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1
Arizona, University of. "1995-1996, 1996 -1997 Graduate Catalog". University of Arizona, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/626624.
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Arizona, University of. "1997-1998, 1998-1999 Graduate Catalog". University of Arizona, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/580816.
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Arizona, University of. "1995-1996, 1996-1997 General Catalog". University of Arizona, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/580817.
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College, of Law University of Arizona. "Law Catalog, 1994-1997". College of Law, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/612035.
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Library, University of Arizona, i Carla J. Stoffle. "Annual Report, 1997/1998". University of Arizona Library (Tucson, AZ), 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/124804.
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Liu, Chang-Cheng. "Saudi-Iranian relations, 1977-1997". Thesis, Durham University, 2003. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1731/.
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Arizona, University of. "1997-1998 General Academic Manual". University of Arizona, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/623423.
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Kopec, David M., i Jeffrey J. Gilbert. "Overseed Greens Trial 1997-1998". College of Agriculture and Life Sciences, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/216391.
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Perennial ryegrass germplasm was quicker to establish plot cover on a "Tifgreen" bermudagrass green than that of Poa trivialis when used alone. Poa trivialis alone produced lighter color turfs when compared to perennial ryegrass. Turfgrass color was generally uniform in appearance, however, within each entry. Therefore, color as a selection criteria is a matter of choice by the user. The turfgrass mixture "Catalina/Winterplay" (80% perennial ryegrass/20% Poa trivialis) was intermediate in turfgrass color. "Brightstar II" PR generally produced a dark turf throughout the growing season. For overall turfgrass quality, the perennial ryegrasses generally out performed the Poa trivialis germplasm. The mixture of "Catalina/Winterplay" produced a very dense turf, followed closely by "Turfstar Plus" PR, "95-1" PR and "PT-4" PT. ASnowbird@ PT had the least amount of living ground cover by May 31, which is desirable from a transition standpoint.
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Allert, Michael. "Malaysia und die Asienkrise 1997/1998 /". Berlin : Köster, 2009. http://aleph.unisg.ch/hsgscan/hm00249892.pdf.
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Mamahit, Desi Albert. "Indonesia : the economic crisis 1997-1998". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1998. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA350161.
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Thesis (M.S. in Management) Naval Postgraduate School, June 1998.Thesis advisor(s): K.L. Terasawa, Bill Gates. "June 1998." Includes bibliographical references (p. 177-181). Also available online.
11
Shapoatov, Sayfiddin. "The Tajik Civil War: 1992-1997". Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12605036/index.pdf.
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This study aims to analyzing the role of Islam, regionalism, and external factors (the involvement of the Russian Federation, Uzbekistan, Afghanistan, and Iran) in the Tajik Civil War (1992-97). It analyzes all these three factors one by one. In the thesis, it is argued that all of the three factors played an active and equal role in the emergence of the war and that in the case of the absence of any of these factors, the Tajik Civil War would not erupt. As such, none of the factors is considered to be the only player on its own and none of the factors is considered to be the basic result of other two factors.
12
Rengifo, Saúl. "José Antonio Russo Delgado (1917-1997)". Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú - Departamento de Humanidades, 2013. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/112886.
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Allert, Michael. "Malaysia und die Asienkrise 1997 - 1998". Berlin Köster, 2008. http://d-nb.info/991906403/04.
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Wilcox, Mark. "Yuma Vegetable Variety Trials 1996/1997". College of Agriculture, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/221480.
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Johansson, Max. "Frihetsbegreppets utveckling i Folkpartiets program 1967-1997". Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Samhällskunskap, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-2211.
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Denna uppsats studerar utvecklingen av begreppet frihet i Folkpartiets partiprogram mellan 1967-1997. Undersökningen tar hänsyn till partiprogram och program om näringslivspolitik samt utbildningspolitik. Det olika sammanhang som frihet presenteras i relateras till tre typer av frihet och idealtyper om socialliberal och nyliberal frihet.Förändringen av synen på frihet går till en viss del från en frihetssyn där alla skall ha möjlig¬het att förverkliga sin egen potential till en frihetssyn där Folkpartiet anser att individerna skall få spendera sina egna resurser efter eget huvud. Trenden är en övergång från en socialliberal politik till en nyliberal politik. De tendenser där detta blir tydligast är i synen på friskolorna och åsikterna om hur befolkningen bör bli beskattade och vilket syfte som beskattningen har. Igenom hela perioden håller Folkpartiet vissa värden konstanta. Folkpartiet förespråkar in¬dividens rätt mot olika organisationer och att marknadsekonomi är önskvärd men inte perfekt.
16
Garcia, Márcia Aparecida [UNESP]. "José Geraldo Vieira (1987-1997): fortuna crítica". Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/94155.
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garcia_ma_me_assis.pdf: 1546452 bytes, checksum: 87273f05f8b9ccb739dd529a10bd911a (MD5)Este trabalho objetiva compor um quadro organizado de textos críticos sobre o escritor José Geraldo Vieira (1897-1977), com o propósito de oferecer ao pesquisador material adequado a uma análise mais rigorosa e abrangente da produção literária desse escritor. A maior parte dos textos críticos encontra-se publicada em jornais. Primeiramente, esses textos foram localizados e organizados. Depois disso, visando à avaliação da recepção crítica, foram resenhados e analisados. Ao término desta pesquisa constatou-se que a obra de José Geraldo Vieira tem sido vítima de muitos clichês e comentários que se repetem. Apesar disso, a crítica, no geral, apresenta argumentos positivos suficientes para realçar o valor de José Geraldo Vieira no panorama da literatura brasileira.
The aim of this work is compounding an organized table of critical texts about the writer José Geraldo Vieira (1897-1977), with the proposal to offer the researcher appropriate material for a more rigorous and comprising analysis of his literary production. The major part of the critical texts is found published at newspaper. At first, these texts were localized and organized. After that, viewing an evaluation of the reviewer's reception about the works by José Geraldo Vieira, they were summarized and analyzed. The analysis shows that, although sometimes the works of José Geraldo Vieira have been a victim of a random appreciations and repeated comments, they were, in general, well accepted by the reviewers. Thus, these reasons are strong enough to underline the value of his work at Brazilian Literature outline.
17
Al-Mouaiad, Al-Azem Assaad. "Epidemiology of tuberculosis in Manitoba, 1992-1997". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape7/PQDD_0002/MQ45018.pdf.
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Jost, Stefan. "Bolivien : politisches System und Reformprozess 1993 - 1997 /". Opladen : Leske und Budrich, 2003. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/371106095.pdf.
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Fisher, Stephen Douglas. "Tactical voting in England 1987 to 1997". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.312749.
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Adebajo, Adekeye. "Pax Nigeriana? : ECOMOG in Liberia, 1990-1997". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.310155.
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Rivière, Karine. "La communication électorale en Angleterre, 1979-1997". Paris 3, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002PA030064.
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De 1979 à 1997, les conservateurs gouvernent entre deux mandats travaillistes ; cette alternance au pouvoir des deux principaux partis, conséquence du système politique britannique, affecte la communication des partis. Ceux-ci tentent de parfaire leur contrôle sur les différentes composantes de leur communication, notamment quand aucun intermédiaire n'est a priori nécessaire (manifestes, professions de foi, tournées, discours). Au cours de la période, la communication s'est professionnalisée (recours à des conseillers), uniformisée (directives des directions centrales destinées aux candidats), personnalisée (campagnes centrées autour des chefs de parti) et le statut des partis, gouvernement sortant ou opposition, est davantage mis en avant. Toutefois, cette volonté de contrôle se heurte aux médias et à la manière dont ils rendent compte de l'information électorale. Si les médias permettent une large diffusion du message des partis, leur comportement vis-à-vis de l'information varie, de la neutralité au partis pris. .The Conservatives governed from 1979 to 1997, in between two Labour mandates ; this changeover of political power between the two major parties, a consequence of the British political system, has an impact on the parties' communication. They try to perfect their control over the various components of their communication, especially those which do not seem to require any intermediary (manifestos, election addresses, tours, speeches). During the period, the communication became more professionalized (hiring of advisers), more standardized (instructions from party headquarters to candidates), more personalized (campaigns focused on party leaders) and the parties put a greater emphasis on their status, outgoing government or challenger. However, this will for control is hindered by the media and the way they report electoral information. If the media enable a widespread transmission of the party message, their behaviour towards information varies from neutrality to partisanship. .
22
Ottman, M. J., S. E. Smith, D. M. Fendenheim i M. T. Rogers. "Alfalfa Variety Performance at Maricopa, 1997-1999". College of Agriculture, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/205170.
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Kopec, David M., Jeffrey J. Gilbert i Darren E. Kerr. "Fairway Overseed Turfgrass Trials, 1996-1997 Season". College of Agriculture and Life Sciences, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/216392.
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Twenty-three overseed entries (and a non-overseed check) were evaluated from November 1996 to June 1997 for turf performance over Tifgreen (328) bermudagrass. Entries varied for turfgrass establishment, color, quality, density, texture and uniformity on all evaluation dates. One annual ryegrass and three intermediate ryegrass Lolium hybridium entries were included. The intermediate type 'Hybrid X-NC' had better performance than 'Froghair' or 'Hybredium' intermediate hybrids in most cases, except for early transition. Entries which consistently had the darkest green genetic color included 'Citation III', 'LPQ-N3', 'EP-20', 'Charger II', '84-91', 'WX-140', and 'Roadrunner'. Entries which consistently ranked high in overall turfgrass performance included 'Citation III', '2-DLM', '84-91', 'Roadrunner', 'Charger II', 'WX-140', '93-7', and 'LPQ-N3'.
24
Garcia, Márcia Aparecida. "José Geraldo Vieira (1987-1997) : fortuna crítica /". Assis : [s.n.], 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/94155.
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Orientador: José Carlos ZamboniBanca: João Luis Cardoso Tapias Ceccantini
Banca: Luiz Eduardo Ramos Borges
Resumo: Este trabalho objetiva compor um quadro organizado de textos críticos sobre o escritor José Geraldo Vieira (1897-1977), com o propósito de oferecer ao pesquisador material adequado a uma análise mais rigorosa e abrangente da produção literária desse escritor. A maior parte dos textos críticos encontra-se publicada em jornais. Primeiramente, esses textos foram localizados e organizados. Depois disso, visando à avaliação da recepção crítica, foram resenhados e analisados. Ao término desta pesquisa constatou-se que a obra de José Geraldo Vieira tem sido vítima de muitos clichês e comentários que se repetem. Apesar disso, a crítica, no geral, apresenta argumentos positivos suficientes para realçar o valor de José Geraldo Vieira no panorama da literatura brasileira.
Abstract: The aim of this work is compounding an organized table of critical texts about the writer José Geraldo Vieira (1897-1977), with the proposal to offer the researcher appropriate material for a more rigorous and comprising analysis of his literary production. The major part of the critical texts is found published at newspaper. At first, these texts were localized and organized. After that, viewing an evaluation of the reviewer's reception about the works by José Geraldo Vieira, they were summarized and analyzed. The analysis shows that, although sometimes the works of José Geraldo Vieira have been a victim of a random appreciations and repeated comments, they were, in general, well accepted by the reviewers. Thus, these reasons are strong enough to underline the value of his work at Brazilian Literature outline.
Mestre
25
Spajic, Darko. "Muslim-Croat relations in Bosnia-Herzegovina, 1987-1997". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1998. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA359051.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, December 1998."December 1998." Thesis advisor(s): Daniel J. Moran. Includes bibliographical references (p. 135-138). Also available online.
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Fataar, Mogamad Aslam. "Education policy development in South Africa, 1994-1997". Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 1999. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
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Black South Africans have been exposed to an unequal and divided education system. It has been expected that the basis for an equitable education system would be laid in the post apartheid period. In this thesis I have provided an analysis of education policy development in South Africa between May 1994 and mid-1997. My main aim has beento understand the policy vision that the post apartheid state has enacted as the basisfor educational reconstruction.The conceptual framework of this thesis is located in the academic fields of Education and Development and Policy Sociology. I have focused on the interaction between the broad delimitations set by the structural, economic and political dimensions in society on the one hand, and the political and policy dynamics that have given education policy its specific meaning on the other hand. The role of the government in enacting a specific policy vision has been at the centre of my analysis.
The government has effected a conservative vision with the adoption of the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) macroeconomic strategy. GEAR has targeted the development of an export-based global economy along post fordist lines. Predicated upon an emphasis on fiscal discipline, the dominant policy orientation has supported equity but without an emphasis on redress. This approach has not provided the necessary basis for education reconstruction.
The National Qualifications Framework (NQF) and Outcomes-based education (OBE) embody a definite '/ision in terms of which education policy would be aligned with economic development. This vision is based on the false assumption that education should playa fundamental role in producing the sophisticated labour demands of a globally competitive economy. The logic of both GEAR and the NQF is internally inconsistent and the relationship between these two policy frameworks is unsustainable.
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Solani, Noel Lungile Zwelidumile. "Memory and representation: Robben Island Museum 1997-1999". Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2000. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=init_9418_1178281992.
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The notion of what constitutes a nation has been a subject of many debates. The nation, like individual is the culmination of a long past of endeavours, sacrifice and devotion. The post aprtheid project of reconciliation in South Africa is part of this desire to live together as citizens of one country irrespective of past differences. This desire transforms itself to cultural institutions like museums or rather cultural institutions represents this desire in a more systematic way in the post apartheid South Africa as they seek to transform.
28
Muriuki, Irene. "Donor conditionalities and democratisation in Kenya, 1991-1997". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003022.
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The end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union has encouraged democratisation in most parts of Africa. At the same time, Western donors' attitudes towards r~cipients of foreign aid have changed. This has resulted in a new practice, which attempts to force Third World states to move toward liberal democracy by conditioning lending on the holding of mUlti-party elections. In Africa this has resulted to the holding of multi-party elections. This study attempts to examine donor conditionalities and democratisation in Kenya by examining the results of 1992 and 1997 multi-party elections. Kenya attained independence from the British and ushered in a multi-party democracy in 1963. Since then, the country has undergone a full circle of political development, starting with a multi-party democracy at independence, through a one party dictatorship between 1982 and 1992 and back to a multi-party democracy in 1993. The need to satisfy foreign donors forced the leadership to amend Section 2(A) of Kenya' s constitution that had legalised single-party rule in 1982 thus allowing plural politics. The externally pressured transition to multi-party democracy though has resulted in increased corruption, state-sponsored ethnic violence, continued political authoritarianism and disastrous economic mismanagement of what was once considered a model for the continent. This study urges that Western donors should focus less on elections and more on the fostering of democratic institutions through breaking patterns of neo-patrimonial rule that have inforn1ed and continue to inform politics in Kenya. Political reforms have been resisted by the incumbency in the fear tha! they may curtail the power of the political leadership whose main objective has been to cling to power.
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Zlotowski, Yves. "La monnaie dans la transition russe : 1992-1997". Paris 10, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA100042.
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Apres six annees de transition, la russie se trouve dans une situation monetaire paradoxale : les capitaux commencent a affluer et la politique de stabilisation donne des resultats probants sur l'inflation. Mais l'economie n'est pas reellement << monetarisee >>, le rouble n'etant qu'un moyen de paiements parmi d'autres. Pour expliquer ce paradoxe de la desinflation sans la remonetarisation, nous avons mis en avant deux approches que nous etudions parallelement, et dont l'interaction est la principale explication de la constitution de l'ordre monetaire russe de fin 1997 : d'une part, la politique monetaire au sens traditionnel qui detaille la mise en place des instruments et des canaux de transmission de la regulation de la monnaie et d'autre part << politique de la monnaie >> qui, fondee sur une theorie qui apparente la monnaie a un systeme de regles relevant du bien commun, s'interesse a la mise en place des regles fondamentales qui definissent une economie monetaire de marche. Cette grille de lecture nous a dicte un plan chronologico-thematique. Toutefois, si la chronologie est indispensable pour saisir le caractere evolutif du phenomene, elle n'est que l'occasion de developper notre double thematique en deux temps. Dans la premiere partie, intitulee <
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Almeida, Margarida Maria Barreto. "Ideologia e desigualdade social no Brasil 1995-1997". Florianópolis, SC, 2000. http://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/78931.
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Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Ciências Jurídicas.Made available in DSpace on 2012-10-17T20:58:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0Bitstream added on 2014-09-25T17:47:53Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 177318.pdf: 4267064 bytes, checksum: e871857ae97bab2e202317086ff867dc (MD5)
O Homem elege seus valores, constrói seus sonhos, relaciona-se consigo, com a natureza e com seus semelhantes a partir de suas idéias. Assim, ele cria seu universo e forma seu juízo sobre a condição humana e o sentido da vida. O termo "Ideologia" serviu, em seu primeiro momento, para designar a "ciência das Idéias". Sofreu porém, ao longo de sua história, vários deslocamentos e componentes contraditórios, recebendo, contudo, de Marx um sentido revolucionário, no momento que o associa com a divisão social do trabalho. Na esteira do pensamento marxista, é possível conceber "ideologia", exatamente como um sistema de pensamento, uma "visão de mundo" construída pelo grupo dominante para dominar ou dar direção política e moral a uma sociedade. O mecanismo ideológico serviu para manter a sociedade brasileira consensual em todo período de sua formação, enquanto engendrava-se em suas estruturas um grave processo de desigualdade social. Este desequilíbrio crescente foi acentuado pelas políticas neoliberais no período de 1995 a 1997. O Relatório do Programa da Nações Unidas para o Desenvolvimento Humano de 1999 denunciou o extremo grau de desigualdade social verificado no Brasil o incluído entre os países de maior concentração de renda do mundo. Demonstrou-se que, neste período, este país enriqueceu, porém a desigualdade social aumentou. Embora acumulasse historicamente um considerável atraso em investimento no fator humano, mesmo enriquecendo, o Brasil não procurou diminuir este défict demonstrando que a ideologia neoliberal, notadamente fecunda neste período, promoveu e aprofundou o fosso entre ricos e pobres, em detrimento da dignidade e dos mais elementares direitos das classes subalternas.
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Pilvar, Nahid. "La presse iranienne depuis la révolution islamique : les deux âges d'or 1978-1979 et 1997-1998". Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes (ComUE), 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015GREAL028/document.
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Cette recherche, insiste sur les deux périodes post révolutionnaires de relative décentralisation du pouvoir dans ce pays les période que les presses sont développer ; l'une dans les deux premières années après la victoire de la révolution de 1979 à 1981, et l'autreLa deuxième époque se situe pendant les deux premières années de la présidence de Mohammad Khâtami, vingt ans après l'installation de la République islamiqueThis research emphasizes the two periods of revolutionary post on decentralization of power in this country the period that the presses are developed; one in the first two years after the victory of the revolution of 1979 to 1981, and the otherThe second time is during the first two years of the presidency of Mohammad Khatami, twenty years after the installation of the Islamic Republic
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Farassati, Ali. "L'Iran et la crise de Caucase du Sud". Paris 8, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA081413.
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C'est une these paradoxale pour une situation geopolitique paradoxale: l'iran chi'ite qui reclame l'unification du monde musulman, soutien l'armenie chretien dans le conflit contre la republique d'azerbaidjan, le deuxieme et dernier pays chi'ite. Les nationalistes azerbaidjanais reclament l'unification avec leurs "freres azeris" d'iran (l'axe nord-sud); et les armeniens du karabagh revendiquent l'unification avec leurs "freres" en armenie (l'axe est-ouest). Au premier regard, on ne voit pas l'enjeu iranien dans ces revendications et au surcroit, on ne voit pas de liens entre ces deux conflits separes, mais au fond (au moins pour le gouvernement iranien), ces conflits relevent d'un probleme unique: les revendications des peuples a disposer d'eux-memes. Depuis 1988 on parlait de conflit armeno-azerbaidjanais sur l'enclave de karabagh, qui se deroule a la frontiere iranienne sur au longueur de 140 km au cote nord du fleuve araxe. Au premier regard, ca peut etre paradoxal de parler d'enjeu iranien dans ce conflit, cependant, pour des raisons historiques, culturelles et ethniques, teheran porte une attention particuliere a l'armenie et a l'azerbaidjan. Il semble paradoxale, mais en realite l'iran a du subir certaines consequences locales de cette crise, sous forme de revendications de sa region septentrionale sous le masque de "pan-azerisme" et puis, de "panturquisme". Cette menace a cree une sorte d'alliance naturelle entre teheran et yerevan. La fin de la guerre froide modifient completement les donnees geostrategiques de l'iran et lui permettre de jouer le role d'un puissance regionale dans le caucase du sud. Tres schematiquement, on peut evoquer trois facteurs qui avantagent l'iran, sur le plan regional et international: a) sa position geographique, b) ses ressources energetiques, c) son heritage historique et culturel. Du point de vue geopolitique, l'iran jouit d'une position proprement exceptionnelle. Il a l'ambition de se placer au centre d'un vaste reseau d'oleoducs et gazoducs reliant le caucase a l'europe et a l'extreme orient. Elle presente son importance geostrategique en axe nord-sud entre la mer caspienne et le golfe persique ou les echanges terrestres du caucase vers l'asie doivent emprunter ses voies de communication. C'est un avantage important pour teheran dans la competition qui l'oppose a la turquie et au pakistan pour devenir le partenaire prThis is a paradoxical thesis for a paradoxical geopolitical situation: iran (a shiite state) who claims the unification of islamic world, supports the christian armenia in his war with azerbaijan, the second shiite republic after iran. The nationalistes in the republic of azerbaijan revendicate the unification with their "azeri brothers" in iran (north-south axis); and the armenians of karabagh claim the unification with their "brothers" in armenia (east-west axis). In the first regard, we don't see the iranian's stake in these two claims and further more, we don't see any relation between these separate conflicts. But, at the very bottom, (at least for the iranian government), theses two conflicts raise one problem: the people's claim for self determination. Since 1988, we have been speaking about the conflict between armenia and azerbaijan over the enclave of karabagh, which continues on the iranian borders, over 140 km at the northern shore of arax river. At the first regard, it may look paradoxical to speak about the iranian's stake in this conflict, meanwhile, because of historical, culturel and ethnic reasons, tehran pays a special attention to armenia and azerbaijan. It seems also paradoxical, but in reality, iran had suffered certain local consequences of this crisis, under the forme of separatists revendications in his northern region under the cover of "pan-azerism", and lather on, "pan- turkism". This threat has created a sorte of natural alliance between tehran and erevan. The end of the cold war has completely modified the iran's geostrategic data and has permitted the iranian government to play a prominent role as a regional super-power in the southern caucasus. Very schematically, we can evoke three factors which advantage this country in the regional and international plan: a) his geographic positon, b) his energetic resources, c) his historical and cultural heritage. From a geopolitical point of view, iran plays an exceptional position: he has the ambition of placing himself in the center of a vast networks of oil and gas pipelines which relate the caucasus and central asia to europe and the far east. He presents his geostrategic importance in the north-south axis between the caspian sea and the persian golf, where the territorial exchanges from caucasus and central asia must take his communication roads and tracks. This is an important avan
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Kang, Kyung-Tae. "Korean Electoral Behavior: The 1992 and 1997 Presidential Elections". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2000. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/53965233.html.
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Raue, Maria Cornelia. "Doppelpunkt hinter der Geschichte die Prager Deutschlandpolitik 1990-1997 /". [S.l. : s.n.], 2001. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?idn=966512650.
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Bakardjieva, Radostina, i Christoph Sowada. "Soziale Sicherung in Bulgarien 1991-1997 : Entwicklung – Stand – Perspektiven". Universität Potsdam, 1998. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2011/4879/.
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All countries of Central and Eastern Europe had to bear and are still bearing tremendous costs of the economic and political transformation. This paper deals with the case of Bulgaria. We describe the social situation and the most important social security institutions in Bulgaria (unemployment benefits, the pension system and family support) over the period of the last seven years.
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Narain, Nigmendra. "Canada's India policy, 1947-1997, the emerging policy agenda". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq22259.pdf.
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Johnson, Mia. "Digital art on the World Wide Web, 1996-1997". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/nq25074.pdf.
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Walker, Craig. "Installation of aerial telecommunications cables in Adelaide, 1996-1997". Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1997. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ENV/09envw177.pdf.
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Yuan, Hongbo. "Fetal deaths in the United States, 1997 vs 1991". Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84858.
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Objective. To examine the temporal change in fetal death risk in the U.S. from 1991 to 1997 and to assess the extent to which changes in registration practices and labor induction have contributed to that change. Setting. United States. Design. Cohort study. Participants. All singleton pregnancies 20--43 weeks of gestation in 1991 and 1997. Main outcome measure. Fetal death risk (fetal deaths per 10,000 fetuses at risk at each completed gestational week).Results. From 1991 to 1997, the overall fetal death rate fell from 77.7 to 67.8 per 10,000 total births. However, fetal deaths at 20--22 weeks as a proportion of total births increased from 14.5 to 16.9 per 10,000. In a Cox regression analysis, the crude period effect (1997 vs 1991) at 40--43 weeks was 0.87 (95% CI 0.80--0.94) and remained virtually unchanged (HR 0.88, 95% CI 0.81--0.96) after adjustment for maternal sociodemographic, medical, and lifestyle risk factors. In ecologic (Poisson regression) analysis based on states as the unit of analysis, the crude period effect in non-Hispanic Whites (RR 0.79, 95% CI 0.74--0.84) disappeared (RR 0.98, 95% CI 0.82--1.16) after adjusting for induction of labor. No such effect of induction was observed in Blacks.
Conclusions. Increased registration is probably responsible for an increase in fetal death risk at 20--22 weeks of gestation, whereas the increasing trend toward routine labor induction at and after term appears to have reduced the risk of fetal death, at least among Whites.
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An, P. E. "Anglo-German relations in the EC/EU 1979-1997". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.595492.
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The expectation in some quarters before the UK joined the EC in 1973 was that there would be closer co-operation between Britain and Germany, as the two countries have many things, especially Atlanticism and the principle of free trade in common. But the reality was quite different and co-operation was limited. So, the central question of my research is: what factors prevented them from forging closer co-operation? Among the factors identified as determinants of the bilateral cooperation, this dissertation specifically seeks to determine the relative importance of the long-term factors (history, geography, and relations with the US and France) and certain short-term elements (personalities, personal relations between political leaders, party political links, and economic factors) and examine their inter-relatedness. My findings are that, in marked contrast to the strategic Franco-German relationship, relations between Britain and Germany have been principally contingent upon short-term factors. Even though the mix of the factors has varied over time and case by case, domestic political considerations; were consistently of primary importance. In particular, owing to the divisive character of ‘Europe’ in British politics, the impact of domestic politics on its relations with Germany was considerable. In addition, external factors such as the United States’ policy towards the Soviet Union and Germany’s relations with France were also important. From the findings, it follows that the oft-used term ‘silent alliance’ is only partially apposite. For this research, I employed a qualitative methodology, interpreting primary and secondary materials and conducting semi-structured interviews with both British and German decision-makers from the period under research. I also gained access to the Helmut Schmidt Papers in Germany to investigate the German perception of the UK as a partner. In order to demonstrate the complexities of Anglo-German relations, I took a case study approach. Four major events in the Community were chosen: the British Budgetary Question (BBQ), the Single European Act (SEA), German Unification, and the Treaty on European Union (TEU). Each case was systematically examined to answer the core questions of my research.
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Bellou, Fotini. "American leadership image and the Yugoslav crisis (1991-1997)". Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.326144.
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Telfer, Elizabeth. "Iran's foreign policy in the Caspian region 1991-1997". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3155/.
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Set in the context of the evolving political tapestry of the Caspian region, encompassing the five riparian states of Azerbaijan, Iran, Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan and Russia, and their immediate neighbours in the South Caucasus (Armenia and Georgia) and Central Asia (Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan) this PhD presents an analysis of Iranian foreign policy in the first six years following the Soviet break-up (1991-1997), an era that overlapped with the administration of President Ali Akbar Hashemi-Rafsanjani (1989-1997). This thesis aims to build upon two distinct areas of current scholarship creating linkages between Tehran’s domestic and external environment between 1988 and 1991 which resulted in the comprehensive pragmatist alliance and the emergence of opportunities in the Caspian after the Cold War. The crux is that Rafsanjani’s material interests were aligned with the changing geopolitics of its northern region, inducing an Iranian policy driven by a pragmatic construction of strategic concerns.
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Pelegrini, Marcelo Aparecido. "Prática da eletrificação rural em São Paulo (1995-1997)". Universidade de São Paulo, 1998. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/3/3143/tde-28112016-140243/.
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O fornecimento de energia elétrica é uma função social do Estado outorgada às concessionárias. Preocupadas em manter padrões de qualidade e reduzir custos para atingir seu objetivo maior que é o lucro, as empresas de energia não se interessam pela extensão de seu serviço para atender populações rurais pobres. O governo do estado de São Paulo planejou uma política de eletrificação rural com o objetivo de promover a valorização social da vida no campo. Baseado em um modelo desenvolvido pelo Banco Nacional de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social em parceria com a Universidade de São Paulo, foi proposto o programa \"Luz da Terra\", envolvendo vários novos atores e deixando para as concessionárias o papel de executar serviços de engenharia somente. Este trabalho analisa o processo de planejamento, o arranjo institucional e a prática de implantação desse programa em sua primeira fase. Os fracos resultados são atribuídos à falhas no arranjo institucional e nas ações de campo. O eixo do programa deslocou-se das comunidades e do poder local para as concessionárias. Em sua prática, o programa negou o modelo. Nesse contexto, são sugeridas medidas corretivas.The electric energy supply is a State social matter granted to the utilities. Worried in to maintain quality patterns and to reduce costs to reach its larger objective that it is the profit, the utilities are not interested in the extension of its service to assist poor rural populations. The state of São Paulo government has planned a rural electrification politics aimed to promoving the social valuation of the life in rural areas. Based on a model developed by the Banco Nacional de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social in partnership with the Universidade de São Paulo, the program \"Luz da Terra\" was proposed it, involving several new actors and passing to the utilities the task of executing engineering services only. This work analyses the planning process, the institutional arrangement and the practice of that program in its first phase. The weak results are attributed to mistakes in the institutional arrangement and in the country actions. The program axis moved from the communities and the local power to the utilities. In its practice, the program denied the model. In that context, this work suggests actions to correct it.
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Ryynänen, L. (Lassi). "Nuorille tilaa ja toimintaa:Oululaisen nuorisotyön kehitys vuosina 1947–1997". Master's thesis, University of Oulu, 2016. http://urn.fi/URN:NBN:fi:oulu-201606022139.
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Tämä pro gradu -tutkielma tutkii oululaisen nuorisotyön kehitystä Oulun nuorisolautakunnan arkistomateriaalin kautta. Tutkimus on rajattu vuosiin 1947–1997. Tutkimus on rakenteeltaan temaattinen eli jokainen pääluku koostuu alaluvuista, joiden aihealueet ovat nuorisolautakunnan tekemä nuorisotyö, nuorisotilat ja nuorisoavustusten jakaminen nuorisojärjestöille.
Tutkimuksen kohde on nuorisolautakunnan järjestämä nuorisotyö Oulun kaupungissa. Päälähteenäni olen käyttänyt Oulun kaupungin arkistolta (OKA) löytyvää nuorisolautakunnan arkistomateriaalia. Materiaali on järjestetty ja se sisältää kaiken nuorisolautakunnan tuottaman arkistomateriaalin, kuten kokouspöytäkirjat ja toimintakertomukset. Tämän lisäksi olen käyttänyt kaupungin arkistolta löytyviä Oulun kaupungin tilinpäätöksiä sekä nuorisotyötä koskevaa tutkimuskirjallisuutta.
Tutkimukseni tarkoituksena on tuottaa tietoa siitä, miten nuorisotyö järjestettiin Oulussa. Tätä näkökulmaa tuetaan erilaisin kuvaajin. Olen kerännyt ja taulukoinut Oulun kaupungin tilinpäätöksistä ja nuorisolautakunnan toimintakertomuksista systemaattisesti numerotietoa nuorisolautakunnan palkkamenoista, hallitsemien nuorisotilojen neliömäärästä ja huoneistokuluista. Tämän lisäksi olen taulukoinut nuorisolautakunnan jakamia nuorisoavustuksia. Olen koonnut systemaattisesti kaikki nuorisolautakunnan jakamat avustukset vuosina 1947–1994 ja järjestänyt ne omaksi kuvaajakseen. Olen luokitellut nuorisojärjestöt vasemmistolaisiin, oikeistolaisiin, varhaisnuorisojärjestöihin, uskonnollisiin ja sitoutumattomiin. Lähdemateriaalin perusteella analysoin systemaattisesti taulukoimaani materiaalia ja tutkin laadullisesti sitä, miten nuorisojärjestöjen saamat avustukset muuttuivat tutkimuksen ajanjakson aikana ja mitä se kertoo nuorisotyöstä.
Tutkimukseni keskeiset tulokset ovat nuorisotyön ammattimaistuminen sekä nuorisotyön yhteiskunnallisen vaikuttavuuden kasvu tultaessa 1970-luvulle. Nuorisotilojen luku- ja neliömäärän kasvu ajoittui 1970-luvun loppuun ja 1980-luvun alkuun ja tähän samaan aikaan ajoittuu myös nuorten omaehtoisen toiminnan kasvu. Poliittisten nuorisojärjestöjen avustusten väheneminen 1990-luvun alussa on keskeinen tutkimukseni tulos. Varhaisnuorisojärjestöt ja harrastejärjestöt kasvattivat avustuksiaan poliittisten nuorisojärjestöjen kustannuksella. Nuoriso työtä kohdennettiin yhä enemmän nuorisotaloilla tapahtuvaan toimintaan 1970-luvulta alkaen. 1990-luvulla mukaan nuorisotoimi järjestää yhä enemmän tapahtumia yhteistyössä eri alojen toimijoiden kanssa. Musiikki- ja harrastustoiminta kasvattavat suosiotaan nuorten parissa. Erityisesti erilaisten musiikkitapahtumien ja discojen järjestäminen yleistyy 1970-luvulla, nämä ovat toimintaa, jossa nuoret saavat järjestää itse itselleen toimintaa.
Tutkimukseni keskeinen tulos on, että Oulun kaupungin nuorisotyö kehittyi kohti nuorisotaloilla tapahtuvaa toimintaa. Kun 1950-luvulla nuorisolautakunnan tehtävä oli avustaa nuorisojärjestöjä, oli tilanne muuttunut 1980- ja 1990-luvuille tultaessa. Tällöin nuorisolautakunta tuki nuoritoimea, jonka tehtävänä oli järjestää nuorille mielekästä tekemistä tapahtumien ja nuorisotaloilla tapahtuvan toiminnan kautta.
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Alexandre-Collier, Agnès. "L'euroscepticisme au sein du Parti conservateur britannique : 1992-1997". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998IEPP0031.
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Le traité d'Union européenne signé en 1992 a donné naissance, au sein du Parti conservateur britannique, à un courant d'opposition aux principes d'union politique et monétaire et à la politique européenne du gouvernement de John Major, élu en avril 1992. Initie par un groupe de députés qui ont voté contre la ratification du traité malgré les consignes de leur propre parti, ce mouvement a acquis une force sans précédent dans l'évolution de l'idée européenne au sein du parti. Disposant de ressources considérables, ces rebelles parlementaires, également désignés par la presse sous le nom d'eurosceptiques, ont profité de la position difficile du gouvernement, accrue par la courte majorité parlementaire, pour mettre en oeuvre une série de stratégies qui ont donné lieu à une mobilisation dont les effets seront destructeurs pour l'organisation partisane. Souffrant d'une crise de légitimité, le premier ministre se verra contraint de provoquer en juin 1995 une nouvelle élection du leadership du parti pour réaffirmer son autorité. Les élections générales de mai 1997 représentent la défaite de John Major devant la puissance de la mobilisation eurosceptique qui réunit depuis 1995 toutes les caractéristiques de la faction. L'alternance a aussi donné lieu à la victoire, dans l'opposition, des attitudes eurosceptiques qui trouvent désormais un représentant sous les traits du nouveau dirigeant du parti et fidèle partisan de Margaret Thatcher, William Hague. Fondé en effet sur les valeurs thatchériennes du libéralisme économique et de l'indépendance nationale, le discours eurosceptique s'articule autour de la défense du nationalisme, de la démocratie et du libéralisme. Remettant en cause le clivage gauche-droite qui structure habituellement les partis politiques, l'euroscepticisme, qui revêt par ailleurs des formes variées, apparait globalement comme une combinaison de "primordialisme" national et de "fondamentalisme" partisan, comme le suggère le cas du Parti conservateur britanniqueThe signature of the treaty on European Union in 1992 brought about opposition within the conservative party to political and monetary union and more broadly to the European policy of the conservative government. The group of conservative MPS, who voted against the ratification of the treaty, despite their own party's instructions, gained increasing and unprecedented influence over the development of European policy during John Major's second period in office from 1992-7. The parliamentary rebels, termed eurosceptics by the press, could draw on a wide range of resources and seize a number of opportunities. In particular, they took advantage of the small and declining parliamentary majority to pursue their agenda. By 1995 eurosceptics within the party had developed all the characteristics of a faction. Ultimately they sufficiently damaged the authority of the prime minister, to force him to resign the leadership of the party in June 1995 and hod an election to restore his authority. The May 1997 general election confronted John Major with the power of this eurosceptical mobilisation within his own party. The conservative defeat and John Major's subsequent resignation as leader, paved the way for william hague to pursue a new and explicitly more eurosceptic policy. On the whole, the case of the Conservative party shows that the eurosceptic discourse, relying on the thatcherite values of economic liberalism and national independence, is based on the three principles of nationalism, democracy and liberalism. In challenging the left-wing cleavage, which usually structures political parties, euroscepticism finally appears as a combination of national "primordialism" and party "fundamentalism"
46
Bourdonnec, Catherine. "L'aide humanitaire a barcelone de nos jours (1991-1997)". Paris 10, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA100201.
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Nous avons souhaite, par ce travail, dans une perspective sociologique, etudier les mecanismes et les contradictions de l'aide sociale,caritative et humanitaire dans le quart monde de la ville et de la province de barcelone entre les annees 1991 et 1997. Deux questions sous-tendent cette these, celle d'un transfert eventuel de l'engagement religieux vers l'engagement humanitaire, ainsi que celle de la composition ideologique de l'aide sociale et humanitaire dans le quart monde avec ses particularites et ses contradictions internes. L'etude se decompose en trois mouvements: une approche historique visant a remonter aux origines premieres du phenomene afin de suivre sa construction ideologique au fil du temps; une approche socio-economique afin d'etudier egalement le contexte dans lequel se developpe, depuis les annees 80, le phenomene en catalogne; puis une etude de terrain, purement sociologique, construite autour d'entrevues de personnes totalement integrees dans un processus d'action sociale - publique ou privee - et humanitaire, et de questionnaires adresses directement aux volontaires, pour obtenir ainsi des sources d'information de premiere mainThe purpose of this work is to study, from a sociological point of view, the mechanisms and contradictions of voluntary social action under all its aspects - charity, social action, and so on. . . - aimed at the poorest layers of population in barcelona city and its region between the years 1991 and 1997. Two questions underlie in this work : first to find out wether there is a transfer from religious commitment to social commitment and second to analyse the ideological motivations supporting social action in that segment of population, with its characteristics and its internal contradictions. This work consists of three parts : historical approach intended to go back to the primary sources of the phenomenon, in order to follow its ideological build-up with time, socio-economical approach in order to also study the environmental conditions in which it is particularly developing, since the beginning of the eighties, in catalonia, then a purely sociological study carried out directly on the field, based on interviews with individuals totally involved in a social action process public or private -, and questionnaries sent directly to volunteers to obtain in this way first hand information
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Moulton, John B. "Fatal debilitation through flawed crisis management : UNSCOM : 1997-1998". Thesis, (Requires Adobe Acrobat Reader), 2001. http://stinet.dtic.mil/str/tr4%5Ffields.html.
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Rethwisch, Michael D., Bill Baldwin, John Baldwin, Danny Leivas i Michael Kruse. "1995-1997 Alfalfa Yields of Five Varieties Planted October 1994 on the Colorado River Indian Tribes Reservation". College of Agriculture, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/202445.
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This report covers the first 2.5 years of production of five alfalfa varieties (CUF 101, SW 14, SW8210, Pioneer 5888, and a grower selection originating from CUF 101 and noted as Baldwin Select) that were planted in October, 1994, into large plots (0.75 acres) to obtain actual field harvest data. Data are reported from 22 harvests thus far in the study, including five from 1997. Varietal hay yields were very similar in 1995 until mid summer, when area soil temperatures reached above 100°F at the four inch depth for a period of about 6 weeks. During the summer months of 195 -1996 Baldwin Select had significantly higher yields than other varieties tested. Statistical differences in accumulated hay yields were noted beginning in August 1995 and have continued. during 1996. Baldwin Select has the highest yielding variety each year thus far, producing 8.8% more than CUF 101, worth $233 /acre. Alfalfa varieties have been very similar in relative feed value when tested. Yellowing from Empoasca spp. leafhoppers was greatest during the 1995 -1996 winter on varieties with fall dormancy ratings of 9 or greater. Weed infestations during late summer 1996 appear to be inversely correlated with fall dormancy, for which Baldwin Select significantly higher than CUF 101.
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Sousa, Lucy Aparecida. "O mercado de capitais brasileiro no periodo 1987-97". [s.n.], 1998. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/285697.
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Orientador: Jose Carlos de Souza BragaTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia
Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-23T13:06:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Sousa_LucyAparecida_D.pdf: 5907186 bytes, checksum: 0cc1b1b42bfb3e757b13e66aec3050b2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 1998
Resumo: Não informado
Abstract: Not informed.
Doutorado
Doutor em Economia
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Lungu, Sorin. "NATO and post-Cold War German-American relations (1990-1997". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1998. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA349636.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, June 1998.Thesis advisor(s):, David Yost, Donald Abenheim. "June 1998." Includes bibliographical references (p. 131-141). Also available online.