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1
Hassan, Ali Bakr. "The Abbasid Revolution 747-750 and The Iranian Revolution 1978-1979: A Comparative Perspective". Journal of Al-Tamaddun 17, nr 2 (21.12.2022): 143–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/jat.vol17no2.11.
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Viewing the cAbbasid Revolution and the Iranian Revolution from a comparative perspective is the focus of this study. The cAbbasid Revolution was the first Islamic revolution, and the Iranian Revolution is the most recent Islamic revolution, both of which occurred in Muslim societies and practically began in the same geographical area. Although more than twelve centuries separate the two revolutions, similarities exist between them. Both produced profound results, and similar lessons may be culled from them. The first revolution toppled the house of the Umayyads and established a new dynasty. The second overbalanced the House of the Pahlavis and evolved Iran from a monarchy into an Islamic republic. The political role of merchants and their cooperation with religious leaders based on mutual self-interests in both revolutions was a significant factor. Conclusions may be drawn as to when or whether there were changes to Islamic values. These changes may have led to a change in Muslims’ experiences, which can be developed, into the form of a revolution or any type of violence. Taking a comparative methodological approach, this study attempts to make a link between the Iranian Revolution and its cAbbasid past.
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Baghoolizadeh, Beeta. "Seeing Black America in Iran". American Historical Review 128, nr 4 (1.12.2023): 1618–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhad383.
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Abstract From the 1960s onwards, many Iranians closely followed Black American protests during the Civil Rights and Black Power movements in the United States. This period proved pivotal for Iranian understandings of race, where intellectuals, revolutionaries, and those in media would use US-centric histories of enslavement, racism, and Black Americans to erase nineteenth-century histories of enslavement and racism in Iran, tacitly displacing the existence of Black Iranians across the national landscape. Black American Muslims, particularly Malcolm X, emerged as the ideal form of Blackness. After the 1979 revolution, non-Black Iranians and the Iranian government would continue this focus on US-based racism through an official narrative that repeatedly defined racism as a US-only problem, ultimately cementing the erasures around histories of enslavement and Black Iranians that began with abolition in 1929. Through an analysis of speeches, memoirs, poetry, newspaper articles, photography, and other illustrated media, this article weaves together vignettes to demonstrate how the pervasiveness of racial hierarchies fashioned around US histories came to shift an Iranian vocabulary and conceptualization of race. This article traces the changes in racial discourse during the 1960s and 1970s, the 1979 revolution, and the Iran-Iraq War from an Iranian perspective.
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Azarpanah, Sayeh, i Maedeh Maktoum. "The Problematic Confrontation of "Us" with the Other: One Dream and Multiple Interpretations". Freedom of Thought Journal, nr 11 (kwiecień 2022): 45–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.53895/dpjs1022.
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"Stranger, talk! Tell me, what should I do to awaken Iranians?" This question from Abbās Mirzā clearly portrays an encounter between Iranians and “the other” at the beginning of Iran's modern age. The Stranger is assumed to hold some kind of truth, the revelation of which would lead to the awakening of Iranians. This article considers an Iranian "we" that arises from imaginative confrontations with “the other”, beginning with Akhundov's Maktūbat and tracing "our" imagination up to the 1979 revolution. The 1979 revolution was a unique turning point in the life of "our" dream; its strange difference made “the other” interested to ask, with Foucault: “What are the Iranians dreaming about?” Foucault’s account of the Iranian dream has often been criticized. In favor of the "spirituality" of the revolutionary events, he separated spirituality from violence, and even considered the violence of revolution inevitable. As the fundamentalist government that longed for the Islamic Caliphate continued using violence, the dream turned into a nightmare and Foucault no longer pursued his discussion. To better understand this nightmare, the article examines the 2009 protests in Iran and focuses on Nikfar's argument around "religious truth" that emerges in prison. The article concludes by relating the 1979 revolution and 2009 protests to Žižek’s reading of the “Iranian event”, and argues that the emancipatory potential of Islam should not be ignored because of its violence.
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Buchan, James. "THE IRANIAN REVOLUTION OF 1979". Asian Affairs 44, nr 3 (listopad 2013): 418–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2013.826016.
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Saljoughi, Sara. "A Cinema of Refusal". Feminist Media Histories 3, nr 1 (1.01.2017): 81–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fmh.2017.3.1.81.
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Marva Nabili's The Sealed Soil (1977) is one of the few feature films made by a woman in Iran prior to the 1979 Iranian Revolution. This article argues that the film inaugurated the “distanced look” that most scholars attribute to Iranian art cinema made after 1979. Through a reading of the film's thematic and formal articulations of refusal, the essay claims that this work can open new readings of the relationship between aesthetics and politics in Iranian cinema.
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PASHAYİ, Mohammad Reza, i Timuçin KODAMAN. "The Transition from Nationalism to Islamism in Iran’s Foreign Policy". Aurum Journal of Social Sciences 8, nr 2 (31.12.2023): 229–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.62393/aurum.1368703.
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The 1979 Iranian Revolution is a multifaceted phenomenon with intricate causes, complex evolution and far-reaching outcomes. Rooted in the Constitutional Revolution of the early 20th century and the rise to power of the Ayatollahs, its beginnings are distinct but interconnected. Unlike many revolutions of the 20th century, the 1979 Iranian Revolution was a departure from the socialist or communist model and manifested itself as a revolt against both Western and Eastern systems, with unique outcomes. The 1979 Revolution shook a traditional and established order and paved the way for the rise of Islamism within a new political framework. This ideology, like its predecessors, adopted a singular leadership based on religious doctrine. To differentiate itself from global and regional powers and focus on its unique revolution, the Iranian regime shaped a foreign policy summarized by the slogan “neither East nor West, the Islamic Republic” and aimed to export this ideology globally. The policy focused primarily on political and ideological interests, resulting in permanent sanctions imposed by the United States. This economic aspect contributes to the changes in Iran’s foreign policy towards the United States, from pre-revolutionary Persian nationalism to post-Revolutionary political Islam, emphasizing its strength and adaptability in the face of external pressures.
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Rakel, Eva Patricia. "Iranian Foreign Policy since the Iranian Islamic Revolution: 1979-2006". Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 6, nr 1-3 (2007): 159–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914907x207711.
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AbstractThis article analyzes Iranian foreign policy since the Iranian Islamic revolution of 1979. The main questions to be dealt with are: what influences has the Iranian Islamic revolution had on foreign policy orientation and formulation of the Islamic Republic of Iran? What influences has Shi'ism had on foreign policy formulation in Iran? What impact have Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, and the three presidents Hojjatoleslam Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, Hojjatoleslam Mohammad Khatami, and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad had on foreign policy orientation? Have there been major shifts in foreign policy orientation during their tenures or has the overall foreign policy approach that was introduced by Khomeini after the revolution in 1979 remained the same? The article will first discuss the history of Shi'ism in Iran and its impact on politics since the introduction of Islam as state religion in the beginning of the sixteenth century by the Safavid Empire. It will then give an introduction to power relations in Iran since the Iranian Islamic revolution and analyze foreign policy orientation in Iran in four phases: (1) from 1979 to 1989, when Khomeini was the Supreme Leader; (2) from 1989-1997, during the presidency of Rafsanjani; (3) from 1997-2005, during the presidency of Khatami; and (4) since Ahmadinejad's presidency began in 2005.
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Masoumi, Azar, i Ronak Ghorbani. "Spatial Histories: Geography, Memory, and Alternative Narratives of the Iranian Revolution of 1979". International Public History 6, nr 1 (1.06.2023): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/iph-2023-2003.
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Abstract In distinction from the overwhelming tendency to conceive history primarily in terms of its temporal chronologies, this paper considers the spatiality of history and historical memory. Engaging with seven Oral History interviews with diasporic Iranians in Toronto on the Iranian Revolution of 1979, we show that narratives of historical events are deeply shaped by the geographical location of narrators: those emplaced in differing geographical locations at the time of the Revolution not only remember disparate events, but also associate distinct temporal points with the Revolution. For instance, while those remembering the Revolution from the capital city of Tehran produce narratives that closely align with the official historiography of the Revolution (such as in recounting street protests and the culmination of the Revolution on February 11th, 1979), others remember events and dates that are only peripheral to official accounts (such as the arson at Cinema Rex on August 19th, 1978, or the hostage crisis that lasted from November 4th, 1979 to January 28th, 1980). In other words, both the content of memories (what narrators remember) and their temporal associations (which dates narrators recall) are informed by the embodied geography of memories. Hence, those whose geographical locations diverge from the largely capital-focused vantage point of official histographies produce narratives that diverge from these accounts. In short, geography and embodied emplacement are central to historical narrative, whether authoritative or narrated form geographical margins.
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Nasrullah, Faiz. "Etnis Kurdi Iran dan Revolusi Islam 1979 M". JUSPI (Jurnal Sejarah Peradaban Islam) 4, nr 1 (28.07.2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.30829/juspi.v4i1.6949.
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<p><em>The politics of discrimination applied by the Iranian government both politically and religiously became the beginning of the emergence of the Kurdish resistance movement towards political policies, one of which resistance arose after the 1979 Iranian revolution. This writing aims to analyze the ethnic conditions of Iran's Kurds after the 1979 Iranian Revolution. Historical methods, Political approach as well as descriptive-analysis can be concluded that the existence of the Iranian revolution did indeed result in victory in the struggle against the Shah Reza Pahlevi regime and carried Islamic symbols. However, in reality the victory brought a separate problem for the early administration in Iran due to the emergence of several ethnic communities in the Iranian region who wanted a concession in the form of cultural autonomy and political concessions on the national scene.</em></p>
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Gasiorowski, Mark J. "The 1953 Coup D'Etat in Iran". International Journal of Middle East Studies 19, nr 3 (sierpień 1987): 261–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800056737.
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In retrospect, the United States sponsored coup d'état in Iran of August 19, 1953, has emerged as a critical event in postwar world history. The government of Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddeq which was ousted in the coup was the last popular, democratically oriented government to hold office in Iran. The regime replacing it was a dictatorship that suppressed all forms of popular political activity, producing tensions that contributed greatly to the 1978–1979 Iranian revolution. If Mosaddeq had not been overthrown, the revolution might not have occurred. The 1953 coup also marked the first peacetime use of covert action by the United States to overthrow a foreign government. As such, it was an important precedent for events like the 1954 coup in Guatemala and the 1973 overthrow of Salvador Allende in Chile, and made the United States a key target of the Iranian revolution.
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Kusumo, Aditya Aryo Nur. "Factors Driving Contemporary Islamic Civilization From Iran's Shiah Perspective". Journal of Islamic Civilization 5, nr 2 (3.05.2024): 222–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.33086/jic.v5i2.5483.
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During Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi’s regime, around 250,000 shops were closed, 31,000 traders were imprisoned, and many clerics and civilians were killed. Additionally, 70% of the newspapers in Iran were shut down. However, in 1979, the Iranian revolution took place, led by Imam Ayatullah Khomeini. This revolution was a turning point for Iran as it aimed to restore the glory of Islamic civilization in Iran. The Iranians believe that Islamic civilization is the best civilization and can bring justice. This paper aims to discuss the efforts made by Iranian Shiites in restoring the glory of Islamic Civilization from various perspectives such as religious, cultural, educational, and psychological. The research method used for this paper is qualitative, involving library research with data collection techniques through literature study and content analysis of research journals related to Iranian Shia civilization. After the Iranian revolution, Iranian Shiites reconstructed religious thought and cultural engineering. They also implemented the Imamiyah education system as the primary driving force. Moreover, the Iranian Shiite community can achieve their lofty ideals with good psychological aspects.
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Karimi-Hakkak, Ahmad. "Revolutionary Posturing: Iranian Writers and the Iranian Revolution of 1979". International Journal of Middle East Studies 23, nr 4 (listopad 1991): 507–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800023394.
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During those eventful days of early January 1979, after Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi of Iran had finally announced his intention to leave the country and the revolutionary leader Ayatollah Khomeini had made his return from exile contingent on the shah's departure, a hemistitch by Hafez, the 14th-century Persian poet, suddenly appeared next to an array of revolutionary slogans on display in the streets of Tehran: “Div cho birun ravad fereshteh dar āyad” (When the demon departs, the angel shall arrive). The basic binary oppositions of demon/angel and departure/arrival fit the realities of the situation the country had found itself in; a perfect correspondence had been made between the simple, single idea enshrined in the abstract language of a medieval poetic phrase and the intricate political posturing involved in a modern-day revolution in the making. Furthermore, the stark discourse of antagonism underlying the opposition had become as absolute, as uncompromising as the idea of a total revolution.
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Mohammadi, Foroogh, i Lisa-Jo K. Van den Scott. "Entering Iranian Homes: Privacy Borders and Hospitality in Iranian Movies". Qualitative Sociology Review 19, nr 2 (30.04.2023): 50–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1733-8077.19.2.03.
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The architecture of homes in Iran has changed significantly over the past four decades since the 1979 Iranian revolution. We ask how these architectural changes shift neighborhood relationships and how they transform the Iranians’ hospitality rituals and practices. We conducted a qualitative content analysis of eighteen Iranian movies filmed after the 1979 revolution. They allowed us to make comparisons among various dwelling patterns and neighborhood relationships. We argue that the representations of neighborhood relationships reflect these changes, demonstrating the impact of architecture on interactions. Our focus in this article is on borders of privacy, power dynamics in the neighborhoods and among families, and communication forms to better understand the impact of changing architecture on hospitality through the lens of cinema. Additionally, we engage with Goffman’s (1956) concepts of frontstage and backstage, demonstrating that these are not dichotomous, although they are opposites, and there can be a thinning of frontstage along with a thickening of backstage. Entrances to homes are often gradual, and visitors may gradually penetrate through layers of the frontstage as they become closer (emotionally and in space) to the heart of the home’s (and its occupants’) backstage.
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Rabush, Taisiya Vladimirovna. "Iran’s position regarding the afghan military conflict in 1978-1979". RUDN Journal of World History 13, nr 1 (15.12.2021): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2021-13-1-7-20.
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The author considers the position of Iran regarding the Afghan armed conflict (1978-1979) before the Soviet troops entered Afghanistan, as well as the consistent evolution of this position and the involvement of Iran in internal Afghan events. The author relies mainly on documentary sources, but also attracts scientific works in Russian and English (including the works of Iranian authors). According to the author, the analysis and study of Irans position on Afghanistan and the evolution of this position deserve a separate article because, firstly, the religious factor began to especially influence Irans foreign policy after the events of the Islamic Revolution of 1979; secondly, for the two years chosen for consideration in an article in Iran, the political regime has radically changed, and it is useful to consider the transformation of Irans foreign policy from the reign of the shah to the theocratic regime. In the first part of the article, the author analyzes the position of the Shah of the Iranian regime regarding the April Revolution of 1979 and the political changes that took place in Afghanistan after the revolution. The second part is devoted to the policy of Iran with respect to Afghanistan in 1979, and in this part the author argues that the Herat rebellion, which took place in March 1979, became the main trigger for transforming Irans attitude towards Afghanistan from a wait-and-see attitude to active involvement. The author also notes, that Irans policy towards Afghanistan in 1978-1979 developed sequentially, despite the radical transformation of power in Iran itself during this period.
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Goldstone, Jack A. "States, Ideologies, and Social Revolutions: A Comparative Analysis of Iran, Nicaragua, and the Philippines. By Misagh Parsa. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. 326p. $54.95 cloth, $19.95 paper." American Political Science Review 95, nr 2 (czerwiec 2001): 506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401682029.
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This intriguing volume is a direct challenge to Theda Skocpol's States and Social Revolutions (1979); by inserting "ideology" into the title, Parsa claims that Skocpol left out something important. He makes good on his effort to dem- onstrate the importance of ideology in recent Third World revolutions, but the book offers far more than that. Several authors have compared the Iranian and Nicara- guan revolutions, which occurred in 1979, but to my knowl- edge this is the first book-length treatment to add the Philippines revolution against Ferdinand Marcos in 1986.
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Sutan Mamad, Firdaus. "IMAM KHOMEINI: FIGURE OF THE IRAN ISLAMIC REVOLUTION". Khazanah: Jurnal Sejarah dan Kebudayaan Islam 12, nr 1 (28.04.2022): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.15548/khazanah.v12i1.687.
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The Iranian Revolution was a revolution that changed the Iranian government system from a monarchy to an Islamic republic led by Imam Rahullah al-Musawi al-Khomeini. Imam Khomeini is a figure in Iran who is also known as the father of the Iranian Revolution of Fundamentalism. His mindset is heavily influenced by mystical, philosophical, and Sufism based on the Qur'an and Hadith. So from Imam Khomeini's thought, the occurrence of the Islamic revolution in Iran on February 11, 1979 brought changes in Iran itself.
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Bavili, Negin. "Feminization of Immigration From Iran Since 1979". European Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 2, nr 3 (13.05.2022): 31–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejsocial.2022.2.3.261.
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At first, I will study immigration patterns of Iranian women after 1979 revolution. This study will attempt to see how these immigration pattern of Iranian women have transformed from 1979., More specifically, This study will concentrate on What are the motives of Iranian women to leave the country? Besides analyzing immigration patterns of Iranian women after 1979, factors like gender inequality, Human development index, unemployment rate, UNHCR statistics will be compared. In order to study how immigration patterns of Iranian women have transformed after 1979 interview will be conducted to see motives of women for immigration. In this study, I don’t have access to informal statistics and the statistics of illegal immigration. And this can be considered as limitations which I faced during my research activity.
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Maryasov, Alexander G. "Iran 1979: Mission to Revolution". Humanitarian: actual problems of the humanities and education 23, nr 4 (29.12.2023): 381–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2078-9823.064.023.202304.381-416.
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Introduction. The article examines the causes and course of the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979. On February 1, 1979, the disgraced Ayatollah Khomeini returned to the country and took power into his own hands. The 1979 revolution was a series of events that led to the overthrow of the Pehi dynasty under Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. It was actively supported by various Islamist and leftist organizations and student movements. The study of various aspects of the development of Iran at that time helps to objectively assess the uniqueness and relevance of its experience in terms of searching for optimal development options for each country, as well as relationships with the world community. Materials and Methods. The study was based on Iranian media materials. An analysis of the publications of the leading Iranian media of that time was carried out. Covering the violent upheavals through the eyes of eyewitnesses will significantly expand our understanding of those events. Discussion and Conclusion. Iran is a multinational state with a pronounced Islamic Shiite tradition, in which the principles of ancient Persian culture are still partially embodied. The fall of the Shah’s regime and the rise to power of the clergy, who were not associated with the desire for progress, reflected the desire of the revolutionary forces to create in Iran a socio-economic model that would take into account national and religious characteristics. The created Islamic form of government in Iran (Islamic Republic of Iran) was intended to harmonize the cultural heritage, Islamic traditions and the need for modernization.
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Pashaee, Roshanak. "Subversion, Subservience, and Property in The Magic Bean and Iranian Fairy Tales Written in 1960–1980". Journal of American Folklore 135, nr 537 (1.07.2022): 305–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/15351882.135.537.03.
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Abstract This essay compares conceptions of property and ownership in an important Iranian adaptation of “Jack and the Beanstalk” with its English canonical versions. It proposes that these conceptions are inflected differently in the Iranian adaptation in response to the sociopolitical context of the Islamic Revolution of Iran (1978–1979). For support, examples from other Iranian fairy tales, newspapers, and speeches of prominent revolutionary figures of the time have been provided. Finally, it examines whether these conceptions are subversive or subservient to the dominant ideology.
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Amanat, Abbas. "The Spring of Hope and Winter of Despair". International Journal of Middle East Studies 44, nr 1 (27.01.2012): 147–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811001292.
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For the majority of Iranians who went through the Islamic Revolution of 1979 with high hopes, the “Spring of Freedom” (Bahar-i Azadi) never really bloomed except perhaps on the specially minted gold coins issued in March 1979 by the Provisional Government of Mahdi Bazargan. Revolutionary optimism quickly died out and gave way to a long winter of discontent. For the peoples of the Arab world who are presently witnessing an “Arab Spring,” the turn of events may be different. Though the current movement has yet to fully unfold, potentially taking months or even years, and though it is unrealistic to generalize about all Arab countries as if they were one monolithic unit, there are features that set today's movements apart from the 1979 Iranian Revolution as much as there are striking parallels.
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Foucault, Michel, i Baqir Parham. "On Marx, Islam, Christianity & revolution". Daedalus 134, nr 1 (styczeń 2005): 126–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/0011526053124433.
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Note by Janet Afary and Kevin B. Anderson: In 1978, as the protests against the shah were becoming a mass movement, Michel Foucault made his first visit to Iran. During the next eight months, Foucault wrote a number of articles on the Iranian Revolution for “Corriere della Sera,” “Le Monde,” and other publications. These articles constitute the most sustained treatment anywhere in his writings of a non-Western society. Foucault's support for Iran's Islamist movement touched off a controversy that continues to this day. This conversation, conducted in Iran in September of 1978 with the noted writer Baqir Parham, includes Foucault's first reflections on the Iranian Revolution. In addition, it connects his concern with Iran to his larger critique of Western modernity. It shows how his search for new forms of resistance to modernity had led him to look at religious revolts. This dialogue was published in “Nameh-yi Kanun-i Nevisandegan” (Publication of the Center of Iranian Writers), No. 1, Spring 1979, pages 9–17. It has been translated from the Persian by Janet Afary. We thank Baqir Parham and the University of Chicago Press for permission to publish this material in “Dædalus.”
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Bagheri, A. "Psychiatric Problems among Iranian Immigrants in Canada". Canadian Journal of Psychiatry 37, nr 1 (luty 1992): 7–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/070674379203700103.
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The number of Iranian immigrants in Canada has been increasing since 1979. This study is the result of a review of 111 charts of Iranian patients who were referred for psychiatric treatment between 1985 and 1988. Ninety-eight percent of them arrived in Canada after the Iranian revolution, which started in 1979, and the Iran-Iraq war of 1980. Ten percent were experiencing trauma as a result of their involvement with the revolutionary government or the war. The symptoms were in accordance with the DSM-III-R criteria for posttraumatic stress disorder. Sixty percent met the criteria for adjustment disorder with depressed or anxious mood. Six percent had been subjected to physical and psychological torture and confinement. This is the first study that looks at the prevalence of psychiatric illness among Iranians and illustrates the effect of migration and displacement in the integrity of the psychic life of this population.
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Kirichenko, Vladimir. "IRAN-SYRIA: FACTORS OF COOPERATION AND RAPPROCHEMENT". Russia and the moslem world, nr 1 (2021): 89–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/rmw/2021.01.06.
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The article is about Iran-Syria relations. Bilateral ties between these countries were not friendly under Shah Reza Pahlavi (1919-1980), despite a thaw in relations in the 1970s. Having lost the U.S. support, Iran needed allies immediately after the Islamic revolution (1978-1979), which led to a rapprochement with Syria. The Iranian leadership also shared the Syrian point of view regarding Israel. All these factors have encouraged the bilateral ties strengthening. Iran has supported Bashar al-Assad's regime, providing Syria with both financial and military assistance since the beginning of the Syrian crisis (2011).
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Kurzman, Charles. "The Arab Spring: Ideals of the Iranian Green Movement, Methods of the Iranian Revolution". International Journal of Middle East Studies 44, nr 1 (27.01.2012): 162–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811001346.
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Which Iranian uprising does the Arab Spring bring to mind? The Green Movement of 2009, which challenged the pillars of the Islamic Republic of Iran, or the Iranian Revolution of 1979, which brought the Islamic Republic to power?
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Hassaniyan, Allan. "Non-Violent Resistance in Iranian Kurdistan After 1979". Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 6, nr 3 (18.12.2019): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/266.
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This paper sheds light on the significance of the 1979 Iranian Revolution for the Iranian Kurdish movement, arguing that the Revolution provided Iranian Kurds with multifaceted opportunities as well as challenges. In the ensuing years, the Kurdish movement entered into a new phase of its rise. With the emergence of numerous civil society organizations and political parties, the Kurdish movement experienced a hitherto unprecedented growth and diversification of actors and organisations. Kurdish civil society flourished drastically, and a significant part of the Kurdish movement’s challenge to the newly-established government in Tehran was channelled through collective non-violent resistance. The creation of city councils (şoray şar) across Kurdistan constituted the first important challenge to the authority of the Provisional Revolutionary Government, whilst the mobilisation of collective non-violent resistance introduced new forms of resistance to the post-Revolutionary authoritarian state’s policies in Kurdistan.
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Ebrahimian, Babak. "Pictures From A Revolution: The 1979 Iranian Uprising". PAJ: A Journal of Performance and Art 25, nr 2 (maj 2003): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152028103321781529.
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Ahmadabadi, Ali. "Investigating the Effect of the Oil Curse on the Creation of a Rentier Government and the Reduction of Economic Growth in Iran". International Journal of Research Publication and Reviews 03, nr 12 (2022): 1118–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.55248/gengpi.2022.31228.
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In this article, we will examine the category of the oil curse; how it affected Iranian revolution in 1979, and then the change of a royal system to an Islamic Republic system and its growth and maturity in the form of a corrupt system in the Islamic Republic of Iran (I.R. Iran) regime. In other word, the experience of the Pahlavi royal system (1979-1925) after the third and fourth periods of development plans (1962-1968) (1968-1972), and at the beginning of the fifth period of development plan (1973-1979) after suffering from the curse of oil due to the increase in income from The increase in the world price of oil, which was obtained due to the defeat of the Arabs in the Yom Kippur War and then the global embargo of oil by the Arabs.
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Miller, Duane Alexander. "Power, Personalities and Politics". Mission Studies 32, nr 1 (10.04.2015): 66–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341380.
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While Christianity has existed in Iran/Persia since the fourth century, if not earlier, at the middle of the twentieth century almost all Iranian Christians belonged to an ethnic minority, especially the Assyrians and the Armenians. Ethnic Iranians were almost all Muslims, and then mostly Shi’a Muslims. Since the Revolution of 1979 hundreds of thousands of ethnic Iranians have left Islam for evangelical Christianity, both within and outside of Iran. This paper seeks to explore the multifaceted factors – political, economic and technological – that have helped to create an environment wherein increasing numbers of ethnic Iranians have apostatized from Islam and become evangelical Christians. A concluding section outlines Steven Lukes’ theory of power and analyzes the growth of Iranian Christianity in the light of his theory.
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M Amin, W. Mohd Azam. "The Influence of Shi’ism on the Malay Muslims of Malaysia (Pengaruh Fahaman Shi‘Ah Ke Atas Orang Islam Di Malaysia)". Journal of Islam in Asia (E-ISSN 2289-8077) 17, nr 4 (31.12.2020): 256–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/jia.v17i4.928.
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This article aims to make a preliminary and general observation on some of the influences of Shi’ism on the Malay Muslims in Malaysia since post Iranian revolution in 1979 onwards. This research emphasizes on the impact of the Iranian revolution in 1979 on the Malay Muslim society of Malaysia and the effort of some to develop the Shi’ite community in the Malay Sunnite majority. Cases in focus are in the field of education, social and politics. The researcher employed the qualitative method that includes textual analysis of the materials related to Shi’ism, interviews, and focus group discussions (FGD) with those who sympathize with the Shiite groups. Among the findings are the Malay sect of Shi’ism emerged officially after the Iranian Revolution in 1979. After the revolution, many Malay students were sent to pursue their studies at the Republic of Iran. This led to the formation of Malay Shi’ites organizations that went in line with the aspiration of the Iranian Revolution. It also to some extent influenced some of the social activities of Malay Muslims of Malaysia. Keywords: Schism, Shi’ism, Sunnism, Malay, Islam. Abstrak Artikel ini bertujuan membuat satu pemerhatian awal dan umum keatas orang-orang Melayu Islam di Malaysia pasca revolusi Iran pada tahun 1979 dan selepasnya. Kajian ini menekankan impak revolusi Iran 1979 ke atas masyarakat Melayu Islam di Malaysia dan usaha sebahagian mereka untuk membentuk komuniti Shi‘ah di dalam masyarakat Melayu yang majoritinya Sunni. Kes-kes yang dikaji adalah dalam bidang pendidikan, sosial dan politik. Para pengkaji menggunakan metod kualitatif termasuk analisa tekstual terhadap bahan-bahan yang berkaitan fahaman Shi‘ah, temubual dan perbincangan kumpulan berfokus (FGD) dengan kumpulan-kumpulan yang bersimpati dengan fahaman tersebut. Di antara penemuan-penemuan dari kajian ini adalah kum-pulan Melayu Shi’ah muncul secara rasmi selepas revolusi Iran 1979. Selepas revolusi itu, ramai pelajar-pelajar Melayu Sunni telah dihantar menyambung pengajian mereka di republik Iran. Hal yang demikian menjurus kepada pembentukan organisasi-organisasi yang selari dengan aspirasi revolusi Iran. Dalam beberapa aspek, ia juga mempengaruhi aktiviti-aktiviti sosial orang-orang Melayu Islam di Malaysia. Kata Kunci: Skete, Shī‘ah, Sunni, Melayu, Islam.
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Shield, Andrew D. J. "The Legacies of the Stonewall Riots in Denmark and the Netherlands". History Workshop Journal 89 (2020): 193–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbz051.
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Abstract The Netherlands and Denmark housed Europe’s first two postwar homophile organizations, and by the 1960s, activists were already debating anti-homosexual laws in national media (in the Netherlands) demonstrating publicly; thus Stonewall was not the origin of activism in either of these countries. Yet the events in New York City 1969 had two lasting influences in these countries: first, Stonewall catalyzed a transnational ‘consciousness’ (or solidarity) among gay and lesbian activists during a period of radicalization; and second, the Christopher Street Liberation Day 1970 inspired the visible demonstrations known today as ‘Pride’ celebrations. From 1971, Denmark’s national organization planned Christopher Street Day demonstrations every June; and that same year, a radical Gay Liberation Front split off from the association. From 1977, the Netherlands planned its own late-June demonstrations, often with transnational themes (e.g. Anita Bryant in 1977, the Iranian Revolution in 1979). In the following decades, these demonstrations of gay/lesbian visibility moved to August, and Denmark (and Belgium) dropped Christopher Street from event names. Yet scholars, activists, and the general public still evoke the memory of the first Liberation Day when referring to a ‘post-Stonewall’ era in the Netherlands and Denmark.
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Ghasemi, Zeinab, i Seyed Mohammad Marandi. "Beyond the Enigma of the Veil: Representation of Women’s Status in Post-revolutionary Iran by Iranian–American Memoirs". Sociology of Islam 7, nr 1 (5.03.2019): 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00701001.
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Exilic Iranian memoirs by female writers began to emerge after the 1979 Iranian Revolution and surged after September 11, 2001. The dramatic increase in Iranian–American memoirs, which began after 9/11 signifies a complex relation between publication of this literary genre and mass consumption in a specific historical moment. The present paper offers a thematic analysis of a number of memoirs published by female Iranian–Americas in English from 1979 to 2012. Using Orientalism as a theoretical framework the study finds that Orientalist stereotypes are often used in framing and explaining events and issues related to Iranian women and sexuality under the Islamic Republic. In analyzing texts specific assumptions toward Iranian women will be questioned and discussed with occasional reference to details.
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Hojabri, Afsaneh. "Iranian Women’s Food Writing in Diaspora". Anthropology of the Middle East 15, nr 2 (1.12.2020): 179–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ame.2020.150213.
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Abstract: In light of the recent surge of Iranians’ autobiographies and fictions in the West, this article will examine ‘food writing’ as an emerging genre of diasporic narrative dominated by Iranian women. It will explore the multiple avenues through which these cookbooks/food memoirs seek not only to make accessible the highly sophisticated Persian culinary tradition but also to ameliorate the image of Iran. Such attempts are partly in response to the challenges of exilic life, namely, the stereotypical portrayal of Iranians in the Western media. Three books with strong memoir components will be further discussed in order to demonstrate how the experiences of the 1979 revolution, displacement, and nostalgia for prerevolutionary Iran are interwoven with the presentation of Iranian food and home cooking abroad.Résumé : À la lumière de la vague récente d’autobiographies et de fictions d’Iraniens dans l’ouest cet article examinera “l’écriture culinaire” en tant que genre émergent de récit diasporique dominé par les femmes iraniennes. Il explorera les multiples voies pas lesquelles ces livres de cuisine / mémoires culinaires cherchent non seulement à rendre accessible la tradition culinaire persane très sophistiquée, mais aussi à améliorer l’image de l’Iran. Une telle tentative est une réponse aux défis de la vie en exil, à savoir la représentation stéréotypée des Iraniens dans les médias occidentaux. Trois livres avec de fortes composantes de mémoire seront discutés plus en détail afin de démontrer comment les expériences de la révolution de 1979, le déplacement et la nostalgie de l’Iran pré-révolutionnaire sont entrelacés avec la présentation de la cuisine iranienne et de la cuisine maison à l’étranger.
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Saffari, Siavash. "Two Pro-Mostazafin Discourses in the 1979 Iranian Revolution". Contemporary Islam 11, nr 3 (5.08.2017): 287–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11562-017-0396-4.
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Prévost, Lorane. "Identity Representations: How Did the 1979 Iranian Revolution Affect Kurdish Folk Music?" Interdisciplinary Studies in Musicology, nr 21 (21.11.2021): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ism.2021.21.5.
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The following paper constitutes a part of my master thesis on the consequences of the 1979 Iranian Revolution on Kurdish folk music. The strong identity claimed by the Islamic Republic of Iran and particularly by Ruhollah Khomeini led to an obscuration of the Iranian cultural plurality, dominated by the Persian culture. Iranian music is often understood as Persian music while regional genres were confined to small areas. The domination of folk and regional identities by institutional, more-erudite identities is not limited to Iran but can be observed worldwide; however, the restricted access to music and research in the years following the Iranian Revolution enhanced this tendency in the country. In other words, vernacular genres including Kurdish folk music were denied a global presence and are still overshadowed by the dominance of classical music. Academic works made shortly after the revolution by important figures such as Jean During highlights a confusion between what was intended as folk music by the Kurdish population and what was perceived as such by foreign researchers. For this reason, the distinction between vernacular and classical music is still enforced nowadays, leading to an increasing gap between Persian culture and that of Iranian minorities. Furthermore, with Kurdish folk music being a regional genre and as political conflicts arouse between Iranian Kurds the Islamic Republic of Iran after 1979, Kurdish music is often perceived through a political lens only, denying the variety of reasons a genre may become popular and reducing music to a mean towards an objective. Through the perception of Kurdish folk music, this paper interrogates how political conflicts and cultural hegemony in music affects the representation of vernacular identities and seeks to explore how this participates in the discrimination of minorities.
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Kashfi, Ehsan. "The Politics of Calendars: State Appropriations of the Contested Iranian Past". Religions 12, nr 10 (12.10.2021): 861. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12100861.
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This paper seeks to investigate how commemorative practices, rituals, and holidays are invented, deployed, and recast for political and ideological purposes, to reinforce and sustain a particular narrative of national identity. It argues that the choice of particular moments of a country’s past to be commemorated in calendars as national holidays and the way in which the collective past is preserved and remembered both reflect and articulate a country’s vision of its present essence, of who its people are. Recognizing the link between the collective memory and national identity, the Iranian states before and after the 1979 revolution made a special effort to articulate their narrative of the past by commemorating a particular set of holidays and rituals. Viewing the calendar as a political artifact, this paper compares changes in the Iranian national calendars in the Pahlavi era (1925–1979) and the Islamic Republic (1979–2018). It examines the inclusion of new religious holidays and the removal of national days associated with the monarchy as well as the assignment of new meanings and celebratory practices to the old ones as the signifiers of a political maneuver to articulate a new shared public memory and narrative of identity since the 1979 revolution. It then examines two nationwide celebrations before and after the 1979 revolution, representing two state-sponsored, competing narratives of Iranian identity: firstly, the 2500-year celebration of the Persian Empire in 1953, and, secondly, the Ashura commemoration, a religious gathering dedicated to the remembrance of Shia Imams. These commemorations provided the state a unique political opportunity to present its own appraisal of the past and, in turn, national identity.
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Murtazaeva, Gulnara. "The Iranian revolution of 1979 and the Soviet-American relations". Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, nr 2 (listopad 2012): 84–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2012.2.12.
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Akbulut, Zeynep. "The Last Great Revolution". American Journal of Islam and Society 18, nr 3 (1.07.2001): 120–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v18i3.2009.
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Robin Wright's The Last Great Revolution reflects her 27 years of studyand observations of Iran's cultural and political transformations.She interviews thinkers, parliamentarians, administrators, and averagepeople on the streets as she portrays the radical shift in Iran since the 1979Islamic revolution.Wright starts with her "Personal Odyssey" as an introduction. Shedescribes her first encounter with Iran after the revolution at the airplane ina detailed way. Indeed, she wants her book to "help outsiders to see what isthere not just what [they] want to see." She distinguishes this book fromher previous ones, because this time, instead of giving only her ownimpressions, she lets Iranians "speak for themselves about their ideas,experiences, dreams, and frustrations." After the introduction, she providesbrief information about the geography, religion, and population of Iran.The first chapter analyzes the revolution as the Last Great Revolutionof the modem era, that will stand along with the French and Russianrevolutions. Wright explains the reasons which made the Iranian revolutionsuitable and unique. First, the Shi'ite character of Islam demands afaithful fight against injustice and tyranny. Secondly, Iran has a longpolitical experience that has not come under any colonial power. Thirdly,Iran is heir to a great civilization that had a role in shaping the wqrld.Finally, it is between the West and the East as a meeting point of cultures,which gives the opportunity for revolutionary ideas to reach the peoplefrom both directions. To sum up, Wright makes it clear that quest forempowerment in Iran did not ascend from heaven unpredictably in 1979.She notes that everything was already set for an upheaval.Wright's important analysis in this chapter is inspired by Brinton'sclassic work, The Anatomy of Revolution. Brinton argues that "Revolutionsare like fevers". Wright examines the Iranian revolution in three phases ...
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Figueroa, William. "China and the Iranian Revolution: New Perspectives on Sino-Iranian Relations, 1965–1979". Asian Affairs 53, nr 1 (1.01.2022): 106–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2022.2029064.
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Inafuku, Eric. "How Does the 1979 Iranian Revolution Affect Current Iranian Fundamentalism and International Politics?" Journal of Applied Security Research 5, nr 3 (30.06.2010): 414–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19361610.2010.484835.
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Thodika, Shaheen Kelachan. "Iranian Islamic Revolution and the Transformation of Islamist Discourse in Southern India: 1979–1992". Religions 14, nr 1 (16.01.2023): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14010130.
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By focusing on the publications of Jamaat-e-Islami Hind (JIH) in the Malayalam language, this article argues that the 1979 Iranian Islamic Revolution (IIR) marked a rupture from the disenchantments of the 1947 partition of British India and Cold War-centered politics for the Islamists of Kerala. This rupture from the colonial past and a Western-inspired intellectual climate had resonances in the discourse on Islam in Kerala. The Iranian revolution not only imported the idea of Islamism or revolution but also a renewed interest in democracy, modernity and the idea of “Islamist political” to the southwest coast of India. In an attempt to write an intellectual history of emotions related to the IIR, this paper argues that in the case of Islamists, there was a strong tendency to break from the intellectual discourse of the nation-state and begin afresh in politics, and the moment of 1979 provided what they sought for long.
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Behdad, Sohrab. "Winners and Losers of The Iranian Revolution: A Study in Income Distribution". International Journal of Middle East Studies 21, nr 3 (sierpień 1989): 327–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800032542.
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The income inequality gap in prerevolutionary Iran was no doubt a contributing factor to the mass mobilization of Iranians in the 1979 Revolution. The Resolution of the Ashura March (December 11, 1978) demanded the establishment of “social justice, the right of workers and peasants to the full benefit from the product of their labor” and an end to “any form of discrimination, exploitation, profiteering and economic domination which may result in the accumulation of great wealth, on the one hand, and deprivation and poverty on the other.”
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Jafari, Peyman. "Reasons to Revolt: Iranian Oil Workers in the 1970s". International Labor and Working-Class History 84 (2013): 195–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547913000331.
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AbstractOil workers played a pivotal role during the Iranian Revolution of 1978–1979. Involving tens of thousands of workers, oil strikes paralyzed the state and paved the way for the Shah's downfall. Various accounts of these strikes, however, ignore the subjectivity and agency of the oil workers by focusing exclusively on the role of political agitation. Addressing this deficit, this article explores the oil workers' experiences in and out of the workplace in the 1970s in order to contextualize their participation in the revolution. After analyzing the oil strikes and their goals, the article makes two arguments: First, oil workers were conscious of the considerable power they had to disrupt the economic and political routine of the country. Second, the demands of the oil strikes reflected grievances that, while reflecting sentiments in the wider society, were embedded in their own specific conditions and experiences.
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Ghorashi, Halleh, i Nayereh Tavakoli. "Paradoxes of transnational space and local activism". Focaal 2006, nr 47 (1.06.2006): 90–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/092012906780646497.
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The Iranian revolution of 1979 promised to bring freedom and equality, but as soon as one group gained power, it turned out to be oppressive of both its political opposition and women. This resulted in the formation of a large Iranian diaspora bound together by its hatred for the Iranian regime. Years of suppression in the 1980s in Iran resulted in a deep gap between Iranians living inside and outside Iran. During the 1990s, however, cross-border relationships started to change as a result of two major factors: transnational activities and the influence of cyberspace. This paper focuses on the paradoxes of transnational connections in local protest with a focus on the women’s movement. We show both how transnational links have empowered women activists in Iran and how they have led to new dangers at the local level. We also reveal how support from the Iranian diaspora can be patronizing as well as supportive.
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Guliev, O. E. "The evolution of Iran's geopolitics after the 1979 islamic revolution". Sovremennaya nauka i innovatsii, nr 2 (42) (2023): 203–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.37493/2307-910x.2023.2.22.
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The events of 1978-1979, which brought Khomeini and his supporters to power, completely changes the foreign and domestic policy of Iran. This phenomenon becomes one of the factors that form the modern geopolitical configuration of the region. Indicative of the historical scale of the revolution was the fact that the Persian monarchy with 2500 years of history, represented by many dynasties along with the Pahlavi dynasty, ceased to exist politically. The existing system was replaced by a clerical Shiite clergy with the teachings of Imam Khomeini's Wilayat al-Faqih. In the early years of the Islamic Republic, Tehran's foreign policy saw its political order as the ideal model of an Islamic republic for regional Muslim states. From the works of Iranian scholars studying foreign policy in the post-Islamic revolution period, the thesis of the change of revolutionary romanticism characteristic of the first years of the new political system, which manifested itself in attempts to export this model, should be highlighted. At the present stage, there is a gradual transition from romanticism to foreign policy pragmatism, which was facilitated by the era of Rafsanjani and Khatami. There has been a softening of the foreign policy, which since the 1979 revolution, has been based on two concepts - "Export of the Islamic Revolution" and "Neither East nor West, but the Islamic Republic".
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Alikarami, Leila. "Iranian Women. The Quest for their Legal Equality since the Constitutional Revolution". Tiempo devorado 5, nr 2 (29.05.2019): 138–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/tdevorado.154.
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The active presence of Iranian women in the public arena and their efforts to obtain equal rights date back to the early twentieth century, when the Constitutional Revolution took place in Iran. The Constitutional Revolution of 1906 was a liberal movement aimed at creating a Parliament, limiting the Shah’s powers and enforcing constitutional laws. This article will explore the historical background of the women’s movement in Iran, in order to identify all the means utilized to demand equality in order to trace the process of demanding equality and the obstacles that Iranian women have encountered in their efforts to achieve it. It looks at the transformation of women’s rights movement in the context of socio-legal reforms in the country. The study will examine three distinct periods in the women’s rights movement, with particular focus on the post-1979 Revolution era. The Qajar Dynasty, 1796-1921, where women were systematically and socio-culturally deprived of their basic economic, social and political rights. The Pahlavi era, 1925-79, where there was a period of some positive changes for women. Finally, post-1979 Revolution and the rise of the Islamic Republic, where women lost the rights they had previously obtained. This study will attempt to demonstrate that though legal equality has yet to be obtained by Iranian women, they continue to actively pursue it. In this pursuit, they have successfully challenged the gender bias of the Iranian legal system, and it has lost its legitimacy. More pertinently, the social context has been primed to accommodate equal rights for women
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Amirdabbaghian, Amin, i Krishnavanie Shunmugam. "The Translator’s Ideology: A Study of Three Persian Translations of George Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four". Lebende Sprachen 64, nr 1 (12.04.2019): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/les-2019-0001.
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Abstract The ideology and worldviews of a community may be shifted and modified through social changes brought about by political upheavals. In a country like Iran, the Islamic revolution (1979/80) has played a major role in re-shaping the ideology of the governing body which among many other things involves modifications in the language policy. After the revolution, Persian speakers were encouraged to be more conservative in their use of language. As a result, those who tended to produce discourse which was more conservative and Islam-oriented became more popular and respected among the Iranian people. Ideology is one of the major factors which influences the manipulation of language use in translation. Prefaces and introductions which form the paratexts to a translated product often contain expressions of a translator’s ideology, and this usually manifests itself in the translation product. This study aims to describe the ideological impact of the social situation both in the pre- and post-revolutionary era in Iran on translations of George Orwell’s famous political novel, Nineteen Eighty-Four (1949) into Persian. This study will, therefore, compare the prefaces in three Persian translations of Nineteen Eighty-Four which were produced before and after the 1979 Iranian Islamic Revolution. The three Persian translations are by Mehdi Bahremand (1976), Zhila Sazegar (1980) and Saleh Hosseini (1982). This study employs Farahzad’s (2012) second dimension of the three-dimensional translation criticism model i. e. paratextual analysis alongside Lefevere’s (1992) theory of manipulation to investigate some of the lexical differences that manifest themselves in the pre-and post-revolutionary Persian translations of Nineteen Eighty-Four which reflect the personal ideologies of the three Persian translators as explicitly or implicitly expressed in their prefaces.
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Goldin, Farideh. "Ghosts of Revolution". American Journal of Islam and Society 29, nr 2 (1.04.2012): 103–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v29i2.1204.
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Shahla Talebi’s memoir, Ghosts of Revolution: Rekindled Memories of Imprisonmentin Iran, is painful to read; it is hard to read. The book, a recollectionof Shahla Talebi’s years in Iran’s notorious Evin Prison, is jail-likeitself ‒ unrelenting in stark accounts of torture, murders, madness, andmayhem. From the very start, the prologue, until the very last words of theepilogue and even its twelve pages of acknowledgements, the agony goeson. Every chapter, every paragraph, and every line stabs the readers withthe hopelessness of Iranian citizens caught in the murderous, diabolicalschemes of the uncontrolled, unethical, and ruthless government, whichhas ruled Iran since the Revolution of 1979 ...
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PANAH, MARYAM H. "Social revolution: the elusive emergence of an agenda in International Relations". Review of International Studies 28, nr 2 (kwiecień 2002): 271–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210502002711.
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This article addresses the inadequate analysis of modern social revolutions within orthodox International Relations due both to the historical context and the trajectory of the discipline. A critical review of the literature that has more recently come to acknowledge the relevance of revolutions and revolutionary states to IR reveals a number of enduring shortcomings. The present article suggests an alternative framework for the study of revolutions by conceiving them as rooted in the dynamics of the globally dominant socio-economic system, capitalism. It is argued that the uneven global expansion of this system and its peculiarity contribute to the explanation of revolutionary upheavals in the modern world. This is illustrated in the final section of the article by a case study of the Iranian Revolution of 1979, which also challenges recent explanations of the revolution in terms of ‘Islam’ or ‘Islamic culture’.
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Özcan, Nihat Ali, i Özgür Özdamar. "Uneasy Neighbors: Turkish-Iranian Relations Since the 1979 Islamic Revolution". Middle East Policy 17, nr 3 (21.09.2010): 101–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4967.2010.00454.x.
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Badii, Naiim, i L. Erwin Atwood. "How the Tehran Press Responded to the 1979 Iranian Revolution". Journalism Quarterly 63, nr 3 (wrzesień 1986): 517–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769908606300310.
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