Rozprawy doktorskie: „(59th : 1981 : United States)”

1

Holm, Michael 1975. "Brothers in arms : Congress, the Reagan administration and Contra aid, 1981-1986". Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=101882.

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From 1981 to 1986, the Reagan administration viewed Nicaragua's Marxist regime as a threat to regional and U.S. national security. The administration's support of the Contra rebels, who were actively fighting to overthrow Nicaragua's government, embroiled the U.S. in a "limited" regional war. While conventional scholarship has characterized this conflict as "Reagan's War", Congress played a significant role in keeping the Contra army active and intact. Caught between Reagan's strident anti-Communist ideology and the fear of a Marxist state in Central America, Congress attempted to establish a middle-of-the-road policy, first cautiously funding the Contras through covert operations and non-lethal aid, finally approving full military support in 1986. Despite opportunities to end U.S. involvement, Congress failed to curb both military escalation and Reagan's ideological ambitions. Ultimately, responsibility for U.S. involvement in the Contra war does not lie solely with the White House; this burden must also be shared by Congress.

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2

Limaye, Satu Prakash. "United States-Indian relations, 1981-1989 : the pursuit and limits of accommodation". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.315903.

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3

Riser, Jerome L. "A Qualitative and Quantitative Analysis of the Redistribution of Regional Economic Growth". Thesis, North Texas State University, 1986. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500829/.

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Utilizing shift/share and economic base analysis, data covering employment, income, and population are analyzed for each of the nine regions of the United States as defined by the Census Bureau. The study covers 1970 through 1984 because widespread redistribution of employment and a shift toward more service-oriented, white collar jobs occurred during this period. This study presents currents trends and recommends ways in which people may better prepare for the future.

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4

Apinyavesporn, Suteera. "President Carter, US foreign policy and the Iranian Hostage Crisis, 1979-1981 /". [St.Lucia, Qld.], 2003. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe17058.pdf.

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5

Rafferty, S. J. "Legislative reform of the telecommunications industry : United States and Great Britain 1981-1985". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.371721.

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6

Bechtolsheimer, Götz. "Breakfast with Mobutu : Congo, the United States and the Cold War, 1964-1981". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/403/.

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On the 25th November 1965 Colonel Joseph Désiré Mobutu staged a bloodless coup to take charge of the political turmoil in recently independent Congo and establish one of the most brutal and corrupt dictatorships in modern African history. This thesis explores the story of the American hand both in Mobutu’s fortuitous rise and its subsequent sustenance of his regime in the name of its geostrategic Cold War agenda. Spanning the administrations of four presidents from Lyndon Johnson to Jimmy Carter, this study considers the effects of the American Mobutu alliance on Congo and how its relationship with the Congolese leader in turn shaped the American approach towards the wider region and, ultimately, defined its Cold War in Africa. The thesis begins with the CIA-organised mercenary suppression of the Simba rebellion from 1964 to 1965, before offering a detailed analysis of the American role in bringing Mobutu to the helm of Congolese politics and ensuring the survival of his initially tenuous grasp on power. Having consolidated his grip on Congo, subsequent chapters investigate the American role in the establishment of the Mobutist ‘State Kleptocracy’, the part played by the Kinshasa despot in defining the American stand in the Angolan Civil War and, despite the by now obvious shortcomings of its Congo alliance, the Carter administration’s continued support for Mobutu when his regime was threatened by violent dissent once more. As such, this thesis aims to give a more comprehensive and detailed picture of the American Cold War alliance with Congo’s profligate dictator from 1964 to 1981.

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7

Riddington, William. "The right, rights and the culture wars in the United States, 1981-1989". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/278057.

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This thesis explores how the American right fought the culture wars of the 1980s in the context of the rights revolution and the regulatory state. It does so by examining divisions over anti-abortion measures in Congress, controversies surrounding allegations of discriminatory withholding of medical care from disabled newborns, debates over the extent to which Title IX and other federal anti-discrimination regulations bound Christian colleges that rejected direct federal funding, and the interplay between rights and education during the AIDS crisis. In doing so, it contributes to the still-growing historiography on both American conservatism and the culture wars. Firstly, it adds shades of nuance to the literature on the American right, which has, until recently, posited the election of Ronald Reagan as the beginning of an era of untrammelled conservative ascendancy. However, these case studies reveal that despite Reagan’s resounding electoral success and the refiguring of the Republican party along conservative lines, the 1980s right was forced to fight many of its battles on terrain that remained structured by the liberal legacy. This finding also contributes to recent trends in the historiography of the culture wars, which have added a great depth of historical understanding to America’s interminable conflicts over abortion, evolution, equal marriage and other social issues. By examining how the right conceived of and reacted to the enduring influence of the rights revolution and the regulatory state in the culture wars of the 1980s, the centrality of the right to privacy becomes clear. Acknowledging the importance of this right leads to the conclusion that the fundamental restructuring of relations between the federal government and the states that had taken place during the 1960s gave rise to the culture wars of the 1980s.

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8

Thomas, Michael Tracy. "Beliefs and advocacy : influences and constraints on United States policy towards Israel, 1981-1993". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.413818.

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9

Morrison, Douglas B. "Resource Allocation Patterns at U.S. Community Colleges: An Evaluation of Priorities, Efficiency and the Historical Mission 1981-82 Through 1986-87". PDXScholar, 1989. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1138.

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Over a six-year period, this study compares the demonstrated priorities and efficiency of 328 U.S. community colleges to the historical mission of community colleges which includes the goals of unrestricted student access, service to many students, and the delivery of comprehensive, high-quality, low-cost educational programs. Sample data was provided by NACUBO for 328 institutions (out of a U.S. population of 770) reporting in both 1981-82 and 1986-87. The study compares the 1986-87 resource allocation patterns for each institution to the 1981-82 patterns for that same institution. Measurements include the level, mix, and rate of change in F.T.E. student enrollments, square footage, market penetration, the number of full-time faculty, F.T.E. faculty, support staff, and expenditures for Direct Instruction, Instructional Support, Student Services, Institutional Support, and Plant Operations. 2 Summary data is presented for the sample as a whole and separately by state for institutions with enrollment growth and for institutions wi th enrollment decline. Over the six-year period, sample institutions received $1.4 billion in incremental revenues. Classroom teaching received 43.1 cents of every incremental dollar, ranked fourth out of five expenditure categories in rate of expenditure growth and fell from 50.5% of total expenditures to 48.4%. Square footage and F.T.E. support staff increased 9.3% and 13.2% respectively while F.T.E. student enrollments and the number of full-time faculty declined 2.9% and 2.4% respectively. By 1986-87 fewer F.T.E. students and a smaller percentage of service area populations were served by fewer full-time teachers, at higher cost by substantially more square footage and support staff. The study concludes that these patterns are inefficient and inconsistent with the historical mission of community colleges.

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10

Trezevant, Robert Heath. "The effect of tax law changes on corporate investment and financing behavior: Empirical evidence from changes brought about by the Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981". Diss., The University of Arizona, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184897.

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This dissertation examines the relationship between debt and investment-related tax shields using changes in these classes of tax shields scaled by expected operating earnings following the passage of the Economic Recovery Tax Act(ERTA) in 1981. The substitution effect predicts that a negative relationship between changes in the two classes of tax shields will be observed in response to the increased investment-related tax shields offered by ERTA. Debt tax shields should decrease following ERTA since the probability of losing the tax benefit of tax shields would rise as investment-related tax shields increased following ERTA. Firms' probability of losing the deductibility of tax shields is used to segregate the sample into two groups. For the group of firms with a low probability of losing the deductibility of tax shields, the substitution effect is inapplicable and the relation between changes in the two classes of tax shields simply represents the debt securability effect. Since fixed assets can be used as collateral for debt, the debt securability hypothesis predicts a positive relationship between changes in debt and investment-related tax shields after the passage of ERTA. The model developed to segregate debt securability from the substitution effect reveals that, as predicted, the debt securability effect is positive for all firms and that the substitution effect is negative for those firms with a large probability of losing the benefits of tax shields. This reverses the findings of prior research. Controls for pecking order theory effects are introduced into the model to assure that the substitution effect observed is not due to debt ratio as predicted by Myers (1984). The findings described above remain intact except that the debt securability effect does not exist and the substitution effect is weaker for high-debt firms. Furthermore, support is offered for the pecking order theory. These results are robust to alternate specifications of time periods tested, variable definitions, data screening criteria and model specifications.

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11

Berlin, Peter. "The budget, the President and the 97th Congress". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26783.

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This thesis looks at House budgetary actions in the 97th Congress in 1981 and 1982. In 1981, despite the opposition of the economic committees and the Democratic majority leadership, the House voted through a budget drawn up by the White House. In 1982, however, they refused to pass a budget drawn to President Reagan's blueprint. The first chapter is a narrative of the events of those two years. The second chapter is an account of the theoretical literature on the subject which pose several questions about those events and also suggest some answers. The third chapter is a statistical analysis of nine House roll calls over the two years. It attempts, first, to identify those Representatives who made the difference between Presidential victory in 1981 and frustration in 1982. Second, it tries to explain what these marginal presidential supporters had in common and what made them switch sides.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate

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12

Pee, Robert Edward. "Democracy promotion, national security and strategy during the Reagan administration, 1981-1986". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2013. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/4625/.

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This study examines the relationship of democracy promotion to national security in US strategy through an examination of the influence of geopolitical, bureaucratic and organisational considerations on the effort to create a coherent strategic approach fusing democracy promotion and national security under the Reagan administration. This process highlighted geopolitical and organisational tensions between democracy promotion and US national security. Groups within the administration, Congress and the private sphere disagreed over whether US geopolitical interests required the limited deployment of democracy promotion against Soviet Communism or a more expansive effort aimed at both Communist and pro-US dictatorships. These debates were linked to clashes over the credibility and effectiveness of competing state-centred or privately-implemented organisational frameworks. The organisational resolution was the National Endowment for Democracy, which intervened on a tactical basis in dictatorships, with US assistance, to safeguard US national security by supporting pro-US democratic groups. However the concept of privately-implemented democracy promotion blocked agreement on geopolitical objectives and the creation of a coherent strategy reconciling democracy promotion and US national security. Tensions between these two imperatives continue to recur and can be resolved only on a case-by-case basis rather than at the strategic level.

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13

Endsley, Stephen C. (Stephen Craig). "The President's Influence on Congress: Toward an Explanation of Senators' Support for Presidents Carter and Reagan". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1994. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500443/.

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This study examines the possible effect of the president's vote totals in states on Presidents Carter's and Reagan's support among senators. Using senators' Congressional Quarterly (CQ) presidential support scores as the dependent variable, this paper hypothesizes that Carter and Reagan's support is significantly and positively related to their electoral success in that Senator's state for the years 1977 through 1988. Several control variables are included to help explain support. There is qualified corroboration for the hypothesis that senator's presidential support scores are significantly and positively related to the president's electoral success for specific administrations and for specific-party senators, although not for the original hypothesis that aggregated the period 1977 to 1988.

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14

Andelic, Patrick Kieron. "Donkey work : redefining the Democratic Party in an 'age of conservatism', 1972-1984". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:74e6045e-6262-45dd-873f-d35223133a42.

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This thesis argues that much of the political historiography is mistaken in portraying the post-1960s United States as a nation moving inexorably to the right. It also argues that historians should not understand the Democratic Party as being in terminal decline between 1972 and 1984, marginalised by a coalescing conservative Republican majority. Indeed, taking as its focus the U.S. Congress, this thesis asks why the remarkable resilience of the congressional Democratic Party has been overlooked by historians. It further asks why that resilience did so little to help the party in subsequent years. The Democratic revival in the elections of 1974 and 1976, so often dismissed as a post-Watergate aberration, was in fact an authentic political opportunity that the party failed to exploit. Exploring various Democratic factions within Congress that competed to shape their party's public philosophy, this thesis seeks to show how grander liberal ambitions were often subordinated to the logic of legislative politics and policymaking. The underlying theme is the unsuitability of Congress as an arena for the discussion and refinement of post-Great Society liberalism. Again and again, the legislature displayed a remarkable facility for undermining iconoclasm and stalling policy experimentation. Institutional reforms in the early 1970s, supposed to reinvigorate the Congress and the congressional Democratic Party, actually succeeded only in intensifying the fragmentation of both. Congressional politics became more entrepreneurial and less party-oriented, leaving legislators with few incentives to look beyond their own political fortunes to the party's future prospects. Enduring Democratic strength in Congress meant that Capitol Hill remained at the centre of the party's efforts to reclaim its preeminent position in American politics. The fact that the Democrats never experienced a protracted period of minority status, as the Republicans did during much of the mid-twentieth century, left them ill-equipped and without a powerful incentive to think in broader terms about their party's mission.

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15

Jones, John D. (John David). "Social-structural and Election Level Determinants of the Outcome of Union Certification Elections, 1981-1990". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc332495/.

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The purpose of this research is to identify major factors that can be used to explain and predict the process of growth in union membership as represented by union victories in certification elections. The emphasis of this research is on organization and social-structural level factors. The logistic regression procedure reveals that organization level variables are most significant in explaining union victories in certification elections. Among the organization level variables, Unit Size, as defined by the NLRB, is the most significant variable in each year of the study and across all industrial classifications.

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16

Rynhold, Jonathan M. "Israeli political culture in Israel's relations with the United States over the Palestinian question 1981-96". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1998. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1517/.

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This thesis makes a contribution to the study of Israeli foreign policy, Israeli-American relations and the role of Israeli political culture in foreign policy. First, all the works on American-Israeli relations focus on American policy. Second, works examining the role of Israeli values in foreign policy focus primarily on the values of the Israeli right, usually purely in regard to the Palestinian question and use a concept of political culture that is static. In contrast, this thesis examines, US-Israeli relations from the Israeli view point and encompasses the impact of the Israeli left's values on policy. Moreover, it uses a concept of political culture that is fluid rather than static. Following a brief introductory section outlining the interpretative concept of political culture employed, the thesis turns towards a section on Israeli political culture. Here two main sub-cultures are identified; a universalist orientation which views Israel as a normal country and which aspires to normalisation and a particularist orientation which sees Israel as 'a nation that dwells alone', with a particular mission to fulfil. From this basis, four approaches within the Israeli elite towards relations with the United States over the Palestinian question are drawn out. The next section then examines and accounts for shifts in Israeli political culture, first towards particularism and then towards universalism, as well as the impact of these shifts on underlying foreign policy attitudes and their political strength. The third section consists of a number of chapters which demonstrate the role of the various approaches, motifs, values, and developments within Israeli political culture on relations with the United States over the Palestinian question 1981-96. It covers the main issues that arose in that period including the Lebanon War, the London agreement, the Madrid Conference, the loan guarantees question and the Oslo accords. The final part of this section focuses on relations between Israel, pro-Israel groups in the US and Congress.

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17

Poster, Alexander O. "A Hierarchy of Survival: The United States and the Negotiation of International Disaster Relief, 1981-1989". The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1274803652.

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18

Rashdan, Abdelfattah A. (Abdelfattah Ali). "The Shift of the Egyptian Alliance from the Soviet Union to the United States, 1970-1981". Thesis, North Texas State University, 1986. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500417/.

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The purpose of this study is to examine internal and external factors affecting the Egyptian-Soviet alliance during the period under investigation. Chapter I provides background information on Egyptian-Soviet relations, and in Chapter II important developments in those relations are outlined. Chapter III examines the October War of 1973 and Soviet policy during the war. Chapter IV traces efforts to reach a settlement in the Middle East, highlighting the role of the United States in the negotiations. Finally, Chapter V demonstrates that Egypt, like other small nations, has not surrendered its interests to the aims of either of the superpowers.

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19

Johnson, Ryan. "An historical perspective on the evolution of the United States internal revenue code from 1981-2001". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/7384.

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The purpose of this study was to identify and analyse in an historical context the major changes to the United States’ Internal Revenue Code during the period 1981-2001. This qualitative study relied on historical and legal interpretative approaches to better understand the political forces, personalities, and interactions that helped shape the legislative changes during this time period. The study focused on deep analysis of primary sources that best illuminated the latent narrative of four major tax actions: The Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981, the Tax Reform Act of 1986, The Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act of 1993, and The Economic Growth and Tax Relief Reconciliation Act of 2001. Archives, periodicals, and political rhetoric were examined in order to help shape the historical narrative. In addition, this study sought to identify major trends and paradigm shifts in the way United States tax policy was formed during the time period examined. The study identified several key trends that emerged in United States’ tax policy during this period: the use of budget deficits as political tools; factors associated with accomplishing tax reform; gaps between political rhetoric of individual politicians and their political action; and the virtual disappearance of a political middle ground in United States budget politics. The study concluded by noting the economic and political significance of budget deficits and stressing the need for fundamental changes in voter responsibility in helping achieve lasting, broad-based tax reform and budgetary responsibility in the United States.

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20

Beaty, Bart H. "All our innocences : Fredric Wertham, mass culture and the rise of the media effects paradigm, 1940-1972". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0020/NQ55299.pdf.

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21

Rubin, Robert Daniel. "Establish no religion faith, law, and public education in Mobile, Alabama, 1981-1987 /". [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2009. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3380126.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of History, 2009.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Jul 14, 2010). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-12, Section: A, page: 4826. Adviser: Michael C. Grossberg.

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22

Schilling, Johannes-Georg. "The politics of injustice rhetoric and poverty in Reagan's America". Thesis, This resource online, 1991. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-10242009-020213/.

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23

Vargo, Trina Y. "French and American foreign policies : concordances and discordances in the light of ideological differences 1981-1984". Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61971.

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24

Parsons, Caroline Keller. "Fighting the good fight| Ronald Reagan's moral and religious rhetoric and Soviet policy, 1981--1989". Thesis, College of Charleston, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1587109.

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This thesis contributes to the historiography on President Ronald Reagan, political rhetoric, U.S.-Soviet Relations, 1980s politics, and religion in foreign policy. It examines the consistency and purpose of Reagan’s religious and moral rhetoric in an attempt to gain an understanding of Reagan’s rhetoric as it pertained to his Soviet policies. It draws largely from speeches, articles, summit meetings, interviews, personal correspondences, radio broadcasts, press conferences, political insider’s memoirs, and Reagan administration documents that laid out foreign policy strategies for dealing with the Soviet Union.

I argue that throughout his two terms as president, while there was variance over time in some aspects of his rhetoric (i.e., his characterization of the Kremlin), Ronald Reagan’s rhetoric consistently pointed to religion and morality as central aspects of the Cold War and central causes of East-West tensions. He also consistently pointed to the Soviet system as the greatest moral evil facing the world, and his Soviet policies and interactions with Soviet leaders reflected his perception that religion and morality were at the heart of the Cold War and East-West relations. This thesis intends to provide a better understanding of the worldview Reagan presented in his public rhetoric and of the ways his foreign policy actions were, overall, consistent with that worldview. This study defines Reagan’s public rhetoric as a tool of persuasion that sought to reshape public and private perceptions of the East-West relationship, the Cold War, and America’s role in it.

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25

Shackelford, Maggie. "Unsung Heroes: Lesbian Activists in the AIDS Epidemic in North Carolina and California, 1981-1989". W&M ScholarWorks, 2011. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539624393.

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26

Rees, Samuel Huw. "The collapsing pillar : Jimmy Carter and US foreign policy towards Iran, 1977-1981". Thesis, Swansea University, 2013. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa43014.

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The continuing diplomatic impasse between the United States and Iran dates back to the turbulent events of the late 1970s. Blame for the 'loss' of Iran, which had been one of the 'twin pillars' of US strategy in the Persian Gulf, has inevitably fallen on the White House incumbent at the time, President Jimmy Carter. This thesis offers a reassessment of Carter's decision making and his responses to the fall of the Shah, the Islamic Revolution and the US embassy hostage taking. It demonstrates that the breakdown of US-Iranian relations was not simply a one-president phenomenon and, more significantly, Carter's handling of Iran was not as dire as it is often portrayed. The research is based on a thorough examination of the available archive material, including newly released documents, as well as recent interviews with the major protagonists. When Carter took office in 1977 he inherited a badly creaking Iranian pillar that was soon to collapse altogether. The flawed policies of his predecessors placed strict limitations on his administration and unwittingly created a ticking time bomb in the form of the Shah. Despite these restrictions, Carter battled to reconcile the strategic necessities of Cold War containment with his moral principles in areas such as human rights and arms sales. In an administration seemingly dominated by the disagreements amongst his top two advisors, Carter remained the key decision maker at all times. He recognised the practical limits of American power and assumed sensible positions in response to an ever changing and uncontrollable crisis. Aside from its contemporary significance, Iran is therefore critical to Carter's disputed legacy and how he rates as a foreign policy president.

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27

Dabbs, Russell Edward. "Do Predictions of Professional Business Economists Conform to the Rational Expectations Hypothesis?: Tests on a Set of Survey Data". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1989. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501259/.

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A set of forecast survey data is analyzed in this paper for properties consistent with the Rational Expectations Hypothesis. Standard statistical tests for "rational expectations" are employed utilizing consensus forecasts generated by an interest rate newsletter. Four selected variables (Fed Funds rate, M1 rate of growth, rate of change in CPI, and real GNP growth rate) are analyzed over multiple time horizons. Results tend to reject "rational expectations" for most variables and time horizons. Forecasts are more likely to meet "rationality" criteria the shorter the forecast horizon, with the notable exception of forecasts of real GNP growth.

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28

Mapp, Wayne Daniel. "The Iran-United States Claims Tribunal, 1981-1987 : an assessment of the Tribunal's jurisprudence and its contribution to international arbitration". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.329997.

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29

Moens, A. Alexander. "The multiple advocacy strategy and the role of the custodian : the Carter years". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/29025.

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The increasing complexity and high stakes of foreign policy decisions, especially of major powers such as the United States, have generated specialized studies of decision making. One approach, called "multiple advocacy," maps a strategy of role tasks and process norms to guide the decision-makers towards an optimal decision-making process. This process allows the President to make an informed policy choice as a result of having heard a variety of options debated freely and openly among his advisors in his presence. A crucial actor in this process is the National Security Advisor. As process manager or "custodian," he must ensure that the key provisions of the strategy are met while abstaining from personal involvement in the substance of policy advice and execution. This thesis examines the internal coherence and usefulness of the strategy. The first two years of the Carter administration provide a close approximation of the strategy. Four important policy issues during this period form the empirical basis of this test: the "Deep Cuts" proposals in SALT II, the war in the Horn of Africa, Sino-American Normalization, and the fall of the Shah of Iran. While the basic principles of the strategy are found useful and sound, several of its provisions are challenged. First, in spite of its claim, the strategy does not produce multiple options when the advisors have no wide divergence of opinion. Second, contrary to the strategy's prescriptions, the custodian can improve the process in such situations by joining the policy debate. Third, custodial engagement in activities such as diplomacy and public speaking need not be prohibited too strictly. Last, the demise of the strategy can be more narrowly defined as the result of custodial disregard for a free flow of information and open participation among the advisors. Though further studies are needed to widen the empirical base, several tentative suggestions are offered to improve the strategy. The president must insist on a reasonable range of opinions when appointing advisors. While the National Security Advisor may join the policy debate to widen the range of options, his policy advice should not become the rule. At all times the President must insist that all policy debates among his advisors be brought to his attention, and that all policy options receive a fair hearing.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate

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30

Williams, A. Lynn, Brenda Louw, Nancy J. Scherer, Ken M. Bleile i Keske-Soares I. "New U.S.-Brazil Program in Communication Disorders". Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2011. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/1981.

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Students on two continents are participating in a new, innovative program designed to promote research into communication disorders across languages and cultures. The three-year project, jointly funded by the U.S. Department of Education and the Brazilian Ministry of Education (Fundacao Coordenacao de Aperfeicoamento de Pessoal de Nivel Superior; CAPES), supports student exchange as well as cross-cultural and cross-linguistic curriculum development for students of speech-language pathology and audiology at four universities in the United States and Brazil. The universities include East Tennessee State University (lead U.S. university, Dr. Brenda Louw, Project Director), the University of Northern Iowa (Dr. Ken Bleile, Project Director), Universidade Federal de Santa Maria (lead Brazil university, Dr. Marcia Keske-Soares, Project Director,), and Universidade de São Paulo-Baurú (Dr. Inge Trindade, Project Director).

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31

Jenkins, Ava W. (Ava Walker). "The Role of Neo-Aristotelian Invention in Selected Speeches of Ronald Reagan". Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500901/.

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Using the Aristotelian concept of artistic proof, this thesis analyzes nine televised speeches presented by President Reagan from February 1981 through April 1983. Reagan skillfully utilizes only two modes of rhetorical proof--ethos and pathos. However, his lack of logical proof has not lessened his effectiveness. This study reveals several reasons for Reagan's rhetorical effectiveness and success. For example, Reagan's strong ethical image and personality comfort his audience and encourage their trust. His weaknesses in logical argument are overlooked by his audience because of his high personal appeal. Furthermore, Reagan's use of pathos appeals makes Americans feel good about themselves and their country, helping him to maintain his popularity. Finally, Reagan's skillful use of the television medium has increased his effectiveness.

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Walker, Michael. "Crusade for freedom?" Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/551.

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Presidents of the United States and other American policymakers have throughout history cited democracy promotion as one of the chief goals of American foreign policy, and the current administration of George W. Bush has been no exception. However, and notwithstanding the habitual endorsement of this objective by US administrations, the subject of democracy promotion has received relatively little academic attention. This study aims to correct this gap in the literature by considering two questions relating to United States democracy promotion. First, have the efforts of the US to spread democracy to other countries met with success? Second, is promoting democracy truly a priority of American policymakers, or is it rather window dressing cynically aimed at winning public and congressional support for foreign policy? I begin by defining the terms democracy and democracy promotion. I then use three recent case studies to answer the two questions outlined above, the first of which focuses on President Reagan’s policy towards Nicaragua. In the second case study I consider President Clinton’s policy towards Haiti, while the third deals with President George W. Bush’s policy towards Colombia. The evidence I present points to the conclusion that the United States has not been successful in its efforts to promote democracy in other countries, and that spreading democracy abroad is at best a secondary goal of American foreign policy. The evidence presented in the thesis also demonstrates the utility of foreign policy analysis-based approaches to the study of international relations.

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Morton, Donald. "President Reagan's Rhetorical War Against Nicaraugua, 1981-1987". TopSCHOLAR®, 1992. https://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/2669.

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The Reagan administration launched a two term campaign to win support for the Contra rebels fighting Nicaragua. The rhetorical war began in secrecy and ended in scandal. With Reagan's reputation as a "great communicator" and the priority he assigned to the Contra cause it seemed surprising to find virtually nothing on the topic in a search of the communication journals through mid 1992. The central research question of this thesis is whether President Reagan used rhetorical strategies and similar depictions to other presidents in his prowar rhetoric against Nicaragua. A common theme of war rhetoric is the dehumanizing of the enemy in order to justify retaliation and to deflect the attention of the audience away from the realities of war. Robert 'vie, using Burke's dramatistic analysis, found over a hundred and fifty years of presidential rhetoric a predictable pattern of justifications for war. He found motives for war arranged in a hierarchy with "rights" as the primary god-term for purpose. Before a textual evaluation this study reviewed the history of the region the role of the rhetor and of the media. 'The data included a computer scan covering all of Reagan's statements on Nicaragua (59,000 words), a brief overview of 45 speeches and a detailed examination of three nationally televised speeches. The television speeches were analyzed in light of the following: a) Rhetorical exigencies surrounding the appeal were researched. b) Key players in the drama and their effect on the rhetoric were reviewed. c) Main arguments and counter-evidence were related to the speeches. d) A metaphoric analysis was conducted with particular emphasis on mega-images. e) Identification strategies in Burkeian terms were applied to the speeches. f) The speeches were subjected to a pentadic analysis to determine ratios and their relationship to motive. g) The effects were reviewed in terms of the press, Congress and polls.

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Gayte, Marie. "Les États-Unis et le Vatican : analyse d'un rapprochement (1981-1989)". Phd thesis, Université de la Sorbonne nouvelle - Paris III, 2010. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00834752.

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Le 10 janvier 1984, les Etats-Unis et le Saint-Siège annoncent l'établissement de relations diplomatiques. Cette décision s'inscrit dans un contexte de tensions accrues entre les Etats-Unis et l'Union soviétique après la détente qui avait caractérisé les années 1970. L'accord idéologique semble parfait entre Ronald Reagan et Jean-Paul II, tous les deux connus pour leur anticommunisme farouche. Le rapprochement constaté dans les années 1980 a conduit certains à évoquer l'existence d'une alliance entre Rome et Washington ayant visé à précipiter la chute des régimes marxistes. Pourtant, une analyse plus poussée de leurs relations pendant cette période tend à infirmer cette lecture. Le Vatican ne va pas toujours approuver les politiques de déstabilisation des régimes marxistes menées par l'Administration Reagan, contrairement aux attentes de cette dernière. Washington, pris au dépourvu, va consentir des efforts importants pour convaincre Rome du bien fondé de sa politique étrangère. Négociations de désarmement, Initiative de défense stratégique, Amérique centrale et Pologne seront autant de sujets abordés pour essayer d'emporter l'adhésion du Saint-Siège, ou tout du moins pour éviter une condamnation, ne serait-ce qu'implicite, de sa politique. Parfois, le Saint-Siège va agir dans un sens favorable aux intérêts américains, mais quelle que soit l'effet de ses prises de position sur Washington, ces dernières s'expliquent par le fait que le Saint-Siège a agi selon des intérêts qui ne sont pas tous liés à la lutte contre le communisme.

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Kenny, Sara York. "Predicting Failure in the Savings and Loan Industry: a Comparison of RAP and GAAP Accounting". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1989. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc330922/.

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The financial crisis facing the United States savings and loan industry has been steadily escalating over the last decade. During this time, accounting treatments concerning various thrift institution transactions have also attracted a great deal of attention. The specialized accounting treatments used in the thrift industry, known as regulatory accounting practices (RAP) have been blamed as one of the culprits hindering the regulators' ability to detect serious financial problems within many institutions. Accordingly, RAP was phased out, and all federally insured savings and loan associations began preparing their financial statements in accordance with generally accepted accounting principles (GAAP) as of January 1, 1989. The purpose of this dissertation is to compare the relative predictive values of the two historical cost based accounting conventions (RAP and GAAP) available to the savings and loar? industry during the 1980's. For purposes of this dissertation, predictive value is defined as the usefulness in assessing future financial health and viability. The sample consisted of all the institutions reporting to the Federal Home Loan Bank of Dallas between 1984 and 1989. Year-end thrift financial report data, obtained from Sheshunoff Information Services, Inc. (Austin, Texas) was used to calculate several financial ratios. The Federal Home Loan Bank of Dallas provided a comprehensive listing of all institutions that failed between January 1, 1985 and March 31, 1989. The null hypothesis tested in this study was: no significant differences existed between the predictive values of RAP and GAAP financial statements. Using a dichotomous dependent variable (failed/not failed) and independent variables from prior research, several multinomial logistic models were developed to test the null hypothesis. All models developed failed to reject the null hypothesis.

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Stegmann, Marian A. "A nursing history of the United States Public Health Service Hospital, Staten Island, New York, 1831-1981 and one nurse's contribution : Marie Afferton, nurse educator /". Staten Island, N.Y. : [s.n.], 1992. http://library.wagner.edu/theses/nursing/1992/thesis_nur_1992_stegm_nursi.pdf.

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Nielson, Adam H. "Latter-Day Saints in Popular National Periodicals 1970-1981". CLICK HERE for online access, 2003. http://patriot.lib.byu.edu/u?/MTNZ,2362.

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Mynatt, Joseph Ross. "Stock Returns and the Brazilian Default an Analysis of the Efficient Market and Contagion Effect Hypotheses". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1988. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500500/.

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This thesis attempts to analyze the market response of stock prices of major U.S. banks to the February, 1987 Brazilian loan default announcement. The study's general hypothesis is that the market revalued stock prices according to each bank's amount of Brazilian loan exposure. The first chapter examines the significance of the default announcement. A survey of related literature is presented in the second chapter. Chapter III specifies the methodological techniques involved in analysis of the data. Chapter IV reports the findings of the study. Conclusions about the results are drawn in Chapter V. The results indicate the market is efficient. They also suggest that individual exposure was the major determinant of bank stock price decline.

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Rose, Mary T. "A study of the impact of the Federal ECIA, Chapter 2, block grant program on elementary and secondary education in the state of Oregon". PDXScholar, 1985. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/819.

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The study addresses the fiscal, governance, and educational impact of the Education Consolidation and Improvement Act on elementary and secondary education in Oregon from its inception in 1983 through the 1985 fiscal year. A review of the national literature and research provided rationale for hypothesizing within state redistribution of federal aid to elementary and secondary school districts, increased federal aid to local education agencies, a continuation of decreased federal funding for state educational agency positions, and an expansion of federal aid to private schools. Interviews were conducted with Oregon Department of Education officials, members of the State Block Grant Advisory Committee, and local educators. State documents and plans were studied and analyzed. Oregon's 309 elementary and secondary school districts and seven state institution schools were classified into five recipient groups: (1) Population Center; (2) Suburban; (3) Metropolitan-Urban; (4) Rural; and (5) State Institutions. School districts gains and losses within groups and among groups were computed and reported. The study showed that the metropolitan school district of Portland and the state institution schools were the only two groups to lose federal aid in the transition from the antecedent categorical programs in 1982 to the first year block grant program in 1983 while the proportion of federal aid per-pupil allocated to suburban and population center school districts increased. The trend from 1982 to 1985 showed per-pupil distribution shaped federal aid into more of a mathematical equity distribution where the percent of federal aid has become more proportionate to the percent of pupils in school district groups. The study also found that the block grant set aside at the state level is a significant source of funds to support educational change and reform. The Oregon Department of Education has used block grant funds as a major revenue source to support the Oregon Action Plan for Excellence. The study concluded that the program had moved federal aid away from previously targeted needs and that federal aid, in the absence of strongly worded purposes and national interests, may evolve into an educational revenue sharing program. In times of economic difficulty and revenue shortfalls, the justification for continued educational block grants may be questioned.

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Rogina, Sergio A. (Sergio Armando). "Diplomacy Rhetoric and the Human Rights Appeals of Jeane J. Kirkpatrick and Vernon A. Walters". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1991. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc504209/.

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This thesis investigates the extent to which Ambassador Kirkpatrick's and Ambassador Walters' United Nations discourses on human rights reflects the rhetorical themes of "prophetic dualism" and "technocratic realism." A metaphoric analysis of six speeches reveals that both Kirkpatrick's and Walters' arguments were framed through an ideological division between Democracy and Communism. The presence of "prophetic dualism" in Kirkpatrick's and Walters' discourses is explained as an extension of President Reagan's bipolar rhetoric on world affairs. The presence of "technocratic realism" in Walters' discourse is described as resulting from a unique set of political and rhetorical factors. The exacting nature of "prophetic dualism" may make it ill suited as a method of argument in the realm of diplomacy.

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Avila, William Richard. "Representations of HIV/AIDS in Popular American Comic Books, 1981-1996". Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1616593578624264.

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Heurtebize, Frédéric. "L'attitude de washington face à l'euro-communisme en france et en italie 1974-1981". Thesis, Paris 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA030129.

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Principalement représentée par les partis communistes italien et français, quoiqu'à des degrés divers, la mouvance eurocommuniste entendait mettre en œuvre un socialisme compatible avec le système politique occidental. Cette volonté se traduisait par un engagement en faveur des libertés et du pluralisme politique, par une prise de distance avec le modèle soviétique et par la volonté de former des alliances. En 1972, en France, socialistes et communistes scellent l’Union de la gauche tandis qu’en Italie, en 1973, le PC appelle à un compromis historique avec la Démocratie chrétienne. Quoique différente à maints égards, la situation dans les deux pays fait renaître outre-Atlantique une crainte qu’on croyait écartée : l’arrivée au pouvoir de PC en Europe de l’Ouest. Cette étude s’attache à examiner l’attitude des États-Unis – notamment l’exécutif et son appareil diplomatique – face à cette menace. La période à l’étude (1974-81) couvre l’émergence, l’apogée et le déclin de l’eurocommunisme et correspond aux présidences Ford (1974-77) et Carter (1977-81). Cette thèse se fonde principalement sur l’examen des archives américaines (présidence, département d’État et CIA) ainsi que sur de nombreux entretiens. L’administration Ford, et Henry Kissinger en particulier, se montra plus inquiète que l’administration Carter. Par ailleurs, quels que furent les dirigeants au pouvoir, la situation italienne suscita plus de craintes que la situation française, à tel point que, sous Carter, le Parti socialiste jouit d’un capital de sympathie élevé au sein de l’administration. Cette étude souligne aussi des différences significatives d’appréciations entre l’exécutif, d’un côté, et les ambassades, les différents services d’analyse et de renseignement américains de l’autre. Pour ces derniers, la participation de ministres communistes dans des gouvernements d’Europe occidentale eût certes causé de réelles difficultés, mais des difficultés surmontables
Eurocommunism refers to a trend among West European communist parties that aimed at promoting a communism compatible with Western-style democracy. It entailed embracing democratic "bourgeois" values, criticizing the Soviet model and fostering political coalitions with long-despised parties. French communists and socialists thus formed the Union of the Left in 1972 while the Italian CP called for a "historic compromise" with the Christian Democrats one year later. The period under study (1974-81) spans the birth, climax and decline of that trend but also the presidencies of Gerald Ford (1974-77) and Jimmy Carter (1977-81).Though different in many respects, the political situation in both countries – however sincere, or not, those CPs were in Washington’s view – exacerbated one long-gone fear: the coming to power of communists in Western Europe. This dissertation examines how the US – mainly the White House and its diplomatic and intelligence bureaucracy – regarded that threat. It draws substantially from American archival material (White House, State Department and CIA) and from numerous interviews with former actors and witnesses of that period. This dissertation argues that the Ford administration, whose diplomacy was led by Henry Kissinger, was more concerned about Eurocommunism than the Carter administration. It also argues that the Italian situation caused more concern than the French situation, so much so that members of the Carter team had sympathies for the French socialists. Finally, this study reveals significant differences in judgment – between, on the one hand, the executive branch, and, on the other hand, the embassies and the analytical and intelligence services – as to how threatening Eurocommunism was to American and Western interests. Throughout the decade, overall, the latter proved more relaxed than American leaders about the possible consequences of the CPs’ coming to power

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von, Bargen Max Anders. "A Misunderstood Partnership: British and American Grand Strategy and the “Special Relationship” as a Military Alliance, 1981-1991". The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu158766455515096.

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Kim, Chris. "Some contemporary theologies of regeneration in the USA, UK and Korea, 1966-2003, with special reference to Billy Graham and Martyn Lloyd-Jones". Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683036.

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Stirling, Scott. "The neo-diaspora : examining the subcultural codes of hip-hop and contemporary urban trends in the work of Kudzanai Chiurai and Robin Rhode". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002219.

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This thesis is structured around an exploration of the global phenomenon hip-hop. It considers how its far-reaching effects, as a cultural export from the United States,have influenced cultural production in South Africa. The investigation focuses specifically on the work of two visual artists: Zimbabwean born, Johannesburg-based Kudzanai Chiurai, and Cape Town born, Berlin-based Robin Rhode. The introduction familiarises the reader with the two artists and briefly outlines their histories and methods, as well as giving a short history of the development of hip-hop as a subculture from its beginnings in 1970s New York. The first chapter follows this brief introduction to outline some of the parallels, especially concerning race relations, between 1970s America and post-apartheid contemporary South Africa. This comparison aims to highlight similarities that gave rise to the hip-hop phenomenon and which also place South Africa in a prime position to welcome such influences. The second half of the chapter explores how migration theory and issues of diaspora have not only influenced the development of hip-hop, but have also become points of focus for both artists, who are in fact disporans themselves. The second chapter explores ‘ground level’ concerns of everyday life in the city. Issues of crime,gangsterism, politics and activism are characterised as focal elements of Chiurai’s and Rhode’s artwork and also of hip-hop musical content. Inner city contexts in different parts of the globe are compared through a discussion of the art and music that come out of them. This comparison of the philosophical and conceptual content of the art and music is extended, in Chapter three, into a comparison of methods of production, considering how these influence various readings of the artistic output, whether musical or visual. Ideas of authenticity are discussed and finally the focus shifts to explore how both the conceptual and practical concerns of musicians and artists are being shaped by an increasingly ‘globalized’ world. The conclusion explores the challenges that globalization poses to cultural practitioners and seeks to highlight some of the artists’ methods as examples with which to facilitate the growth of a more inclusive global aesthetic.

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Maillet, Jacob. "L' "image de l'ennemi" : le débat public sur l'URSS aux États-Unis dans les dernières années de la Guerre Froide, 1984-1989". Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015USPCA158.

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La Guerre Froide domine l'histoire de la seconde moitié du vingtième siècle, et sa conclusion demeure source de débats aujourd'hui, le triomphalisme des conservateurs étant souvent remis en cause par les tensions avec la Russie. Au cœur du conflit se trouvait la perception pour les Américains d'une menace basée sur l'idéologie et la puissance militaire de l'Union soviétique. Mais cette « image de l'ennemi » resta fondée sur de nombreuses erreurs d'interprétation des données disponibles. En fait, l'étude des dernières années de la Guerre Froide révèle que cette image déformée des capacités et des motivations de l'ennemi a acquis des fonctions internes au paysage politique américain. Le débat public, souvent dominé par les personnalités anticommunistes, montre que la perception du conflit par les Américains dépendit longtemps de représentations ancrées dans l'imaginaire collectif. Or, l'arrivée au pouvoir de Mikhaïl Gorbatchev en 1985 va rapidement permettre de remettre en question ces représentations. Entre 1984 et 1989, la volonté de Ronald Reagan, puis de Mikhaïl Gorbatchev, d'apaiser les tensions à la source de la Guerre Froide, va donc signifier une déconstruction de l'image de l'ennemi et une ré-humanisation progressive des Soviétiques. En cinq ans, l'Union soviétique cessera d'être un « empire du mal » pour devenir « juste une autre grande puissance ». En étudiant cette évolution, on peut discerner l'origine et les fonctions de l'image de l'ennemi, et donc voir comment la perception des ennemis peut être influencée ou instrumentalisée. La fin de la Guerre Froide nous renseigne ainsi sur la construction de nos ennemis d'aujourd'hui
The Cold War looms large over the history of the second half of the 20th century, and its conclusion remains a source of debates to this day, while renewed tensions with Russia may lead us to question the triumphalism of hawks after the collapse of the Soviet Union.At the heart of the conflict was the perception by Americans of a threat based on the ideology and the military power of the Soviet Union. But this « enemy image » was based on many faulty interpretations of the available data.In fact, the study of the last years of the Cold War reveals that this twisted image of the capabilities and intentions of the enemy had acquired internal functions of its own on the American political scene. The public debate, often dominated by anticommunist figures, shows that the perception of the conflict by Americans long rested on preconceptions deeply embedded in the collective imagination. However, the rise to power of Mikhail Gorbachev in 1985 would lead to a thaw in the Cold War : the enemy image was deconstructed and the Soviets progressively became more human in the eyes of Americans. In five years, the Soviet Union ceased being an « evil empire » to become « just another great power ». By studying this evolution, one can determine the origins and functions of the enemy image, et thus understand how the perception of enemies can be influenced or used. The end of the Cold War thus allows us to better understand the construction of today's enemies

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47

Coil, William Russell. ""New Deal Republican" James Allen Rhodes and the transformation of the Republican Party, 1933-1983 /". Connect to resource, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1124117381.

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Crowell, Mark. "Attitudes Toward Homosexuality: American and Canadian Patterns, 1981-2000". Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10012/3085.

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Previous research has determined that Canadians often exhibit more tolerant attitudes toward homosexuality than Americans, yet few studies have attempted to uncover why this pattern persists. Using World Values Surveys data, this study compares attitudes toward homosexuality between Canadians and Americans from 1981 to 2000. The study re-examines directly Reginald Bibby’s (2004) assertion that divergent levels of religious commitment, rather than other socio-demographic, cultural and socio-structural factors, largely account for attitudinal differences between the two neighbouring nations. Consistent with previous research, the findings suggest that differences in gender, marital status, age, education, home language, community size, region, and many indicators of religious involvement and religiosity assist in predicting attitudes toward homosexuality. Overall, the findings support Bibby’s theory that religious differences between Americans and Canadians largely explain more tolerant attitudes among Canadian citizens. Particular attention is also paid to factors outside of religion that may influence attitudes, but which are not directly observable in quantifiable data analysis.

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Cook, Steven T. "The determinants of migration and industrial mobility in the United States, 1981-1988". 1995. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/32496426.html.

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Benjamin, Larry Richard. "The reagan doctrine in historical perspective". Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/20651.

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Degree awarded with distinction on 8 December 1993. Johannesburg 1993.
This dissertation begins with an examination of the salient principles and doctrines that have shaped American foreign policy. Since the end of the Second World War, the doctrines of American foreign policy have all been manifestations of the concept of containment that constituted the bedrock of U.S. policy towards its principal adversary the soviet Union. The Reagan Doctrine exhibited many of the traditional characteristics of its predecessor but, in reflecting shifting global realities, the Reagan Doctrine was also innovative and represented a new policy direction. Through the two selected case studies (Nicaragua and Afghanistan) the application of the Reagan Doctrine is evaluated with a view to determining its objectives, successes and failures.

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