectations about news content. This is a thesis submitted in the form of compendium of publications. Each of the six papers contributes to enhance the understanding of young people’s information behaviour in different stages, ages and contexts. The first approach is made through teenagers’ media habits. Afterwards, the thesis delves into a specific context (activism) and a particular media practice (keeping up with the news). The results show us a broad and comprehensive picture of young people’s media ecology. More concretely, it sheds light on the ecology of young activists who participated in the so-called networked social movements, such as the 15M Movement or the Umbrella Movement. Therefore, our research provides insight into a crucial age group that can help us to understand future trends of the communicative landscape. The thesis also provides models of analysis that can be used for future research and/or by other researchers.
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Hassabo, Chaymaa. "La stabilité du régime Moubarak à l'épreuve d'une "situation de succession prolongée" : les limites de la consolidation autoritaire : un état des lieux politique de la période 2002-2010". Thesis, Grenoble, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012GRENH001.
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Cette thèse porte sur les dernières années du pouvoir de Moubarak, et tente de se situer en dehors des théorisations politiques dominantes qui ont eu trop souvent tendance à qualifier le régime égyptien comme étant stable. La période sélectionnée (2002 – 2010) est pertinente afin de réinterroger cette stabilité puisque cette « séquence » de l'évolution du régime de Hosni Moubarak permet de mettre l'accent sur les différentes mutations et interactions qui se produisent au sein du système politique, et qui remettent en question l'idée de stabilité, ou encore celle de la « consolidation autoritaire » (Camau, 2005). La problématique centrale de cette thèse cherche à montrer à travers une observation des dynamiques créées, par l'entrée en politique de Gamal Moubarak, en d'autres termes l'irruption d'une « situation de succession » prolongée, comment se recompose la scène oppositionnelle, comment se redéfinissent les « libéralisations » ou encore, comment se mettent en œuvre les protestations. Ainsi, cette thèse vise à mettre en évidence les facteurs dérangeant la stabilité du régime de Moubarak, en d'autres termes, à tester les limites de la « consolidation autoritaire » lorsque celle-ci concorde avec une « situation de succession ». Ce travail de recherche a été alimenté par une réflexion autour de certaines contradictions entre les observations empiriques (l'enquête de terrain) et les cadres théoriques dominants de la recherche politologique sur l'Égypte qui, grosso modo, reflétaient une stabilité du régime Moubarak. Il se situe en dehors de ces approches dans la mesure où la construction de mon objet d'étude s'est déroulée au-delà des axes sur-étudiés, et autour d'axes sous-étudiés. En d'autres termes, ce travail place le curseur loin d'une focalisation sur le régime et ses stratégies, sur la dichotomisation de la scène politique entre le Parti national démocrate (le parti dirigeant depuis la fin des années 1970) et les Frères musulmans, et s'éloigne d'une trame qui considère ces derniers comme étant les seuls acteurs politiques qui comptent. En effet, cette recherche a voulu mettre en évidence le rôle des acteurs de la politique contestataire, leur impact sur la transformation du régime, mais aussi la capacité des mouvements contestataires de produire des « générations politiques » de jeunes militants qui se positionnent en dehors du spectre de la « stabilité ». Autrement dit, en portant l'attention sur des terrains négligés, comme ceux de la protestation, ainsi que les acteurs qui y ont recours, cette thèse cherche à mettre en évidence les facteurs de déstabilisation, aussi limités soient-ils, qui sont apparus dans la gestion par le régime politique de certaines situations ou lors de certains événements durant la période étudiée ; facteurs de déstabilisation gênants pour la stabilité du régime, et observables autour de terrains électoraux, mais surtout protestatairesThis thesis deals with Mubarak's last years in power, using an approach that is distinct from mainstream political theories that have too frequently qualified the Egyptian regime as stable. The selected period (2002-2010) is particularly relevant for reconsidering the regime's stability. This phase in the evolution of the Mubarak regime was one of multiple transformations and interactions which occurred within the political system, questioning the idea of stability or of “authoritarian consolidation”(Camau, 2005). Through observation of the dynamics initiated by Gamal Mubarak's entry onto the political scene – i.e. the emergence of a prolonged “succession phase” – the main focus of this thesis is to demonstrate how the oppositional scene has evolved, how “liberalisation” has been redefined, and how protests have been carried out. Thus, this thesis aims to highlight the factors that disturbed the stability of the Mubarak regime, and thereby, to test the limits of “authoritarian consolidation” when it is coupled with a succession phase. This research has been fuelled by reflection about certain contradictions between empirical observations made through fieldwork, and the mainstream theories of political science research on Egypt, which have stressed the stability of the Mubarak regime. My approach is differentiated from these theories, as it is based on under-used research orientations, not dominant, frequently-used ones. Thus, the focus of this thesis is not on the regime and its strategies, or the bipolarization of the political arena, between the ruling National Democratic Party and the Muslim Brotherhood, and it does not rely on a framework in which these two political protagonists are treated as the only ones that matter. Instead, emphasis is given to analysis of the role of actors of protest politics, their impact on the transformation of the regime, as well as protest movements' ability to produce “political generations” of young activists positioned outside the spectrum of “stability.” By focusing attention on neglected arenas, such as that of protest, and their protagonists, this thesis highlights the destabilizing factors – as limited as they may be – which appeared during particular events or in the context of regime management of certain situations, between 2002 and 2010. These destabilizing factors, which proved to be a hindrance to the maintenance of regime stability, were observed in connection with the electoral field, but also specifically in the protest field
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Yang, Victor. "Unleashing power : pathways to inclusion and representation in U.S. AIDS activist organisations : a comparative case study of political representation in the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power (ACT UP)". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5b51086e-cd00-4d92-b39a-2865219ea5a1.
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The thesis proposes a theory for the development of substantive representation among social movement organisations (SMOs). Substantive representation (SR) is the extent to which political institutions advance the policy interests of their constituents, in particular the most disenfranchised. Despite their noble proclamations, institutions of representative democracy often fail to advance the interests of groups who have been ignored and absent at the proverbial table. The thesis establishes a causal process to explain the divergence in SR outcomes among informal SMOs, or all-volunteer groups that disavow formal hierarchy in favour of egalitarian modes of decision-making. It utilises a case study of the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power (ACT UP), an umbrella organisation dedicated to ending the HIV/AIDS crisis in the United States and worldwide. It explains an anomalous story of SR attainment through the ACT UP Philadelphia chapter, compared to sister groups in New York City and Boston. The analysis draws from 92 semi-structured interviews, 13 months of participant observation, periodical review, and archival databases. ACT UP Philadelphia translated common SMO intentions of inclusivity into the uncommon rituals of practice. It forged a deliberate pipeline to invest not only in the presence but also the power of disenfranchised people with HIV, people too dark and poor to interest counterpart groups in other cities. Through an analytic retelling of ACT UP's history, the thesis argues that the fulfilment of SR depends on the ability of SMOs to appeal to member self-interest. Critically, SMOs can offer material incentives and nurture feelings of debt and obligation: causal steps to recruitment and sustainability of a heterogeneous membership. In building a crucial if contentious core of dissimilar people and partnerships, SMOs can unleash an oft-unrealised power for collective action and SR, by and for disenfranchised peoples who had thought change to be impossible.
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Le, Mazier Julie. "Pas de mouvement sans AG : les conditions d'appropriation de l'assemblée générale dans les mobilisations étudiantes en France (2006-2010) : contribution à l'étude des répertoires contestataires". Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010317.
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La thèse s'attache à rendre compte des conditions pratiques et symboliques d'appropriation par les étudiants grévistes de la seconde moitié des années 2000 en France d'une forme d'organisation, l'assemblée générale (AG), qui fait partie de leur répertoire contestataire depuis les années 1960. Il s'agit ainsi de comprendre comment des formes d'action se reproduisent d'une mobilisation à l'autre, c'est-à-dire comment des acteurs en viennent à avoir recours à l'une plutôt qu'à d'autres qu'ils connaissent, comment ils en font l'apprentissage et comment ils la transforment à la marge en la pratiquant. Elle s'appuie principalement sur une enquête ethnographique menée sur les mobilisations qu'ont connu trois sites universitaires entre 2006 et 2010. Les usages des AG sont façonnés par les luttes internes aux groupes sociaux, politiques et syndicaux impliqués dans l'espace de ces mobilisations, de sorte que leur succès tient à la fois à une entreprise symbolique de justification de ces dernières au nom de la « démocratie » par des courants minoritaires, et à leur plasticité. Elles sont en effet investies de toute une palette de rôles – qui n'ont parfois rien à voir avec des normes « démocratiques ». Elles sont ainsi promues par des militants auxquelles elles permettent d'avoir le sentiment de peser sur une masse d'étudiants, et cela d'autant plus qu'ils appartiennent à de petites organisations qui sont loin de pouvoir mobiliser autant d'adhérentsThis dissertation illuminates the practical and symbolic conditions of appropriation of general assemblies (assemblées générales – AG) by striking students in the second half of the 2000s in France. This mode of organization has been part of their contentious repertoire since the 1960s. It tries to understand the recurrence of ways of action from a mobilization to another, that is, how actors come to resort to one of them instead of others they know, how they learn how to practice it and how they slightly transform it in the process. It is mostly based on an ethnographic investigation about the mobilizations of three higher education sites between 2006 and 2010. The uses of AG are shaped by internal conflicts among the social, political and union groups which are involved in the space of these mobilizations, so that their success stems from both the symbolic entreprise of justification of them in the sake of « democracy » by minority currents, and their plasticity. Indeed, they play a whole set of roles – which sometimes have nothing to do with « democratic » norms. They are promoted by activists to whom they give the feeling that they influence a mass of students, especially as they belong to organizations which are far from being able to mobilize as many members
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Stuppia, Paolo. "Les tracts du mouvement « anti-CPE » de 2006 : sociologie d’une technologie militante". Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010335.
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Objet délaissé et relativement méconnu par le champ scientifique, le tract est relégué, le plus souvent, à un simple outil « d'illustration » des luttes politiques, qu’il s’agisse de campagnes électorales ou de mouvements sociaux. Avec leurs définitions multiples, ouvrant autant de perspectives d’analyse (historique, sociologique, linguistique), les feuilles éphémères n’ont jamais été interrogées du point de vue de leur matérialité, de leur contexte de fabrication et de diffusion encore moins de celui de la multiplicité des usages. L’objectif de cette thèse est de questionner le tract en tant que « technologie militante » au sein d’une mobilisation sociale particulière, celle dite « anti-CPE » de 2006 qui, par son caractère débouchant sur une crise politique d’abord latente, puis de plus en plus « ouverte », se présente comme un cadre idéal pour analyser tant la matérialité de l'objet que ses différents emplois et les principales pratiques militantes qui y sont reliéesAs it a neglected and relatively unknown object of the scientific fields, the leaflet is most often relegated to a simple tool for illustating political struggles, wether they be electoral campaigns or social movements. With their multiple definitions, which open as many perspectives for analysis (historical, sociological, linguistic analysis), ephemeral leaflets have never been questionned from the viewpoint of their materiality, of their manufacturing and dissemination, and even less from that of the multiplicity of their uses. The aim of this thesis is to question the leaflet as a « activist technology » within a particular socia mobilization, the one called « against-CPE » of 2006. This movement, by their character leading to a « political crisis », first latent, then more and more open, presents itself as an ideal framework for analysing the materiality of this object, as well as its different uses and the main activist pratices which are related to it
Oggetto abbandonato e poco conosciuto dalla communità, il volantino é sovente ridotto a semplice mezzo di illustrazione delle lotte politiche, che si tratti di campagne elettorali o di mobilitazioni sociali. Con le loro molteplici definizioni, che aprono altrettante prospettive (storica, sociologica, linguistica), i volantini non sono stati interrogati dal punto di vista della loro materialità, del contesto nel quale sono fabbricati e distibuiti, tantomeno della plularità dei loro usi. L’obiettivo di questa tesi é di studiare il volantino come una « technologia militante » in un contesto particulare, il movimento « anti-CPE » del 2006, che, caratterizzandosi per il suo aspetto di « crisi politica » prima latente, poi sempre più aperta, appare come un quadro ideale per analizzarne la materialità, gli usi e le principali pratiche militanti che ad esso sono legate
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Nilsson, Peter. "NGO involvement in the UN Conference on the Human Environment in Stockholm 1972. Interrelations Between Intergovernmental Discourse Framing and Activist Influence". Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2201.
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The UN Conference on the Human Environment in Stockholm 1972 has been recognized as bringing political attention to environmental problems. Researchers have acknowledged the importance of NGO activities during the conference, initiating a trend of engagement of NGOs in official global meetings. But NGOs were not permitted to speak at the plenary or participate in working groups in the official Conference. The influence of NGOs could still be substantial but in another arenas delivering perceptions, knowledge and information to the general public and officials, directly or through the intense media coverage of the conference. NGOs engaged in these parallel activities and individuals in the official initiating process are central to this research.
The purpose of this study is to analyze how Swedish NGOs and their related networks influenced environmental discourses during and following the UN conference on the human environment in Stockholm 1972. The purpose is also to analyze how they in turn were effected by the conference process and the context in which NGOs function.
This study is concerned with how social movements became engaged in official global meetings and the effects of this process. It is a study of the interrelations between intergovernmental discourse framing and activist influence. To understand this we take in consideration what motivated the actions of relevant actors, how actors selected strategies to obtain there purposes and how diverse frames of understanding emerged.
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Rhodes-Kubiak, Robert. "Activist citizens : social movement theory, citizenship and the development of LGBT activism in Serbia". Thesis, University of Leeds, 2013. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.599556.
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Between 1990 and 2010, lesbian, gay, bisexual and trans (LOBT) people in Serbia moved from a legal prohibition of homosexuality and widespread hostility, to a legislative and institutional framework of increasing recognition and protection. Social attitudes, too, 3re shifting towards greater acceptance. A vibrant social movement of LGBT activists has been vitally important in these shifts. This thesis explores and analyses a series of semi-structured interviews with these activists, campaigning materials, and primary and secondary literature to present a contextualised account of the history and practice of this under-researched movement. Beginning by developing a model of a theoretical toolbox, the thesis identifies the continuing relevance of a range of social movement theories and concepts, arguing that these must be utilised pragmatically to ensure a full understanding of the complex processes at work in a social movement. It particularly identifies the importance of contextually situated grievances, resources and opportunities to the development of LOBT activism in Serbia. A background of nationalism, warfare, ethnic fragmentation, authoritarianism, shifting international and domestic resources and opportunities have influenced the strategies and tactics, participation, leadership, motivations for taking part, and patterns of cooperation, all of which are explored. At the same time the thesis stresses the importance of actors making choices and acting creatively to influence, as well as work within, this context. To this end, the movement is theorised as representing a model of 'activist citizenship' based on rights, participation and belonging, utilising identity strategically whilst seeking a wider citizenship based on common humanity and linking struggles between oppressed groups. In doing so, this interdisciplinary research fills an important gap in existing sociological literature on the former Yugoslavia and makes a contribution to social movement theory and citizenship studies, as well as contributing to political sciences work on the former Yugoslavia and social movement studies.
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Newlands, Maxine. "Environmental activism, environmental politics, and representation : the framing of the British environmental activist movement". Thesis, University of East London, 2013. http://roar.uel.ac.uk/3046/.
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This thesis explores the relationship between environmental activism, environmental politics and the mainstream media. In exploring the power relations between government, activists and the media, this work draws on Foucauldian theories of governmentality, power and space (heterotopia). The central hypothesis is that environmental politics has witnessed a shift in power away from activism and towards environmental governance and free-market economics, nestled in a media discourse that has depoliticised many environmental activist movements. Foucault’s theories on power, biopower and governmentality are combined with a critical discourse analysis (CDA) of newspaper reports and original empirical research derived from a focus group with environmental activists. The empirical data and analysis provides original knowledge on relations between environmental activists and journalists. The premise that economics has become the dominant solution to the detriment of environmental activism movements is argued through a historical analysis of advanced liberal governments’ role in creating new green markets and instruments (‘green governmentality’ in Luke’s terms). The shift towards green governmentality has been accompanied by an increased application of state measures, from legislation and surveillance, to conflating environmental activism with terrorism, and the neologism of eco-terrorism. Journalists reaffirm such governance, and the critical discourse analysis charts the shift from positive to negative reporting in the mainstream media. However, activists also contest such power relations through social and new media, alongside traditional repertoires of protest within the space of activism, to challenge such advanced liberal discourse, and bypass traditional media practices. As neoliberalism has increasingly become the main position in environmental politics, it places activism into a discourse of deviance. The activists’ movement counters this measure through new media, liminoid practices and repertoires of protest.
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Masclet, Camille. "Sociologie des féministes des années 1970 : analyse localisée, incidences biographiques et transmission familiale d’un engagement pour la cause des femmes en France". Thesis, Paris 8, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA080079/document.
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Par une contestation radicale du patriarcat et visant une « libération des femmes », les mouvements féministes qui se développent dans les années 1970 ont contribué à remettre en question les rapports de genre dans de nombreux domaines. À partir d’une recherche combinant travail sur archives, enquête par questionnaire et entretiens, la thèse prend pour objet l’engagement de femmes dans ces mobilisations en France. Elle vise à comprendre comment la participation à ce mouvement social – caractérisé par la politisation de la sphère privée – a transformé les trajectoires de militantes « ordinaires » et celles de leurs enfants. Au moyen d’une approche localisée et comparée, la thèse analyse d’abord les contextes militants dans lesquels les féministes ont circulé et ont été socialisées. Retraçant les mobilisations féministes qui se déploient à Lyon et à Grenoble entre 1970 et 1984, elle revisite l’histoire des féminismes français de la « deuxième vague ». Étudiant ensuite les carrières militantes des féministes, la thèse montre les effets socialisateurs durables de ces engagements et leur empreinte sur les différentes sphères de leur vie. Des analyses séquentielles permettent de mettre au jour leurs principaux devenirs jusqu’à aujourd’hui, sur le plan politique comme sur le plan personnel. Resserrant la focale d’analyse sur les féministes devenues mères, l’enquête révèle finalement par quels pratiques et processus une transmission familiale du féminisme s’est opérée et quels héritages politiques en résultent chez les enfants. Elle dégage plusieurs facteurs pour comprendre les appropriations différenciées de ces héritages parmi la deuxième générationThe feminist movements that arose in the 1970’s, promoting a radical contestation of patriarchy and committed to “women’s liberation”, helped challenge gender relations in many areas. Built upon an empirical research that combines archival work, questionnaires and interviews, my dissertation focuses on the women who took part in these mobilizations in France. It aims to understand how the involvement in this movement, characterised by the politicization of the private sphere, transformed “common” activists’ trajectories and those of their children. Using a local and comparative approach, this work first analyses the contexts in which the feminists evolved and were socialised. By tracing the feminist mobilizations that unfolded in Lyons and Grenoble between 1970 and 1984, it also revisits the history of the “second wave” French women’s movements. The study of the feminists’ activist careers then highlights the lasting socialising effects of their commitments and the impact they had on different areas of their life. Likewise, the use of sequence analysis reveals the trajectories they followed until present day, both from a political and personal prospect. Finally, a deeper focus on the activists who became mothers uncovers how intergenerational transmission of feminism occurred and which political contents the children inherited. In particular, this dissertation proposes several factors that help understand the differentiated appropriations of this heritage among the second generation
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Olofsson, Simon. "$GME To The Moon : Mapping Memetic Discourse as Discursive Strategyin Reddit Trading Community r/WallStreetBets during the GameStop Short Squeeze Saga". Thesis, Stockholms universitet, JMK, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-196319.
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As social media has emerged to become a key site for contemporary communications and cultural production, the internet meme has penetrated every level of social networking online. Albeit being a global phenomenon with pervasive discursive power in a number of fields ranging from humour to international politics and cyber warfare, comparatively little research has been made into how internet memes work on the discursive level of identity formation and their influence on the formation of internet-based social movements. Using Reddit stock market anarchists r/WallStreetBets as case study, this thesis will use Critical Discourse Analysis to analyze how internet memes work on the level of socio-political formations and how their function can be understood in relation to entropic social environments online. This thesis investigates how internet memes are used as a tool for creation of motifs for action, identity markers, connective action, and social narrativization within an ambivalent social movement online. Introducing the novel term ”memetic discourse” as a way to understand memes as transferable units of memetically programmed content, this study shows the potential of memes to act as effective yet unstable modes of communication within networked environments.
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Allen, Mallary. "The Social Construction of Deviance, Activism, and Identity in Women's Accounts of Abortion". OpenSIUC, 2013. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/752.
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The mainstream abortion rights debate in the United States, its opposing factions popularly identified as pro-choice and pro-life, is reliant upon identifiable narratives of abortion's value to women and society and, alternately, its harms. This dissertation traces more than one hundred years of evolution of popular rhetoric surrounding the practice of elective termination of pregnancy in the U.S. and identifies the understandings of abortion and the women who have them which are most prominent in our culture today. This dissertation examines the ways in which women who have had abortions invoke the rhetoric of "sympathetic abortion" in making sense of their own experiences. For the pro-choice movement, young, childless women accomplish sympathetic abortions in light of factors like responsible birth control use and the pursuit of empowering life goals, while factors like existing children, previous abortions, and bad clinic experiences contradict this template. The women interviewed for this research discuss ways in which the circumstances surrounding their abortions and their individual approaches to their procedures align their reproductive choices with the sympathetic template or else point to ways in which their experiences fail this standard. Women occasionally transcend the templates of "good" and "bad" abortions and offer new meanings. This dissertation closes with a discussion of the role of women's stories in social movements and the consequences of discourse which ignores abortion experiences that fall short of the contemporary formula story.
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Nilsson, Josefine. "Online to On-Ground Activism : Contemporary Indian feminism and the #MeToo movement from an urban activist perspective". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-87051.
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The #MeToo movement is related to new forms of feminism, taking advantage of the online space for mobilisation. There are currently debates on the effect of feminist universalisation, post-colonial feminism and global movement’s on a local level. This study aims to understand how a globalmovement like the #MeToo integrates into already existing feminist efforts. While using India as a caste study, 10 urban Indian feminists have been interviewed to share their experiences on contemporary feminist mobilisation and the #MeToo movement. The study finds that the #MeToo movement have had an impact on Indian feminism, but at the same time is limited in its reach. Indian feminism is identified as ever diverse, with an increased incentive to learn and exchange experiences over identities to make feminist efforts more inclusive.
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Wright-Phillips, Maja Virginia. "Identity, Agency, and Emotion: Political Activism Among Anti-War Military Veterans". OpenSIUC, 2015. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/1133.
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This case study of members of Iraq Veterans Against the War explores how identity, institutional context and affiliation, emotions, and the notion of healing come together in the experience of activism. Using an interpretive approach, I employ in-depth interviews and observation derived primarily from one local chapter, and visual and textual analysis of newspaper articles, organization documents, and video footage of IVAW actions including Operation First Casualty and the 2012 Medal Return, to better understand the ways in which identification with the institution these activists simultaneously attempt to undermine, the military, shapes their identity and subsequent activism in terms of the actions, strategies and tactics they engage in. I also explore the ways in which their experiences in war and the military have shaped their activism in terms of emotions and the notion of healing. This study finds that identifying as anti-war veterans and deploying that identity in activism enables an insider/outsider status that informs their critique and establishes legitimacy and political standing, which is evident in their public activism. I also find that within this context an emotion culture is created that enables the possibility for healing, catharsis, and the development of a politicized understanding of the mental and physical consequences of war that is intended to empower and mobilize veterans into anti-war activism.
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Price, Linda 1966. "Making sense of political activism : life narratives of political activists from the South African liberation movement". Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/9750.
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Bibliography: leaves 229-258.This is a study of the personal and social construction of meaning that political activists who have been involved in the South African liberation movement attribute to their lives. It examines the lives of a group of activists who were situated at the heart of the anti- apartheid movement for more than four decades. Their resistance to the wide-ranging laws and non-legal devices that the state employed to maintain white, Afrikaner Nationalist rule became the benchmark against which they lived their lives. 1960 saw an intensity of state oppression and brutality from which some activists escaped with their lives, while others were killed or jailed for life. The struggle to create a society where humanity and justice would triumph over cruelty and racial division was setback a generation. It took nearly three decades of defiance and unrest before Nelson Mandela was released from prison and South Africans sat down to negotiate the Interim Constitution that would guide the country towards its first democratic elections. ANC members in exile received indemnity so that they could return to the country and participate in the negotiations and four years later a new South Africa based on majority rule was won. Since these 1994 elections, South Africa has continued to undergo fundamental change from the old apartheid order to a new democratic dispensation. Oral stories are essential to this process as they contain memories of recent history that contribute significantly to contemporary political and social life, which in tum shape the future. The stories of the activists who comprise this study illustrate how their commitment to their cause and to themselves has shaped their lives, as well as those around them, and how meaningful engagement with the challenges of daily life can strengthen us as individuals.
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Emley, Elizabeth A. "Social Movements and Health: The Benefits of Being Involved". Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1490715716992475.
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Brown, Rachel V. "Liking, sharing, and posting change: the impactful use of facebook in social movements. An analysis of black lives matter and the catalan independence movement". Doctoral thesis, TDX (Tesis Doctorals en Xarxa), 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/670415.
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L’activisme en els mitjans de comunicació social (SMA) s’ha convertit en un element bàsic en gairebé tots els moviments actuals al voltant del món. L’atractiu d’aquesta eina és evident en la seva prevalença i en la diversitat d’usos. Les xarxes socials permeten que qualsevol persona de tot el món sigui escoltada en qualsevol lloc, incloses aquelles que puguin implementar els canvis necessaris a nivell mundial. Tanmateix, el món encara està per descobrir com es pot utilitzar de manera més eficaç i evitar els entrebancs de convertir-se en l’anomenat slacktivism en lloc d’activisme. Molts usuaris participen en moviments com una moda i no pels canvis que es busquen, fet que en comporta una inconsistència i una disminució de l’impacte. Altres usuaris infrautilitzen les eines o les fan servir de manera incorrecta. Hi ha diverses raons per les quals els moviments fracassen i la majoria d’aquestes es deriven de la forma en què els participants en el moviment utilitzen eines per a l’activisme. Com a resultat d’això, per tal de garantir que els moviments actuals i futurs puguin funcionar amb la màxima efectivitat, l’aspecte més important a estudiar dels moviments són els participants i la seva coherència.
Aquesta tesi aportarà sobre com implicar al màxim el possible els participants analitzant l’ús de Facebook per part dels participants al moviment Black Lives Matter, així com també pel Moviment per la Independència catalana, tant si els moviments han tingut èxit fins ara mitjançant una anàlisi dels canvis legals, i també mitjançant un examen de la consistència dels moviments al llarg del temps.
Aquests dos moviments semblen increïblement diferents, cosa que és bona per arribar a una conclusió imparcial, tot i que tenen moltes similituds en què tots dos han tingut diversos graus d’èxit al llarg dels anys i busquen canvis tant socials com legals que transformin molt les seves respectives societats. El moviment Black Lives Matter es va crear per combatre els assassinats il·legítims d’homes i dones negres als Estats Units, així com les lleis que permeten als assassins escapar impunes. El Moviment per la Independència de Catalunya es va crear per buscar la independència de la regió de Catalunya d’Espanya. Ambdós moviments van obtenir reconeixement internacional al llarg dels anys i compten amb membres molt apassionats de les causes, que busquen transformacions i aconseguir un futur millor.
Si comparem els resultats de la investigació per a cadascun d’aquests dos moviments extremadament diferents amb participants summament diferents en termes de geografia, ètnia, edat, etc., i objectius diferents, és ben clar que els patrons identificats de coherència, les respostes dels participants i fins i tot les ramificacions legals mostren, fins a cert punt, una evident correlació entre allò que ha estat efectiu en el moviment Black Lives Matter i en el Moviment per la Independència catalana. Com a resultat d’això, aquesta tesi aporta molta llum necessària sobre com utilitzar Facebook de manera més eficaç com a eina per a l’activisme, especialment mitjançant la comunicació, l’organització i la mobilització en els moviments socials. Aquesta visió ajudarà els moviments actuals i propers a aconseguir la transformació social i política que busquen i, en definitiva, a transformar el món.El activismo a través de los medios sociales se ha convertido en un elemento básico de casi todos los movimientos modernos del mundo. El atractivo de estas herramientas es obvio en su prevalencia y diversidad de usos. Las redes sociales permiten que cualquier voz, en cualquier lugar, sea escuchada por cualquier persona en todo el mundo, incluidas aquellas que tienen el poder de implementar los cambios necesarios a nivel mundial. Sin embargo, el mundo aún no ha descubierto cómo se puede usar de manera más efectiva y evitar las trampas de convertirse en el llamado slacktivismo (una virtualización que no es activa, en realidad, postureo) en lugar de activismo. Muchos usuarios participan en movimientos porque están de moda en lugar de por los cambios buscados, lo que conduce a la inconsistencia y a una disminución del impacto. Otros usuarios infrautilizan las herramientas o las usan incorrectamente. Hay varias razones por las cuales los movimientos fallan, y la mayoría de esas razones provienen de la forma en que los participantes del movimiento usan herramientas para el activismo. Como resultado de esto, para garantizar que los movimientos actuales y futuros puedan operar con la máxima efectividad, el aspecto más importante de los movimientos a estudiar son los participantes y la consistencia del uso. Esta tesis arroja luz sobre cómo involucrar a los participantes lo mejor posible al analizar el uso de Facebook por parte de los participantes en el movimiento Black Lives Matter, así como en el Movimiento de Independencia de Cataluña, si éstos han tenido éxito hasta ahora a través de un análisis de los cambios legales, y también a través de un examen de la consistencia de los movimientos a lo largo del tiempo. Estos dos movimientos parecen ser increíblemente diferentes, lo cual es bueno para llegar a una conclusión imparcial, sin embargo, tienen muchas similitudes en que ambos han tenido varios grados de éxito a lo largo de los años y buscan cambios sociales y legales que transformarán en gran medida sus sociedades respectivas. El movimiento Black Lives Matter fue creado para combatir los homicidios injustos de hombres y mujeres negros en los Estados Unidos, así como las leyes que permiten a los asesinos escapar impunes. El Movimiento de Independencia de Cataluña se creó para buscar la independencia de la región de Cataluña de España. Ambos movimientos ganaron reconocimiento internacional a lo largo de los años y están formados por miembros extremadamente apasionados por las causas, logrando las transformaciones que buscan y asegurando un futuro mejor para los afectados. Al comparar los resultados de la investigación para cada uno de estos dos movimientos extremadamente diferentes con participantes muy diferentes en términos de geografía, etnia, edad, etc., y diferentes objetivos, y luego de notar las similitudes en los resultados, es bastante claro que los patrones identificados de consistencia en las respuestas de los participantes e incluso las ramificaciones legales, en cierta medida muestran una correlación obvia entre lo que ha sido efectivo en el movimiento Black Lives Matter y en el Movimiento de Independencia de Cataluña. Como resultado de esto, esta tesis arroja luz muy necesaria sobre cómo utilizar Facebook de manera más efectiva como una herramienta para el activismo, particularmente a través de la comunicación, la organización y la movilización en los movimientos sociales. Esa idea puede ayudar a los movimientos actuales y futuros a lograr la transformación social y política que buscan y, en última instancia, ayudará a transformar el mundo.
Social Media Activism (SMA) has become a staple of almost every modern-day movement around the world. The appeal of this tool is obvious in its prevalence, and diversity of uses. Social media enables any voice, anywhere to be heard by anyone around the world including those that have the power to implement necessary changes globally. However, the world is still yet to discover how it can be used most effectively and avoid the pitfalls of becoming slacktivism instead of activism. Many users participate in movements because they are trendy as opposed to passion for the changes sought which leads to inconsistency and a decrease in impact. Other users underutilize the tools or incorrectly use them. There are various reasons why movements fail, and most of those reasons stem from the way movement participants use tools for activism. As a result of this, in order to ensure that current and future movements can operate at maximum effectiveness, the most important aspect of movements to be studied is the participants and consistency. This thesis sheds light on how to engage participants as best as possible by analysing the use of Facebook by participants in the Black Lives Matter movement as well as the Catalan Independence Movement, whether the movements have been successful thus far through an analysis of Legal changes, and also through an examination of the consistency of the movements over time. These two movements seem at face value to be incredibly different which is good for coming to an unbiased conclusion, however they have many similarities in that both have had various degrees of success over the years and seek both social and legal changes that will greatly transform their respective societies. The Black Lives Matter movement was created to combat the wrongful killings of Black Men and women in the United States as well as the laws that allow the killers to get away with murder and unfair treatment in general. The Catalan Independence Movement was created to seek independence of the region of Catalunya from Spain. Both movements gained international recognition over the years and consist of members who are extremely passionate about the causes, achieving the transformations they seek, and securing a better future for those affected. By comparing the results of the research for each of these two extremely different movements with extremely different participants in terms of geography, ethnicity, age, etc., and different goals, and then noting the similarities in the results, it is quite clear that the identified patterns in consistency, responses from participants and even the legal ramifications to some extent, show an obvious correlation between what has been effective in the Black Lives Matter movement and in the Catalan Independence Movement. As a result of this, this thesis sheds much needed light on how to utilize Facebook most effectively as a tool for activism particularly through communication, organization and mobilization in Social Movements. That insight will help current and upcoming movements to achieve the social and political transformation they seek and ultimately aid in transforming the world.
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Krol, Brian. "Latent Network Construction of Men's Movement Organizations Online". Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu14896824347998.
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Law, Nga Wing. "Performing identities: performative practices in post-handover Hong Kong art & activism". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2018. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/518.
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This is an autoethnographic account of the performative practices in the Umbrella Movement (2014, Hong Kong), a struggle that I myself and some fellow artists participated in. Instead of making a discursive analysis of postcolonial identity, this thesis focuses on performative practices and the performativity of artists and their activist counterparts in the Umbrella Movement. This thesis starts with an overview of the political situation in Hong Kong before relating it to the social turn in contemporary art practice and the performative turn in art and research practices. Instead of using performance as a metaphor for understanding cultural phenomena, I persevere with the notion of performance per se, of artists taking part in activism and examining the performativity involved in the process. As an artist/researcher, I have been seeking a research methodology that is compatible with the means and ends of activism being studied and can nourish a reflexive account on the performative practices of resistance in postcolonial Hong Kong. I propose a methodology of 'performative autoethnography' which accentuates the co-performative and intersubjective process as well as the non-textual aspects of embodied experience and of performing struggle in activism. Reviewing the performative practices on macro- and micro-levels, I borrow the term 'microutopia' to depict the imaginary space created by micro-performances used to cope with the discrepancies between utopian ideals and reality. Specifically, I examine the transformative power of some performative tactics employed in the Umbrella Movement: parodic performance of 'over-identification,' improvisation accomplished by collective connectivity and kinetic responsiveness of the performers, and the artist as an intersubjective mediator. Among these tactics, there are recurring claims and recurring forms that add up to a repertoire of protest. Through microutopian interventions staged at the site of protest, the identities of the multitude are constructed through critical engagement. I suggest that we use the concept of 'critical identities' to study how identities are constructed within an open-ended network of social relations, using a critical reflexive lens of performance studies at a precarious moment in which Hong Kong finds itself at a crossroads.
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Whelan, James M., i n/a. "Education and Training For Effective Environmental Advocacy". Griffith University. Australian School of Environmental Studies, 2002. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20040526.140105.
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Research on environmental advocacy has tended to focus on outcomes and achievements rather than the processes through which these are achieved. In addition, minimal research has attended in detail to the complexity of environmental advocacy, or explored measures to through which to enhance advocates prospects of success. The environment movement itself has given scarce attention to promoting the skills, abilities and predispositions that contribute to effective advocacy. Indeed, most environmental non-government organisations (ENGOs) in Australia appear to believe that scientific or expert knowledge will be sufficient to influence environmental decision-makers and consequently provide minimal training or education to enhance advocacy. This thesis is a response to these problems. It seeks to develop an understanding of, and model for, activist education and training in the Australian environment movement. The two main bodies of literature that inform the study are social movement and adult education literature. The former provides the context for the study. Social movement theorists present various explanations of how and why environmental activists work for change. These theorists also discuss the organisational structures and modes of operation typically adopted by activists. The second body of literature is utilised in this thesis to provide a synthesis of relevant educational orientations, traditions and practices. Popular, experiential and adult environmental education offer promising strategies for advocacy organisations that seek to enhance activists skills and abilities. The research questions posed in this study lie at the convergence of these two bodies of literature. Two empirical studies were undertaken during this inquiry. The first was conducted with the Queensland Conservation Council, an environmental advocacy organisation where the researcher was employed for five years. The study drew on methods and techniques associated with ethnography and action research to identify, implement and evaluate a range of interventions which aimed to educate and train advocates. Three cycles of inquiry generated useful insights into environmental advocacy and identified useful strategies through which advocacy may be enhanced. The second study, a case study based on interviews and observation, explored the Heart Politics movement. The ethnographic research methods utilised in this case study resulted in a rich description and critical appreciation of the strengths and weaknesses of Heart Politics gatherings as activist education. These two studies contributed to the development of a grounded and endogenous theory of education and training for environmental advocacy. This theory is based on a set of observations concerning the provision of activist education: (1) that most activist learning occurs informally and unintentionally through participation in social action such as environmental campaigns; (2) that this learning can be assessed according to a five-category framework and tends to favour specific categories including the development of social action and organisational development skills rather than alternative categories such as political analysis and personal development; (3) that this informal learning can be harnessed and enhanced through strategies which situate learning in the context of action and promote heightened awareness of the learning dimension of social action; and (4) that a key obstacle to education and training in the environment movement is a conspicuous lack of professional development or support for the people involved in facilitating and coordinating activist education activities and programs. These people are often volunteers and infrequently possess qualifications as educators or facilitators but are more likely to be seasoned activists. They tend to work in isolation as activist education activities are sporadic, geographically diffuse and ad hoc. These observations along with other insights acquired through participatory action research and ethnographic inquiry led to a set of conclusions, some of which have already been implemented or initiated during the course of this study. The first conclusion is that strategies to promote the professional development of activist educators may benefit from the development of texts tailored to the tactical orientations and political and other circumstances of Australian environmental advocacy groups. Texts, alone, are considered an inadequate response. The study also concludes that informal networks, formal and informal courses and other strategies to assist collaboration and peer learning among activist educators offer considerable benefits. Other conclusions pertain to the benefits of collaborating with adult educators and tertiary institutions, and professionals, to the relative merits of activist workshops and other forms of delivery, to the opportunities for activist training presented by regular environment movement gatherings and conferences and to the significant merits of promoting and supporting mentorship relationships between novice and experienced activists.
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Gencel, Sezgin Ipek. "Political engagement patterns of islamist movements : the case of the Nizam/Selamet movement". Paris, EHESS, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011EHES0046.
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Plus précisément, cette étude couvre la période 1960-1980 et examine la genèse du Mouvement Nizam/Selamet ainsi que son organisation en tant qu'un parti politique. I En outre, a travers ce travail sont mis en évidence ses objectifs et particularités : idéationnelles par rapport aux autres Islamistes passés et contemporains en Turquie, ainsi que sa souplesse considérable dans le choix de ses stratégies et alliés, à l'instar du Parti du Peuple Républicain, considéré comme le plus grand ennemi des Islamistes. En faisant usage du cas du Mouvement Nizam/Selamet, cette thèse soutient que Iles Mouvements Islamistes sont des phénomènes sociaux complexes qui émergent et i survivent à travers un processus incrémentaI faisant interagir des ensembles complexes voire même indéterminés de facteurs cognitifs, relationnels et environnementaux. La réponse à la question réside donc dans ces configurations de facteurs qui doivent être découverts en effectuant des allers retours entre des échelles macro (le champ politique), méso (l'organisation et les réseaux' sociaux) et micro (les acteurs) aux niveaux à la fois national et local du champ politique et du mouvement. Une dimension historique c’est aussi nécessaire qui permet d'étudier les facteurs interagissant au sein de chaque phase du mouvement qui lui donnent la forme et la substance de son engagement politique; et de prendre en compte de l’influence d’une phase sur l’autreFocusing on the Nizarn/Selamet Movement, this dissertation studies why and how there are variations in the political engagement patterns of "moderate" Islamist movements operating within the same institutional/political context. ; Specifically, covering a period from the 1960s through the 1970s, this study I examines why and how the Nizam/Selamet Movement emerged and established political party; produced goals and ideational elements distinct from contemporary and past Islamist movements in Turkey and showed considerable flexibility in its choice of allies, strategies and policies, including formation of a coalition government with the archenemy of the Islamists, the Republican People's Party. Drawing on the Nizam/Selamet case, this study argues that Islamist movements are complex social phenomena that emerge and survive through an incremental process entailing interacting, complex and even undetermined sets of cognitive, relational and environmental factors. The answer to the research question thus lies in unearthing these configurations through descending up and down the macro (political field), meso (network and organization) and micro (properties and trajectories of the movement elites ! and activists) echelons at both national and local levels of the political field and the movement. A historical dimension is also necessary to highlight intra-and extra-movement factors at different life phases of the movement (accumulated resources and inherited constraints), which shape the form and substance of its political engagement; and to take into consideration the influence of one stage over the other
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Rodriguez, Blanco Maricel. "Du barrage au guichet. Naissance et transformation des mouvements de chômeurs en Argentine (1990 – 2015)". Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH117.
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Cette thèse porte dans une perspective sociohistorique et ethnographique sur le mouvement piquetero en Argentine et ses transformations successives durant les années 2000 en un vaste réseau d’organisation prestataires de services. Ce mouvement est né des actions collectives des chômeurs et travailleurs précaires à la fin des années 1990 contre les effets des réformes « néolibérales » et tient son nom de l’un de ses modes de protestation privilégié, le barrage de route ou piquete. Dès ses débuts, les piqueteros ont fait l’objet d’un double traitement de la part de l’État, entre répression et récupération dans le cadre de la mise en place de programmes de transferts conditionnés des ressources (Conditional Cash Transfer Programs). Dans cette nouvelle configuration de l’action publique ciblée, il s’agit désormais pour l’État de déléguer la distribution des aides sociales aux organisations, au regard de leur proximité territoriale avec les populations précarisées. Or, cette thèse montre que ce rôle flou de guichet, qui tend à introduire d’une manière ou d’une autre de la concurrence entre les organisations, a ainsi rapidement contribué à fragmenter l’espace piquetero, et produit des effets ambivalents sur les pratiques et les trajectoires des participants. La thèse s’appuie sur des méthodes mixtes, qualitatives et quantitatives, à partir d’une enquête de terrain menée pendant 40 mois, entre 2000 et 2015, dans deux provinces argentines. D’une part, à travers une ethnographie et des entretiens biographiques approfondis auprès des leaders, des délégués et des militants de la base (N=104), nous avons observé les interactions entre ces différentes catégories. Une prosopographie des leaders (N=76) nous a, d’autre part, permis à partir des méthodes statistiques de l’analyse factorielle (ACM) et de la classification (CAH) de rendre compte de la structuration de cet espace des organisations. Dans une première partie, la thèse s’attache – à l’appui d’archives et d’entretiens – à mettre en lumière les conditions de possibilité de la cristallisation progressive d’un mouvement social en un espace d’organisations. Nous avons cherché ici à appréhender le contexte, les enjeux et les moyens d’action de ce mouvement contestataire, en rapportant son inscription à l’évolution depuis le début du XXè siècle des rapports entre État, partis politiques et syndicats. La deuxième partie de la thèse est, elle, consacrée à l’analyse des pratiques militantes et des formes d’encadrement au sein des organisations. L’ouverture de la boîte noire des organisations révèle ainsi à quel point leur fonctionnement interne résulte de la capacité d’un ensemble d’intermédiaires à mener un travail de représentation, de mobilisation et de gestion des ressources vis-à-vis de certaines fractions des classes populaires particulièrement disposées à s’engager dans la durée. L’examen statistique des trajectoires de leaders nous renseigne par ailleurs sur les ressources nécessaires à l’occupation d’un tel poste et aussi sur ce que l’engagement fait aux parcours individuels. Enfin, une troisième partie a servi à appréhender les pratiques associatives au sein des organisations. Restituer les logiques de recrutement et les profils des recrutés a donné à voir dans la durée aussi bien les conditions de l’engagement de ces chômeurs et travailleurs précaires que les effets sur leurs trajectoires. L’observation des pratiques notamment lors des assemblées permet de montrer les principes d’encadrement tendus entre militantisme et entreprenariat qui pèsent sur les participants. Si cette fraction de précaires témoigne au sein des classes populaires de formes de mobilisation et de résistance particulièrement exemplaires, ils tendent également à déployer des modalités d’accommodement aux organisations, différenciées suivant leur socialisation et le volume et la nature de leurs ressourcesThis thesis discusses the Piquetero movement in Argentina and its successive transformations during the 2000s into an extensive network of service provider organizations throughout the territory from a sociohistorical and ethnographic perspective. This movement was born out of the collective actions of the unemployed and precarious workers in the late 1990s against the effects of "neoliberal" reforms, and takes its name from one of their preferred modes of protest, the roadblock or picket. Since its beginnings, the Piquetero movement has been the subject of a double treatment by the State, between repression and recovery in the context of the establishment of Conditional Cash Transfer Programs. In this new configuration of targeted public action, it is now up to the State to delegate the distribution of social assistance to a network of organizations, given their territorial proximity to the underprivileged populations. However, this thesis shows that this fuzzy wicket role, which tends to introduce in one way or another the competition amid the organizations, has thus quickly contributed to fragment the piquetero space, and produces ambivalent effects on the practices and the trajectories of the participants. The thesis is based on mixed methods, qualitative and quantitative, from a large 40-month field survey conducted between 2000 and 2015 in two Argentinian provinces. On the one hand, through an ethnography and in-depth biographical interviews with leaders, delegates and grassroots activists (N=104), we observed the interactions between these different categories. A prosopography of the leaders (N=76) allowed us, on the other hand, from the statistical methods of factor analysis (ACM) and hierarchical classification (CAH), to report on the structuring of this space of organizations. In the first part, the thesis focuses – with the support of archives and interviews – on the conditions of the gradual crystallization of a social movement into a space of organizations. We sought here to understand the context, the stakes and the means of action of this protest movement, relating its inscription to the evolution since the beginning of the XXth century of the relations between State, political parties and unions. The second part of our thesis is devoted to the analysis of activist practices and forms of supervision within organizations. The opening of the black box of the organizations thus reveals to what extent their internal functioning results from the capacity of a set of intermediaries to carry out a work of representation, mobilization and management of resources among working classes particularly willing to engage in the long term. The statistical examination of the trajectories of leaders also informed us about the resources that were necessary to occupy such a position and also about the effects of their engagement to their individual trajectories. Finally, a third part serves to apprehend associative practices within organizations. Restoring the recruiting logics and the profiles of the recruits has shown in the long term both the conditions of the commitment of these unemployed and precarious workers and the effects on their trajectories. The observation of practices, especially during assemblies, shows the principles of supervision stretched between activism and entrepreneurship which weighed on the participants. If this fraction of precarious people testifies within the working classes of forms of mobilization and resistance particularly exemplary, they also tend to deploy modes of accommodation to organizations, differentiated according to their socialization, and the volume and nature of their resources
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Johnsson, Anders. "Movements". Thesis, KTH, Arkitektur, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kth:diva-262838.
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This thesis project explores the question of the death of architecture; the declaration of the lost abilities of architecture to achieve political influence and the architect as a social actor. As I have found myself in agreement with this Tafurian perspective on the subject, I wanted to use this thesis project to explore the question of architecture and its political potential, as well as breaking from the paralyzing condition of the incentives of architecture's incapabilities. This, in suggesting that architecture can act as a catalyst for doing things differently. The project investigates, on the one hand, how a building can encourage political action and engagement, and, on the other, how ideological ideas and intentions can concretize spatially, materially and aesthetically, The project is an design exploration concretized in a specific architectural proposal – a building for a political organization operating in the city of Stockholm.
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Perelló, Sobrepere Marc. "The Use of New Media and ICT by Social Movements in Contemporary Processes of Political Activism". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Ramon Llull, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/664631.
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El començament del segle XXI va ser testimoni del naixement de les xarxes socials, que van portar les comunicacions personals i socials a noves fites. Aquests nous mitjans de comunicació, recolzats per unes tecnologies de la informació i la comunicació en un canvi constant, van permetre la creació de noves esferes de discussió multidisciplinàries i multiculturals. En aquest context, l'ús dels nous mitjans per part dels moviments activistes polítics ha atret l'atenció de la comunitat acadèmica en els últims anys. Recentment, ha aparegut un nou actor en aquest camp: Catalunya. Aquesta regió autònoma d’Espanya ha estat testimoni de les majors manifestacions a Europa en els últims temps, amb centenars de milers de persones obstruint els carrers de les seves ciutats per demanar la independència de Catalunya. El nostre estudi se centra en les diverses teories dels moviments socials i l'activisme polític, en com es relacionen amb els nous mitjans de comunicació i les noves tecnologies, i en com s'apliquen al cas català, mentre es comparen les característiques de les protestes catalanes amb altres com la Primavera Àrab, la Revolució Egípcia, el moviment indignats 15-M, o les marxes Occupy Wall Street.El comienzo del siglo XXI fue testigo del nacimiento de las redes sociales, que llevaron las comunicaciones personales y sociales a nuevas metas. Estos nuevos medios de comunicación, respaldados por unas tecnologías de la información y la comunicación en constante cambio, permitieron la creación de nuevas esferas de discusión multidisciplinarias y multiculturales. En este contexto, el uso de los nuevos medios por parte de los movimientos activistas políticos ha atraído la atención de la comunidad académica en los últimos años. Recientemente, ha aparecido un nuevo actor en este campo: Cataluña. Esta región autónoma en España ha sido testigo de las mayores manifestaciones en Europa en los últimos tiempos, con cientos de miles de personas obstruyendo las calles de sus ciudades para pedir la independencia de Cataluña. Nuestro estudio se centra en las diversas teorías de los movimientos sociales y el activismo político, en como se inter-relación con los nuevos medios de comunicación y las nuevas tecnologías, y en cómo se aplican al caso catalán, mientras se comparan las características de las protestas catalanas con otras como la Primavera Árabe, la Revolución Egipcia, el movimiento indignados 15-M, o las marchas Occupy Wall Street.
The beginning of the 21st century witnessed the birth of social networks, which took personal and social communications to new heights. These new means of communication, supported by ever-changing information and communication technologies, allowed for the creation of new, multidisciplinary and multicultural spheres of discussion. In this context, new media usage by political activist movements has attracted the attention of the academic community over recent years. Recently, a new actor has appeared in this field: Catalonia. This autonomous region in Spain has witnessed the biggest demonstrations in Europe in recent times, with hundreds of thousands clogging the streets calling for Catalan independence. Our study focuses on the various theories of social movements and political activism, how do these relate to new media and new technologies, and how these apply to the Catalan case, while comparing the characteristics of the Catalan protests to others such as the Arab Spring, the Egyptian Revolution, the 15-M Indignados movement, or the Occupy Wall Street marches.
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Schoene, Matthew. "Transnational Social Movement Activism in the New Urban World". The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1437519854.
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Chuang, Ya-Chung. "Activism as a vocation social movements in urban Taiwan /". Click to view dissertation via Digital dissertation consortium, 2000.
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Whelan, James M. "Education and Training For Effective Environmental Advocacy". Thesis, Griffith University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/365775.
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Research on environmental advocacy has tended to focus on outcomes and achievements rather than the processes through which these are achieved. In addition, minimal research has attended in detail to the complexity of environmental advocacy, or explored measures to through which to enhance advocates’ prospects of success. The environment movement itself has given scarce attention to promoting the skills, abilities and predispositions that contribute to effective advocacy. Indeed, most environmental non-government organisations (ENGOs) in Australia appear to believe that scientific or expert knowledge will be sufficient to influence environmental decision-makers and consequently provide minimal training or education to enhance advocacy. This thesis is a response to these problems. It seeks to develop an understanding of, and model for, activist education and training in the Australian environment movement. The two main bodies of literature that inform the study are social movement and adult education literature. The former provides the context for the study. Social movement theorists present various explanations of how and why environmental activists work for change. These theorists also discuss the organisational structures and modes of operation typically adopted by activists. The second body of literature is utilised in this thesis to provide a synthesis of relevant educational orientations, traditions and practices. Popular, experiential and adult environmental education offer promising strategies for advocacy organisations that seek to enhance activists’ skills and abilities. The research questions posed in this study lie at the convergence of these two bodies of literature. Two empirical studies were undertaken during this inquiry. The first was conducted with the Queensland Conservation Council, an environmental advocacy organisation where the researcher was employed for five years. The study drew on methods and techniques associated with ethnography and action research to identify, implement and evaluate a range of interventions which aimed to educate and train advocates. Three cycles of inquiry generated useful insights into environmental advocacy and identified useful strategies through which advocacy may be enhanced. The second study, a case study based on interviews and observation, explored the Heart Politics movement. The ethnographic research methods utilised in this case study resulted in a rich description and critical appreciation of the strengths and weaknesses of Heart Politics gatherings as activist education. These two studies contributed to the development of a grounded and endogenous theory of education and training for environmental advocacy. This theory is based on a set of observations concerning the provision of activist education: (1) that most activist learning occurs informally and unintentionally through participation in social action such as environmental campaigns; (2) that this learning can be assessed according to a five-category framework and tends to favour specific categories including the development of social action and organisational development skills rather than alternative categories such as political analysis and personal development; (3) that this informal learning can be harnessed and enhanced through strategies which situate learning in the context of action and promote heightened awareness of the learning dimension of social action; and (4) that a key obstacle to education and training in the environment movement is a conspicuous lack of professional development or support for the people involved in facilitating and coordinating activist education activities and programs. These people are often volunteers and infrequently possess qualifications as educators or facilitators but are more likely to be seasoned activists. They tend to work in isolation as activist education activities are sporadic, geographically diffuse and ad hoc. These observations along with other insights acquired through participatory action research and ethnographic inquiry led to a set of conclusions, some of which have already been implemented or initiated during the course of this study. The first conclusion is that strategies to promote the professional development of activist educators may benefit from the development of texts tailored to the tactical orientations and political and other circumstances of Australian environmental advocacy groups. Texts, alone, are considered an inadequate response. The study also concludes that informal networks, formal and informal courses and other strategies to assist collaboration and peer learning among activist educators offer considerable benefits. Other conclusions pertain to the benefits of collaborating with adult educators and tertiary institutions, and professionals, to the relative merits of activist workshops and other forms of delivery, to the opportunities for activist training presented by regular environment movement gatherings and conferences and to the significant merits of promoting and supporting mentorship relationships between novice and experienced activists.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Australian School of Environmental Studies
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Malinick, Todd Edward. "Activist participation, mobilization and movement - media interactions : three studies of the British Columbia environmental movement". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/15297.
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In recent decades, social movements have been one of the most productive avenues of
sociological inquiry. Environmental movements in particular have received significant attention from movement scholars. This manuscript-based dissertation contains five chapters examining different theoretical propositions relating to a single social movement: the environmental
movement to protect old growth forests of British Columbia, Canada, during the highly
contentious 1990s. An introductory chapter provides a background discussion and brief literature review; a concluding chapter summarizes the results and discusses how the individual manuscripts tie together. In between, three studies test and extend theoretical propositions concerning the roles of sociodemographics, values, social networks, framing, and movement-media
interactions, as they relate to this particular social movement. The first study compares and contrasts the environmental movement and its pro-forestry
countermovement in terms of sociodemographic and value-based factors affecting participation. A significant contribution from this manuscript is the atypical treatment of ‘participation’—
instead of simply taking group membership or rates of involvement in group sponsored activities as indicators of ‘participation’, both aspects are explored, revealing different underlying processes. This study also challenges the existing premise that postmaterialism is a strictly environmental value, showing members of the countermovement also possess strong
postmaterialist values. Social movement researchers have long touted the significance of social networks in
facilitating the mobilization process. The conventional wisdom is that ties to existing activists increases the likelihood of recruitment into movements, fostering greater levels of participation. The second study tests an adapted version of a well-accepted model of social movement
mobilization (Klandermans and Oegema 1987; Kiandermans 2004), emphasizing multiple
possible pathways to mobilization, highlighting the role media exposure plays in the recruitment process. The third study focuses on media coverage of social movements by examining how certain factors (gender, leadership, radicalism, and social network centrality) affected the
likelihood that an activist was cited in the print-news media. This analysis is innovative in linking network and frame analysis. Results show that the network centrality of the activist is the
strongest predictor of rates of citation. This result counters some existing explanations concerning the way media covers social movement activities.
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Abraham, Judson Charles. "Mao in the Mines: An Anti-Systemic View of New Communist Movement Activity in the Appalachian Coalfields, 1962-1978". Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/73768.
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This thesis deploys world-systems theory to analyze two series of mid-twentieth century wildcat strikes in the Appalachian coalfields: the Eastern Kentucky-based Roving Picket Movement of 1962-1963 and a separate set of unauthorized strikes throughout the region that lasted from 1974-1978, with a particular focus on the Gas Strike of 1974, the strikes surrounding the 1974 Kanawha Country book boycott, and the 1977-1978 contract strike. More specifically, I will examine the New Communist Movement's (NCM) role in these strikes, with special emphasis on the Maoist-inspired Progressive Labor (PL)'s participation in the 1962-1963 strikes and the role of the Miner's Right to Strike Committee (MRSC), a project of the Revolutionary Union/Revolutionary Communist Party in the 1970s wildcats. I argue that PL and the MRSC's divergent experiences demonstrate the shift from the first to the second anti-systemic movement. PL's experience working with the strikers was more typical of the first anti-systemic movement; the MRSC's experience was more typical of the second anti-systemic movement. The two sets of NCM organizers' varying levels of success, different approaches to the New Social Movements, and different interactions with structural forces at play in the world-system all point to the shift in anti-systemic movements.Master of Arts
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Ward, Eric John. "Urban movement : models of pedestrian activity". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2006. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1446189/.
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As cities become more densely populated, there is increasing interest in predicting and understanding fine scale pedestrian activity to help plan and design more effective transport infrastructure. The research literature contains many pedestrian models which have been developed for specific applications such as emergency egress. However few studies provide generic modelling solutions which can be applied to transport interchange facilities or pedestrian use of urban spaces under normal conditions. This work examines the extent of pedestrian modelling as a whole, and then focuses upon two common types of pedestrian modelling at the macro and micro levels. The first model is the London Pedestrian Model, a static macro scale sketch plan method for the estimation of pedestrian occupancy. The basis for pedestrian sketch plan models are pedestrian counts and regression analysis which predict pedestrian flows as a function of key parameters derived from spatial and economic variables. Previous research such as that by Hillier (1993) in space syntax suggests that the configuration of the street grid (particularly the strategic lines of sight within the street network) can have a powerful influence on the distribution of aggregate pedestrian flows. In this study a range of spatial variables are tested, from the local measure of visibility (VGA analysis) to more global measures of network accessibility (derived from VGA analysis). Other variables that previous research has suggested are influential include land use and capacity and have been included in the London Model. Temporal and seasonal variables have also been included and found to be significant for the first time. The second model is JPed , a micro scale model capable of simulating pedestrians as individuals navigating local urban environments in real-time according to random, pre-planned or spontaneous trips to visit goals such as shops, restaurants, cash machines and transport interchanges. JPed simulations can encompass collision and pre-computed way finding algorithms as well as elements of pedestrian movement not typically found in current agent based models such as Legion (Connor 2004) and NOMAD (Hoogendoorn and Bovy, 2001). The model allows experiments to be run where pedestrians navigate through the environment using either route choices derived from direct sight information, previous experience in the form of memory maps or a combination of both tactics. Standard statistical tests of the output from the London Pedestrian Model and JPed gave correlations with observed data which equalled or exceeded previous models of pedestrian volume or movement. This finding proved pedestrian activity can be simulated at normal densities with some degree of accuracy using both simple statistical models and the agent based modelling paradigm.
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Ramlachan, Molly. "Social movement learning: collective, participatory learning within the Jyoti Jivanam Movement of South Africa". University of the Western Cape, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4301.
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The purpose of this research paper is to explore and examine the nature of learning within the context of and situated within a social movement. Based on an exploratory qualitative study of learning within the Jyoti Jivanam Movement of South Africa, this research explores the nature and purpose/s of learning within a social movement. Accordingly, this study is guided by the research questions: How and why do adults learn as they collectively participate in social movements; and what factors facilitate, contribute, hinder and influence learning within social movement? This study confirms that social movements are important sites for collective learning and knowledge construction. For this reason, social movements need to be acknowledged as pedagogical sites that afford adults worthwhile learning opportunities. Furthermore, social movements, as pedagogical sites, not only contribute to conceptions of what constitute legitimate knowledge(s), social movements also contribute to the creation of transformative knowledge(s).Magister Educationis (Adult Learning and Global Change) - MEd(AL)
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Hudson, Nicholas. "Undocumented Latino Student Activists' Funds of Knowledge| Transforming Social Movements". Thesis, The George Washington University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10602620.
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There are approximately 28,000 to 55,000 undocumented enrolled in postsecondary institutions in the United States (Passel, 2003). In order to achieve their educational ambitions despite the structural social, socioeconomic, political, and legislative barriers facing them, undocumented students utilize various resources they have at their disposal. Minoritized populations, specifically undocumented Latino students, have employed individual and collective agency in overcoming structural racism and barriers enacted to maintain the status quo. This study of eight undocumented Latino student activists in Virginia and Washington reveals the various forms of resources available undocumented Latino student activists and documents how these students utilize them to navigate the barriers they encounter, shape the undocumented student social movement, and achieve their educational aspirations. This study seeks to uncover what resources undocumented Latino student activists have at their disposal and how the usage of said resources impacts policy formation on an institutional, state and national level.
The study seeks to uncover whether undocumented students utilize their available funds of knowledge to achieve their educational goals and navigate through the barriers they encounter. The study finds that undocumented Latino student activists utilize their funds of knowledge in agriculture, business, construction, mechanics, music, and religion to develop strategies to navigate through educational, financial, institutional, and intrapersonal barriers they encountered. This application of funds of knowledge and community cultural wealth to student activism moves the debate from a deficiency narrative that has long permeated higher education research to an agency narrative.
This study provides valuable insight into the increase of undocumented Latino students’ participation in activism and how one can best aid undocumented Latino student activists. Through the thematic narrative analysis, the lived history and stories of undocumented Latino student activists from Washington and Virginia are woven together to unveil individual and collective routes to educational attainment and activism on behalf of undocumented students.
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Birchler, Susan. "Ecological Art: Ruth Wallen and Cultural Activism". [Tampa, Fla.] : University of South Florida, 2007. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0001969.
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Irving, Nicholas Roger. "Global Thought, Local Action: Australian Activism during the Vietnam War 1961-1972". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/17281.
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This thesis is a history of protest practice in Australia during the ‘long 1960s’. It begins with the coordinated protests against nuclear proliferation in the eastern states in 1961 and 1962, and ends with the Vietnam Moratorium Campaigns. It examines the intersections between anti-war and anti-conscription protest, the anti-nuclear campaigns of the early 1960s, and the anti-Apartheid protests that emerged during the 1971 South African rugby team tour of Australia. Rather than offering a history of Australian activism as an organisational network or monolithic, homogenous ‘movement,’ it treats protest as an exercise in political meaning-making, and traces the development of protest practice over time. This focus contests the characterisation of the arrival of the New Left in Australia after 1966 as a watershed or moment of rupture, and draws out long-term continuities in Australian activism. It also provides for an analysis of the transnational influences on Australian protesters without falling into the contemporary trap of labelling protest derivative. This methodological approach reveals that Australian protesters in the Vietnam epoch shifted between two major ideological explanations for their protest. One framed protest as a representative activity on behalf of an imagined Australian public, on behalf of whom protesters critiqued government policy and held the government to account. Protest organisations attempted to position themselves as representatives of the public, and used public opinion to legitimate their ideas. By contrast, liberalism’s concentration on individual sovereign rights especially nourished anti-conscription activists, whose protests made much of the principle of non-interference in the private lives of citizens as a foundational model of citizenship. This thesis will chart the development and evolution of these two explanations of protest, their interactions and fusions. Through their careful articulation of protest as a democratic process and an individual right, and their sustained presence in public conversations about commitment and conscription, Australian protesters helped to change the meaning of the Vietnam War in Australian public political life.