Rozprawy doktorskie na temat „Abolition of, United States, 1863”

This dissertation argues that transatlantic abolitionists used the Bible to condemn American slavery as a national sin that would be punished by God. In a chronological series of thematic chapters, it demonstrates how abolitionists developed a sustained critique of American slavery at its various developing stages from the American Revolution to the Civil War. In its analysis of abolitionist anti-slavery arguments, “The Bible Against Slavery” focuses on sources that abolitionists generated. In their books, sermons, and addresses they arraigned the oppressive aspects of American slavery. This study shows how American and British abolitionists applied biblical precepts to define the maltreatment of African Americans as sins not only against the enslaved, but also against God. The issues abolitionists exposed to biblical scrutiny, and that are analyzed in this dissertation, correlate with recent scholarly treatments of American slavery. American slavery evolved in the period bracketed by the American Revolution and the Civil War. From 1790 to 1808 American slavery transitioned from reliance on the international slave trade to a domestic market. Abolitionists’ anti-slavery arguments likewise transitioned from focusing on the maltreatment of the immigrant, widow and orphan, to a focus on the proliferation of the sexual exploitation of women and the destruction of African American families. Abolitionists challenged every evolutionary step of American slavery. They argued that slavery was responsible for the destruction of American cities and the split of the British Empire during the crisis of the Revolution. They also denounced the constitutional compromises that protected slavery for 78 years, they challenged its spread westward, decried its dehumanization and sexual exploitation of African Americans, and its destruction of African American families. They galvanized a generation of women anti-slavery activists that launched the feminist movement. Abolitionists’ prediction, meanwhile, that divine retribution would come remained constant. Abolitionists produced such a prodigious body of biblical anti-slavery literature that by the Civil War, their arguments were echoed among northern pastors and even President Abraham Lincoln.

This dissertation argues that Protestant Christianity provided the language through which individuals and communities created the political, social, and cultural future of the post-emancipation South. Christian arguments and organizations gave newly emancipated African Americans strong strategies for claiming political and civil rights as citizens and for denouncing racialized violence. Yet simultaneously, white southerners’ Christian claims, based in proslavery theology, created justifications for white supremacist political power and eventually for segregation. This project presents a new history of the creation of segregation from the hopes and uncertainties of emancipation through a close analysis of the Mississippi River Valley region of Louisiana, Mississippi, Arkansas, and West Tennessee. Religious arguments furnished foundations for the work of building a new South, whether in newly formed African American churches and schools, local political debates, or white supremacist organizing. Studying both African American and white Christians during the years when churches quickly became racially separated allows this work to explain how groups across lines of race and denomination responded to each other’s religious, cultural, and political strategies. This dissertation centers these communities’ theological ideas and religious narratives within a critical analysis of race, gender, and political power. Analyzing theology as the intellectual domain of non-elites as well as those in power allows me to demonstrate the ways that religious ideas helped to construct categories of race and gender and to determine who was worthy of civil and political rights. This work draws upon a wide range of archival sources, including previously unexamined material. This dissertation advances several scholarly conversations. It offers the first sustained examination of the life of proslavery theology after emancipation. Rather than presuming that white southern Christians abandoned such arguments after emancipation, this project shows that white Christians reconfigured these claims to create religious justifications for segregation. Within these renegotiated religious claims about social order, African American and white Christians made religious arguments about racial violence, ranging from justifying the violence to arguing that it was antithetical to Christian identity. During the same years, African Americans argued that they deserved civil and political rights both because they were citizens and because they were Christians. This linking of identities as citizens and as Christians provided a vital political strategy in the midst of post-emancipation violence and the uncertain future of African Americans’ rights. Through its five chronologically-structured chapters, this project demonstrates Protestant Christianity’s central role in African American and white southerners’ political lives from the Civil War to the turn of the twentieth century.
Religion, Committee on the Study of

No início da Guerra da Secessão (1861-1865), os Estados Unidos promoveram negociações internacionais que pretendiam transferir seus afrodescendentes, em diversas condições de escravidão e liberdade para diversos países independentes da América Latina e possessões coloniais no Caribe. Ainda que tais negociações não tenham resultado de fato na realocação de homens e mulheres afro-americanos, as trocas diplomáticas, bem como outras fontes documentais, revelaram interessantes debates sobre escravidão, raça, construção nacional e o trabalho dependente no pós-abolição, que fazem do tema uma espécie de microcosmo que abrange questões substanciais que marcaram as mudanças nos mundos do trabalho no século XIX. Os projetos de colonização, como então foram chamados, para população afroamericana foram propostos e negociados por Washington com os seguintes países e colônias abrangidos pelo presente trabalho: Brasil, Equador, atual Panamá (pertencente, à época, à atual Colômbia), Costa Rica, Nicarágua. Honduras, El Salvador, Guatemala, Jamaica, Belize (Honduras Britânicas), Guiana Britânica, Suriname (colônia da Holanda), na ilha dinamarquesa de Santa Cruz, Haiti e Libéria.
In the early years of its Civil War, the United States Government proposed to resettle African- Americans throughout Latin America and the Caribbean. Though these schemes did not ultimately come to fruition, the intentions of the United States and the responses of negotiating nations reflected broader debates on slavery, race, nation building and indenture labor in the post abolition era. These colonization projects, as they were then called, aimed to resettle African-Americans in countries such as Brazil, Ecuador, present-day Panama, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Honduras, El Salvador, Guatemala, Jamaica, present-day Belize, British Guiana, Surinam, St. Croix Island, Haiti and Liberia.

This dissertation is the first comprehensive study of “everyday” racial violence in the postbellum South. Taking as its focus the states of Louisiana and Kentucky, One Dead Freedman juxtaposes the practical enactment of black citizenship against daily racial terrorism by incorporating personal, familial, and community testimony left behind by African Americans who had a direct experience with such violence. Within this dissertation, the terminology of “everyday violence” is employed to differentiate the more mundane forms of white violence from the more spectacular forms of Reconstruction-era violence such as lynching, the Ku Klux Klan, and race riots. Thus, the definition of everyday violence includes anything from verbal threats all the way to the brutal beatings, whippings, and murders that were so commonplace as to not draw attention from the local and national media. One Dead Freedman is organized both thematically and chronologically, and it examines everyday racial violence in five distinct “spaces”: military enlistment; the workplace; the household; schools; and voting stations. This dissertation pays close attention to what each of these spaces meant to black Southerners during the first years of emancipation, and, then, digs into what forms, or types, of violence were utilized by white Southerners in each. One Dead Freedman concludes that white Southerners used racial violence in an effort to circumscribe the practical enactment of black citizenship on a daily basis during Reconstruction. This violence was, ironically, both pervasive and diffuse, and served to undercut the position of African Americans in the South, and America at large, far beyond 1877 by limiting black mobility and autonomy in both private and public spaces in which African Americans defined the meaning of their own freedom. The persistence of this violence, and its legacy, was central to the enduring power of racism in America through the Civil Rights Movement and even into modern America.

Louisiana developed an extensive system of levees throughout the Atchafalaya Basin and along its territorial Mississippi River. This system reached its zenith on the eve of the American Civil War. It went into dramatic decline following the conflict due to the confluence of military activity, protracted irregular warfare, and neglect stemming from labor and capital revolution. These shifts intensified with the 1863 Emancipation Proclamation and finally consolidated after the ratification of Louisiana’s Constitution of 1879. The shift of responsibility for the construction and maintenance of levees during the Reconstruction Era led to many significant changes in the character and function of many of the State’s institutions as it struggled to adapt to the postwar order it confronted.

E.M. Statler was a revolutionary figure in the hotel industry. Between 1907 and 1927 the hotel empire that he built would set the model for both the business plan and architecture of many hotels that followed. Statler was the first to build his hotels around the idea of efficiency and economy. He was the first to provide private baths to every guestroom, no matter how small. He built his hotels with similar styles, allowing for mass purchasing of furnishings and a signature look.This thesis is a study of E.M. Statler, his ideas, the development of his hotels, and the architecture of those hotels. Although Statler's hotels would share many similarities based on his core beliefs on service, each one would be an improvement on the previous. Statler was constantly fine-tuning, and each hotel was the prototype for its successor. Through the study of their development, services, form, and layout, this thesis documents the evolution of Statler's ideas.
Department of Architecture

Entre os anos anteriores à Guerra Civil e o pós-abolição, o tema da mistura racial e da cidadania dos libertos já era objeto de disputas nos Estados Unidos. Diferentes grupos envolvidos nesta discussão se apropriaram do exemplo de outras nações escravistas das Américas para analisar as experiências de cativeiro e liberdade na sociedade norte-americana. Foi neste período que grupos antagônicos como abolicionistas negros, cientistas, viajantes e escravistas incorporaram o exemplo brasileiro às suas disputas, pois o Brasil, conhecido como país miscigenado e supostamente sem preconceito racial, era marcado por uma intensa população negra que eles acreditavam conviver harmonicamente com a população branca. As interpretações sobre estas notícias eram divergentes. Enquanto abolicionistas afro-americanos se apropriaram do exemplo brasileiro, porque acreditavam que o país era uma referência de igualdade racial e liberdade, os cientistas, escravistas e viajantes entendiam o país no contexto do que acreditavam ser todas as nações latino-americanas: um país de clima tropical que, ao contrário dos Estados Unidos, favorecia a existência de formas de vida exageradas e inferiores. Além disto, a mistura racial e a excessiva quantidade de pessoas negras, muitas delas libertas e cidadãs, confirmavam ainda mais as diferenças entre a sociedade brasileira e a norte-americana. Até mesmo os imigrantes sulistas que vieram para o Brasil após o fim da Guerra Civil e que, inicialmente, foram atraídos pela manutenção do cativeiro no país, registraram seu descontentamento com a intensa miscigenação. Assim, esta tese investiga estas diversas impressões sobre o Brasil, produzidas por diferentes setores da sociedade norteamericana. Interessa-nos entender como estas notícias sobre o país foram apropriadas pelo debate político sobre escravidão, abolição e relações raciais nos Estados Unidos. É também nosso objetivo perceber como estes grupos criaram uma imagem do Brasil em oposição a uma ideia de nação americana, enfatizando diferenças que seriam utilizadas para formar identidades nacionais distintas, sobretudo no que diz respeito às relações raciais de cada país. Para analisar estes usos e apropriações de uma sociedade sobre a outra, utilizarei uma variada documentação composta por relatos de viagem, textos jornalísticos e científicos, jornais da imprensa negra abolicionista e cartas escritas por imigrantes confederados no Brasil que foram enviadas para seus familiares que viviam no sul dos Estados Unidos
Between the years preceding the Civil War and following abolition, the theme of racial mixing and the citizenship of freed blacks had already been widely disputed in the United States. The various groups involved in this discussion appropriated the example of other American slave nations in comparison to the experience of captivity and freedom in North- American society. It is in this period that opposing groups such as black abolitionist, scientists, travelers and slave owners incorporated the Brazilian example to their political disputes, once the Latin American country, known to be miscegenated and supposedly without racial prejudice, was marked by an intense black population that lived harmoniously with the white population. The interpretations of these reports were divergent at best. While African American abolitionists appropriated the Brazilian example because they believed Brazil to be a reference for racial equality and freedom; the scientists, slave owners and travelers understood the country in the context of what they believed was true for all Latin American nations: Brazils tropical climate, unlike the United States, favored the existence of exaggerated and lower forms of life. In addition, the racial mixing and the excessive black population, many who lived as freed citizens further confirmed the differences between the Brazilian and North American society. Even the American southerner immigrants who came to Brazil after the Civil War, who were initially attracted by the maintenance of captivity, expressed their discontent with the intense miscegenation. This thesis investigates these varying views on Brazil produced by different sectors of American society. We are interested in understanding how news about the country was appropriate to the political debate on slavery, abolition and race relations in the United States. It is also our objective to understand how these different groups have created a certain image of Brazil in opposition to an idea of an American nation, highlighting the differences that would eventually be used to form distinct national identities, especially in regard to race relations in each country. In order to analyze the appropriations of one society about the other, I will use a large collection of documentation, composed by travel narratives, journalistic and scientific articles, the newspapers of the African-American abolitionist Press and the letters written by confederate immigrants in Brazil sent to their family members who lived in the American south

The following is a historical analysis on the Moscow Art Theatre’s (MAT) tours to the United States in 1923 and 1924, and the developments and changes that occurred in Russian and American theatre cultures as a result of those visits. Konstantin Stanislavsky, the MAT’s co-founder and director, developed the System as a new tool used to help train actors—it provided techniques employed to develop their craft and get into character. This would drastically change modern acting in Russia, the United States and throughout the world. The MAT’s first (January 2, 1923 – June 7, 1923) and second (November 23, 1923 – May 24, 1924) tours provided a vehicle for the transmission of the System. In addition, the tour itself impacted the culture of the countries involved. Thus far, the implications of the 1923 and 1924 tours have been ignored by the historians, and have mostly been briefly discussed by the theatre professionals. This thesis fills the gap in historical knowledge.

Four of the composers of the Second New England School, Amy Cheney Beach (1867-1944), Arthur Foote (1853-1937), George Whitefield Chadwick (1854-1931), and Horatio Parker (1863-1919), led the flowering of America's art music in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This study focused on these composers' partsongs that contain an original piano part and also on one chamber work with piano by each of them. The role of pianism within these works was the primary topic of this study, and the piano's contribution to the partsongs and the chamber works was compared and contrasted.The study centered on the four composers' compositional techniques, and the relationship between the voices or strings to the piano was identified. It also revealed the technical demands placed on the pianist. Each partsong or chamber work movement was first briefly analyzed and then suggestions to the pianist/ensemble were made, which were based on the analysis, and that intended to draw the pianist's attention to the most relevant concerns that he will face while preparing this music. The works that I included in this study are from the first period of American history in which American composers wrote significant pieces of art music. The compositions from this turning point in American history reveal a fascinating mix between German Romantic, Modernist, and "American" elements. I found both the partsongs and chamber pieces to be worthy of study, and the large body of works of these four composers, in my opinion, deserves greater exposure.The piano writing, in both their partsongs and chamber works, is quite accomplished and reveals just how gifted these four composers were as pianists. The varied piano textures and the technical demands for the pianist create challenging, yet enjoyable interesting, piano parts, which serve both the partsongs and chamber pieces very well. The piano writing of these four composers' chamber pieces is more complex than that of their partsongs, but both genres contain effective piano parts. Contemporary audiences of classical music would find the piano writing of these works (not to mention the works in their entirety) to be very worthwhile.
School of Music

The construction of state highway projects is bid out each year at approximately three billion dollars. Claims from contractors for additional compensation are common. This paper investigates the policies and procedures for handling claims and explores the False Claims Act case law and its implications for the Department of Transportation's contract administration.

Antebellum abolitionist writing has long been revered by cultural historians and literary scholars for its social and political role in bringing about the end of slavery in the United States. But what happened to abolitionist texts, which originally urged a pointed and timely social agenda, after emancipation? Most critical conversations around major abolitionist texts focus on their original publications. This study, however, demonstrates the significance of the republication, adaptation, and reception of those texts years later, well after slavery had been abolished but when the many legacies of slavery still defined a rapidly evolving political culture. Drawing on archival research and the methodological tools of book history, “Beyond Obsolescence” traces and analyzes texts that were revised, adapted, and republished during Reconstruction (1863 to 1877)—a time during which linguistic and narrative revisions both reflected and helped to produce the dramatic shifts occurring across the social landscape of the United States. The dissertation investigates a series of case studies that propose a way to read such textual revision in relationship to the shifting political culture of Reconstruction and the changing identities of African Americans within that political culture. Through a consideration of the writings and revised texts of Harriet Jacobs, Lydia Maria Child, William Wells Brown, Harriet Beecher Stowe, and George Aiken, the project demonstrates how writers, editors, and playwrights reshaped their work in response to the demands of their audiences as well as public debates about the meaning of slavery, emancipation, and Constitutional change. These dynamic texts would keep alive a rich tradition of abolitionism even as they underwent revisions to meet the exigencies of a postbellum environment. Ultimately, “Beyond Obsolescence” provides a novel account of some of the most familiar anti-slavery texts and brings to light a crucial but overlooked history of US abolitionist literature.
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Between 1790 and 1821, New York City underwent a dramatic transformation as slavery slowly died. Throughout the 1790s, a massive influx of runaways from the hinterland and black refugees from the Caribbean led to the rapid expansion of the city’s free black population. At the same time, white agitation for abolition reached a fever pitch. The legislature’s decision in 1799 to enact a program of gradual emancipation set off a wave of arranged manumissions that filled city streets with black bodies at all stages of transition from slavery to freedom. As blacks began to organize politically and develop a distinct social, economic and cultural life, they both conformed to and defied white expectations of republican citizenship. Over time, the emerging climate of social indistinction proved too much for white elites, who turned to new ideologies of race to enact the massive disfranchisement of black voters.
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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
This thesis investigates why twentieth-century philanthropists, such as Henry Ford, John and Abby Rockefeller, Henry du Pont, and Henry and Helen Flynt, developed American museums between 1925 and 1970. These individuals shared similar beliefs and ideological perspectives of American history, which shaped their museum-building efforts. Additionally, philanthropists had financial resources, social networks, and access to agents. The combination of these elements assisted in the establishment of their institutions. Over two generations, these museum builders established an American museum ideal through the implementation of their philanthropy. Philanthropists’ extensive financial resources, combined with philanthropic and museum-oriented ideas of the time, provided the impetus for the creation of new museums and collections. Furthermore, this work investigates Henry Ford as a case study of the philanthropic system used to establish these institutions. Ford’s agents mediated an exchange of artifacts and resources between Ford and average people, who were willing to give buildings, furnishings, and industrial machinery to the museum. This multi-directional system of philanthropy exemplifies the relationship between Ford as the philanthropist, his agents, and potential donors, to create his museums. Other philanthropists and institutions are referenced to further illustrate the museum building process and the role of philanthropy established at this time.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
Without a public arena, the women’s abolitionist movement employed traditional women’s activities in conjunction with writing for publication as their rhetorical force. Female antislavery societies incorporated a range of tactics including sewing clothing for escaped slaves, organizing fund-raising bazaars, and petitioning politicians. As with societies of men, women elected recording secretaries, submitted reports and addresses for newspaper publication, and some groups even developed tracts for public distribution. Denied the right to speak publicly, female antislavery societies used organizational documentation not only as a device to record their activities but also as a persuasive tool to shape public opinion. Many of the female antislavery societies communicated through the antislavery press. Local, regional, and national papers published constitutions, resolutions, reports, and addresses of women’s organizations. The Henry County Female Anti-Slavery Society (HCFASS) maintained vigorous publication activities. During their eight-year existence, from 1841 to 1849, the Free Labor Advocate, a regional antislavery newspaper, published HCFASS resolutions and addresses almost every year. In addition to Indiana periodicals, HCFASS leaders sent publication requests to national newspapers. Although scholars have profiled several New England societies, the characteristics of individual societies in the Midwest remain slim. Since the HCFASS achieved the most prolific publication record of any female society in Indiana it provides a strong case study for female antislavery rhetoric in the Midwest.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
This dissertation argues that the Edison Institute (presently known as The Henry Ford in Dearborn, Michigan) survived internal and external challenges through the evolution of the Ford family’s leadership and the organization’s funding strategy. Following Henry Ford’s death, the museum complex relied upon the Ford Foundation and the Ford Motor Company Fund as its sole means of philanthropic support. These foundations granted the Edison Institute a significant endowment, which it used to sustain its facilities in conjunction with its inaugural fundraising program. Navigating a changing legal, corporate, and philanthropic landscape in Detroit and around the world, the Ford family perpetuated Henry Ford’s legacy at the Edison Institute with the valuable guidance of executives and staff of their corporation, foundation, and philanthropies. Together they transitioned the Edison Institute into a sustainable and public nonprofit organization by overcoming threats related to the deaths of two generations of the Ford family, changes in the Edison Institute’s administration and organizational structure, the reorganization of the Ford Foundation, the effects of the Tax Reform Act of 1969, and legal complications due to overlap between the Fords’ corporate and philanthropic interests. The Ford family provided integral leadership for the development and evolution of the Edison Institute’s funding strategy and its relationship to their other corporate and philanthropic enterprises. The Institute’s management and funding can be best understood within the context of philanthropic developments of the Ford family during this period, including the formation of the Ford Foundation’s funding and concurrent activity.   This dissertation focuses on the research question of how the Edison Institute survived the Ford family’s evolving philanthropic strategy to seek a sustainable funding and management structure. The work examines its central research question over multiple chapters organized around the Ford family’s changing leadership at the Edison Institute, the increase of professionalized managers, and the Ford’s use of their corporation and philanthropies to provide integral support to the Edison Institute. In order to sustain the Edison Institute throughout the twentieth century, it adapted its operations to accommodate Henry Ford’s founding legacy, its legal environment, and the evolving practice of philanthropy in the United States.

This thesis focuses on the abolition of slavery in the United States. It examines the power role of discourse in maintaining and abolishing slavery in the United States, particularly the proslavery and the antislavery discourse of the antebellum South. The thesis examines two competing concepts of human bondage which originated in the proslavery and antislavery discourses-that of the slave-as-commodity, the proslavery concept, on the one hand, and the slave-as-human, the anti-slavery concept, on the other. It aims to discuss the significance of meaning shift of the word "slave" from slave-as-commodity to that of slave-as-human, the antislavery concept. Taking into account the very subjectivity of the meanings assigned to the words "black" and "slave", the thesis will demonstrate that in U.S. social and political discourse, the meaning of "slave" was not fixed and underwent significant changes over time. This thesis suggests that the abolition of slavery in the United States can be perceived as a result of "a battle for truth" between the proslavery and the antislavery discourse. The new emphasis on the universal humanity of both "races" in the nineteenth century helped abolitionists link the issue of slavery to a progressive discourse of unalienable personal liberties. I argued that even though the...