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1

Hassan, Ali Bakr. "The Abbasid Revolution 747-750 and The Iranian Revolution 1978-1979: A Comparative Perspective." Journal of Al-Tamaddun 17, no. 2 (2022): 143–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/jat.vol17no2.11.

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Viewing the cAbbasid Revolution and the Iranian Revolution from a comparative perspective is the focus of this study. The cAbbasid Revolution was the first Islamic revolution, and the Iranian Revolution is the most recent Islamic revolution, both of which occurred in Muslim societies and practically began in the same geographical area. Although more than twelve centuries separate the two revolutions, similarities exist between them. Both produced profound results, and similar lessons may be culled from them. The first revolution toppled the house of the Umayyads and established a new dynasty.
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Baghoolizadeh, Beeta. "Seeing Black America in Iran." American Historical Review 128, no. 4 (2023): 1618–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhad383.

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Abstract From the 1960s onwards, many Iranians closely followed Black American protests during the Civil Rights and Black Power movements in the United States. This period proved pivotal for Iranian understandings of race, where intellectuals, revolutionaries, and those in media would use US-centric histories of enslavement, racism, and Black Americans to erase nineteenth-century histories of enslavement and racism in Iran, tacitly displacing the existence of Black Iranians across the national landscape. Black American Muslims, particularly Malcolm X, emerged as the ideal form of Blackness. Af
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Azarpanah, Sayeh, and Maedeh Maktoum. "The Problematic Confrontation of "Us" with the Other: One Dream and Multiple Interpretations." Freedom of Thought Journal, no. 11 (April 2022): 45–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.53895/dpjs1022.

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"Stranger, talk! Tell me, what should I do to awaken Iranians?" This question from Abbās Mirzā clearly portrays an encounter between Iranians and “the other” at the beginning of Iran's modern age. The Stranger is assumed to hold some kind of truth, the revelation of which would lead to the awakening of Iranians. This article considers an Iranian "we" that arises from imaginative confrontations with “the other”, beginning with Akhundov's Maktūbat and tracing "our" imagination up to the 1979 revolution. The 1979 revolution was a unique turning point in the life of "our" dream; its strange differ
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Buchan, James. "THE IRANIAN REVOLUTION OF 1979." Asian Affairs 44, no. 3 (2013): 418–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2013.826016.

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Saljoughi, Sara. "A Cinema of Refusal." Feminist Media Histories 3, no. 1 (2017): 81–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fmh.2017.3.1.81.

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Marva Nabili's The Sealed Soil (1977) is one of the few feature films made by a woman in Iran prior to the 1979 Iranian Revolution. This article argues that the film inaugurated the “distanced look” that most scholars attribute to Iranian art cinema made after 1979. Through a reading of the film's thematic and formal articulations of refusal, the essay claims that this work can open new readings of the relationship between aesthetics and politics in Iranian cinema.
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PASHAYİ, Mohammad Reza, and Timuçin KODAMAN. "The Transition from Nationalism to Islamism in Iran’s Foreign Policy." Aurum Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 2 (2023): 229–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.62393/aurum.1368703.

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The 1979 Iranian Revolution is a multifaceted phenomenon with intricate causes, complex evolution and far-reaching outcomes. Rooted in the Constitutional Revolution of the early 20th century and the rise to power of the Ayatollahs, its beginnings are distinct but interconnected. Unlike many revolutions of the 20th century, the 1979 Iranian Revolution was a departure from the socialist or communist model and manifested itself as a revolt against both Western and Eastern systems, with unique outcomes. The 1979 Revolution shook a traditional and established order and paved the way for the rise of
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Rakel, Eva Patricia. "Iranian Foreign Policy since the Iranian Islamic Revolution: 1979-2006." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 6, no. 1-3 (2007): 159–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914907x207711.

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AbstractThis article analyzes Iranian foreign policy since the Iranian Islamic revolution of 1979. The main questions to be dealt with are: what influences has the Iranian Islamic revolution had on foreign policy orientation and formulation of the Islamic Republic of Iran? What influences has Shi'ism had on foreign policy formulation in Iran? What impact have Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, and the three presidents Hojjatoleslam Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, Hojjatoleslam Mohammad Khatami, and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad had on foreign policy orientation? Have there been major shifts in fo
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Masoumi, Azar, and Ronak Ghorbani. "Spatial Histories: Geography, Memory, and Alternative Narratives of the Iranian Revolution of 1979." International Public History 6, no. 1 (2023): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/iph-2023-2003.

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Abstract In distinction from the overwhelming tendency to conceive history primarily in terms of its temporal chronologies, this paper considers the spatiality of history and historical memory. Engaging with seven Oral History interviews with diasporic Iranians in Toronto on the Iranian Revolution of 1979, we show that narratives of historical events are deeply shaped by the geographical location of narrators: those emplaced in differing geographical locations at the time of the Revolution not only remember disparate events, but also associate distinct temporal points with the Revolution. For
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Nasrullah, Faiz. "Etnis Kurdi Iran dan Revolusi Islam 1979 M." JUSPI (Jurnal Sejarah Peradaban Islam) 4, no. 1 (2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.30829/juspi.v4i1.6949.

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<p><em>The politics of discrimination applied by the Iranian government both politically and religiously became the beginning of the emergence of the Kurdish resistance movement towards political policies, one of which resistance arose after the 1979 Iranian revolution. This writing aims to analyze the ethnic conditions of Iran's Kurds after the 1979 Iranian Revolution. Historical methods, Political approach as well as descriptive-analysis can be concluded that the existence of the Iranian revolution did indeed result in victory in the struggle against the Shah Reza Pahlevi regime
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10

Gasiorowski, Mark J. "The 1953 Coup D'Etat in Iran." International Journal of Middle East Studies 19, no. 3 (1987): 261–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800056737.

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In retrospect, the United States sponsored coup d'état in Iran of August 19, 1953, has emerged as a critical event in postwar world history. The government of Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddeq which was ousted in the coup was the last popular, democratically oriented government to hold office in Iran. The regime replacing it was a dictatorship that suppressed all forms of popular political activity, producing tensions that contributed greatly to the 1978–1979 Iranian revolution. If Mosaddeq had not been overthrown, the revolution might not have occurred. The 1953 coup also marked the first peac
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11

Kusumo, Aditya Aryo Nur. "Factors Driving Contemporary Islamic Civilization From Iran's Shiah Perspective." Journal of Islamic Civilization 5, no. 2 (2024): 222–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.33086/jic.v5i2.5483.

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During Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi’s regime, around 250,000 shops were closed, 31,000 traders were imprisoned, and many clerics and civilians were killed. Additionally, 70% of the newspapers in Iran were shut down. However, in 1979, the Iranian revolution took place, led by Imam Ayatullah Khomeini. This revolution was a turning point for Iran as it aimed to restore the glory of Islamic civilization in Iran. The Iranians believe that Islamic civilization is the best civilization and can bring justice. This paper aims to discuss the efforts made by Iranian Shiites in restoring the glory of Islami
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12

Karimi-Hakkak, Ahmad. "Revolutionary Posturing: Iranian Writers and the Iranian Revolution of 1979." International Journal of Middle East Studies 23, no. 4 (1991): 507–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800023394.

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During those eventful days of early January 1979, after Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi of Iran had finally announced his intention to leave the country and the revolutionary leader Ayatollah Khomeini had made his return from exile contingent on the shah's departure, a hemistitch by Hafez, the 14th-century Persian poet, suddenly appeared next to an array of revolutionary slogans on display in the streets of Tehran: “Div cho birun ravad fereshteh dar āyad” (When the demon departs, the angel shall arrive). The basic binary oppositions of demon/angel and departure/arrival fit the realities of the situ
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13

Mohammadi, Foroogh, and Lisa-Jo K. Van den Scott. "Entering Iranian Homes: Privacy Borders and Hospitality in Iranian Movies." Qualitative Sociology Review 19, no. 2 (2023): 50–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1733-8077.19.2.03.

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The architecture of homes in Iran has changed significantly over the past four decades since the 1979 Iranian revolution. We ask how these architectural changes shift neighborhood relationships and how they transform the Iranians’ hospitality rituals and practices. We conducted a qualitative content analysis of eighteen Iranian movies filmed after the 1979 revolution. They allowed us to make comparisons among various dwelling patterns and neighborhood relationships. We argue that the representations of neighborhood relationships reflect these changes, demonstrating the impact of architecture o
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Rabush, Taisiya Vladimirovna. "Iran’s position regarding the afghan military conflict in 1978-1979." RUDN Journal of World History 13, no. 1 (2021): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2021-13-1-7-20.

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The author considers the position of Iran regarding the Afghan armed conflict (1978-1979) before the Soviet troops entered Afghanistan, as well as the consistent evolution of this position and the involvement of Iran in internal Afghan events. The author relies mainly on documentary sources, but also attracts scientific works in Russian and English (including the works of Iranian authors). According to the author, the analysis and study of Irans position on Afghanistan and the evolution of this position deserve a separate article because, firstly, the religious factor began to especially influ
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15

Goldstone, Jack A. "States, Ideologies, and Social Revolutions: A Comparative Analysis of Iran, Nicaragua, and the Philippines. By Misagh Parsa. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. 326p. $54.95 cloth, $19.95 paper." American Political Science Review 95, no. 2 (2001): 506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401682029.

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This intriguing volume is a direct challenge to Theda Skocpol's States and Social Revolutions (1979); by inserting "ideology" into the title, Parsa claims that Skocpol left out something important. He makes good on his effort to dem- onstrate the importance of ideology in recent Third World revolutions, but the book offers far more than that. Several authors have compared the Iranian and Nicara- guan revolutions, which occurred in 1979, but to my knowl- edge this is the first book-length treatment to add the Philippines revolution against Ferdinand Marcos in 1986.
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Sutan Mamad, Firdaus. "IMAM KHOMEINI: FIGURE OF THE IRAN ISLAMIC REVOLUTION." Khazanah: Jurnal Sejarah dan Kebudayaan Islam 12, no. 1 (2022): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.15548/khazanah.v12i1.687.

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The Iranian Revolution was a revolution that changed the Iranian government system from a monarchy to an Islamic republic led by Imam Rahullah al-Musawi al-Khomeini. Imam Khomeini is a figure in Iran who is also known as the father of the Iranian Revolution of Fundamentalism. His mindset is heavily influenced by mystical, philosophical, and Sufism based on the Qur'an and Hadith. So from Imam Khomeini's thought, the occurrence of the Islamic revolution in Iran on February 11, 1979 brought changes in Iran itself.
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Bavili, Negin. "Feminization of Immigration From Iran Since 1979." European Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 3 (2022): 31–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejsocial.2022.2.3.261.

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At first, I will study immigration patterns of Iranian women after 1979 revolution. This study will attempt to see how these immigration pattern of Iranian women have transformed from 1979., More specifically, This study will concentrate on What are the motives of Iranian women to leave the country? Besides analyzing immigration patterns of Iranian women after 1979, factors like gender inequality, Human development index, unemployment rate, UNHCR statistics will be compared. In order to study how immigration patterns of Iranian women have transformed after 1979 interview will be conducted to s
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Maryasov, Alexander G. "Iran 1979: Mission to Revolution." Humanitarian: actual problems of the humanities and education 23, no. 4 (2023): 381–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2078-9823.064.023.202304.381-416.

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Introduction. The article examines the causes and course of the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979. On February 1, 1979, the disgraced Ayatollah Khomeini returned to the country and took power into his own hands. The 1979 revolution was a series of events that led to the overthrow of the Pehi dynasty under Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. It was actively supported by various Islamist and leftist organizations and student movements. The study of various aspects of the development of Iran at that time helps to objectively assess the uniqueness and relevance of its experience in terms of searching for
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Pashaee, Roshanak. "Subversion, Subservience, and Property in The Magic Bean and Iranian Fairy Tales Written in 1960–1980." Journal of American Folklore 135, no. 537 (2022): 305–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/15351882.135.537.03.

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Abstract This essay compares conceptions of property and ownership in an important Iranian adaptation of “Jack and the Beanstalk” with its English canonical versions. It proposes that these conceptions are inflected differently in the Iranian adaptation in response to the sociopolitical context of the Islamic Revolution of Iran (1978–1979). For support, examples from other Iranian fairy tales, newspapers, and speeches of prominent revolutionary figures of the time have been provided. Finally, it examines whether these conceptions are subversive or subservient to the dominant ideology.
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Amanat, Abbas. "The Spring of Hope and Winter of Despair." International Journal of Middle East Studies 44, no. 1 (2012): 147–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811001292.

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For the majority of Iranians who went through the Islamic Revolution of 1979 with high hopes, the “Spring of Freedom” (Bahar-i Azadi) never really bloomed except perhaps on the specially minted gold coins issued in March 1979 by the Provisional Government of Mahdi Bazargan. Revolutionary optimism quickly died out and gave way to a long winter of discontent. For the peoples of the Arab world who are presently witnessing an “Arab Spring,” the turn of events may be different. Though the current movement has yet to fully unfold, potentially taking months or even years, and though it is unrealistic
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Foucault, Michel, and Baqir Parham. "On Marx, Islam, Christianity & revolution." Daedalus 134, no. 1 (2005): 126–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/0011526053124433.

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Note by Janet Afary and Kevin B. Anderson: In 1978, as the protests against the shah were becoming a mass movement, Michel Foucault made his first visit to Iran. During the next eight months, Foucault wrote a number of articles on the Iranian Revolution for “Corriere della Sera,” “Le Monde,” and other publications. These articles constitute the most sustained treatment anywhere in his writings of a non-Western society. Foucault's support for Iran's Islamist movement touched off a controversy that continues to this day. This conversation, conducted in Iran in September of 1978 with the noted wr
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Bagheri, A. "Psychiatric Problems among Iranian Immigrants in Canada." Canadian Journal of Psychiatry 37, no. 1 (1992): 7–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/070674379203700103.

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The number of Iranian immigrants in Canada has been increasing since 1979. This study is the result of a review of 111 charts of Iranian patients who were referred for psychiatric treatment between 1985 and 1988. Ninety-eight percent of them arrived in Canada after the Iranian revolution, which started in 1979, and the Iran-Iraq war of 1980. Ten percent were experiencing trauma as a result of their involvement with the revolutionary government or the war. The symptoms were in accordance with the DSM-III-R criteria for posttraumatic stress disorder. Sixty percent met the criteria for adjustment
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Kirichenko, Vladimir. "IRAN-SYRIA: FACTORS OF COOPERATION AND RAPPROCHEMENT." Russia and the moslem world, no. 1 (2021): 89–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/rmw/2021.01.06.

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The article is about Iran-Syria relations. Bilateral ties between these countries were not friendly under Shah Reza Pahlavi (1919-1980), despite a thaw in relations in the 1970s. Having lost the U.S. support, Iran needed allies immediately after the Islamic revolution (1978-1979), which led to a rapprochement with Syria. The Iranian leadership also shared the Syrian point of view regarding Israel. All these factors have encouraged the bilateral ties strengthening. Iran has supported Bashar al-Assad's regime, providing Syria with both financial and military assistance since the beginning of the
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Kurzman, Charles. "The Arab Spring: Ideals of the Iranian Green Movement, Methods of the Iranian Revolution." International Journal of Middle East Studies 44, no. 1 (2012): 162–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811001346.

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Which Iranian uprising does the Arab Spring bring to mind? The Green Movement of 2009, which challenged the pillars of the Islamic Republic of Iran, or the Iranian Revolution of 1979, which brought the Islamic Republic to power?
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Hassaniyan, Allan. "Non-Violent Resistance in Iranian Kurdistan After 1979." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 6, no. 3 (2019): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/266.

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This paper sheds light on the significance of the 1979 Iranian Revolution for the Iranian Kurdish movement, arguing that the Revolution provided Iranian Kurds with multifaceted opportunities as well as challenges. In the ensuing years, the Kurdish movement entered into a new phase of its rise. With the emergence of numerous civil society organizations and political parties, the Kurdish movement experienced a hitherto unprecedented growth and diversification of actors and organisations. Kurdish civil society flourished drastically, and a significant part of the Kurdish movement’s challenge to t
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Ebrahimian, Babak. "Pictures From A Revolution: The 1979 Iranian Uprising." PAJ: A Journal of Performance and Art 25, no. 2 (2003): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152028103321781529.

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Ahmadabadi, Ali. "Investigating the Effect of the Oil Curse on the Creation of a Rentier Government and the Reduction of Economic Growth in Iran." International Journal of Research Publication and Reviews 03, no. 12 (2022): 1118–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.55248/gengpi.2022.31228.

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In this article, we will examine the category of the oil curse; how it affected Iranian revolution in 1979, and then the change of a royal system to an Islamic Republic system and its growth and maturity in the form of a corrupt system in the Islamic Republic of Iran (I.R. Iran) regime. In other word, the experience of the Pahlavi royal system (1979-1925) after the third and fourth periods of development plans (1962-1968) (1968-1972), and at the beginning of the fifth period of development plan (1973-1979) after suffering from the curse of oil due to the increase in income from The increase in
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Miller, Duane Alexander. "Power, Personalities and Politics." Mission Studies 32, no. 1 (2015): 66–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341380.

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While Christianity has existed in Iran/Persia since the fourth century, if not earlier, at the middle of the twentieth century almost all Iranian Christians belonged to an ethnic minority, especially the Assyrians and the Armenians. Ethnic Iranians were almost all Muslims, and then mostly Shi’a Muslims. Since the Revolution of 1979 hundreds of thousands of ethnic Iranians have left Islam for evangelical Christianity, both within and outside of Iran. This paper seeks to explore the multifaceted factors – political, economic and technological – that have helped to create an environment wherein i
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M Amin, W. Mohd Azam. "The Influence of Shi’ism on the Malay Muslims of Malaysia (Pengaruh Fahaman Shi‘Ah Ke Atas Orang Islam Di Malaysia)." Journal of Islam in Asia (E-ISSN 2289-8077) 17, no. 4 (2020): 256–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/jia.v17i4.928.

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This article aims to make a preliminary and general observation on some of the influences of Shi’ism on the Malay Muslims in Malaysia since post Iranian revolution in 1979 onwards. This research emphasizes on the impact of the Iranian revolution in 1979 on the Malay Muslim society of Malaysia and the effort of some to develop the Shi’ite community in the Malay Sunnite majority. Cases in focus are in the field of education, social and politics. The researcher employed the qualitative method that includes textual analysis of the materials related to Shi’ism, interviews, and focus group discussio
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Shield, Andrew D. J. "The Legacies of the Stonewall Riots in Denmark and the Netherlands." History Workshop Journal 89 (2020): 193–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbz051.

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Abstract The Netherlands and Denmark housed Europe’s first two postwar homophile organizations, and by the 1960s, activists were already debating anti-homosexual laws in national media (in the Netherlands) demonstrating publicly; thus Stonewall was not the origin of activism in either of these countries. Yet the events in New York City 1969 had two lasting influences in these countries: first, Stonewall catalyzed a transnational ‘consciousness’ (or solidarity) among gay and lesbian activists during a period of radicalization; and second, the Christopher Street Liberation Day 1970 inspired the
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Ghasemi, Zeinab, and Seyed Mohammad Marandi. "Beyond the Enigma of the Veil: Representation of Women’s Status in Post-revolutionary Iran by Iranian–American Memoirs." Sociology of Islam 7, no. 1 (2019): 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00701001.

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Exilic Iranian memoirs by female writers began to emerge after the 1979 Iranian Revolution and surged after September 11, 2001. The dramatic increase in Iranian–American memoirs, which began after 9/11 signifies a complex relation between publication of this literary genre and mass consumption in a specific historical moment. The present paper offers a thematic analysis of a number of memoirs published by female Iranian–Americas in English from 1979 to 2012. Using Orientalism as a theoretical framework the study finds that Orientalist stereotypes are often used in framing and explaining events
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Hojabri, Afsaneh. "Iranian Women’s Food Writing in Diaspora." Anthropology of the Middle East 15, no. 2 (2020): 179–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ame.2020.150213.

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Abstract: In light of the recent surge of Iranians’ autobiographies and fictions in the West, this article will examine ‘food writing’ as an emerging genre of diasporic narrative dominated by Iranian women. It will explore the multiple avenues through which these cookbooks/food memoirs seek not only to make accessible the highly sophisticated Persian culinary tradition but also to ameliorate the image of Iran. Such attempts are partly in response to the challenges of exilic life, namely, the stereotypical portrayal of Iranians in the Western media. Three books with strong memoir components wil
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Saffari, Siavash. "Two Pro-Mostazafin Discourses in the 1979 Iranian Revolution." Contemporary Islam 11, no. 3 (2017): 287–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11562-017-0396-4.

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Prévost, Lorane. "Identity Representations: How Did the 1979 Iranian Revolution Affect Kurdish Folk Music?" Interdisciplinary Studies in Musicology, no. 21 (November 21, 2021): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ism.2021.21.5.

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 The following paper constitutes a part of my master thesis on the consequences of the 1979 Iranian Revolution on Kurdish folk music. The strong identity claimed by the Islamic Republic of Iran and particularly by Ruhollah Khomeini led to an obscuration of the Iranian cultural plurality, dominated by the Persian culture. Iranian music is often understood as Persian music while regional genres were confined to small areas. The domination of folk and regional identities by institutional, more-erudite identities is not limited to Iran but can be observed worldwide; however, th
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Kashfi, Ehsan. "The Politics of Calendars: State Appropriations of the Contested Iranian Past." Religions 12, no. 10 (2021): 861. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12100861.

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This paper seeks to investigate how commemorative practices, rituals, and holidays are invented, deployed, and recast for political and ideological purposes, to reinforce and sustain a particular narrative of national identity. It argues that the choice of particular moments of a country’s past to be commemorated in calendars as national holidays and the way in which the collective past is preserved and remembered both reflect and articulate a country’s vision of its present essence, of who its people are. Recognizing the link between the collective memory and national identity, the Iranian st
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Murtazaeva, Gulnara. "The Iranian revolution of 1979 and the Soviet-American relations." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (November 2012): 84–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2012.2.12.

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Akbulut, Zeynep. "The Last Great Revolution." American Journal of Islam and Society 18, no. 3 (2001): 120–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v18i3.2009.

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Robin Wright's The Last Great Revolution reflects her 27 years of studyand observations of Iran's cultural and political transformations.She interviews thinkers, parliamentarians, administrators, and averagepeople on the streets as she portrays the radical shift in Iran since the 1979Islamic revolution.Wright starts with her "Personal Odyssey" as an introduction. Shedescribes her first encounter with Iran after the revolution at the airplane ina detailed way. Indeed, she wants her book to "help outsiders to see what isthere not just what [they] want to see." She distinguishes this book fromher
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Figueroa, William. "China and the Iranian Revolution: New Perspectives on Sino-Iranian Relations, 1965–1979." Asian Affairs 53, no. 1 (2022): 106–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2022.2029064.

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Inafuku, Eric. "How Does the 1979 Iranian Revolution Affect Current Iranian Fundamentalism and International Politics?" Journal of Applied Security Research 5, no. 3 (2010): 414–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19361610.2010.484835.

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Thodika, Shaheen Kelachan. "Iranian Islamic Revolution and the Transformation of Islamist Discourse in Southern India: 1979–1992." Religions 14, no. 1 (2023): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14010130.

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By focusing on the publications of Jamaat-e-Islami Hind (JIH) in the Malayalam language, this article argues that the 1979 Iranian Islamic Revolution (IIR) marked a rupture from the disenchantments of the 1947 partition of British India and Cold War-centered politics for the Islamists of Kerala. This rupture from the colonial past and a Western-inspired intellectual climate had resonances in the discourse on Islam in Kerala. The Iranian revolution not only imported the idea of Islamism or revolution but also a renewed interest in democracy, modernity and the idea of “Islamist political” to the
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Behdad, Sohrab. "Winners and Losers of The Iranian Revolution: A Study in Income Distribution." International Journal of Middle East Studies 21, no. 3 (1989): 327–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800032542.

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The income inequality gap in prerevolutionary Iran was no doubt a contributing factor to the mass mobilization of Iranians in the 1979 Revolution. The Resolution of the Ashura March (December 11, 1978) demanded the establishment of “social justice, the right of workers and peasants to the full benefit from the product of their labor” and an end to “any form of discrimination, exploitation, profiteering and economic domination which may result in the accumulation of great wealth, on the one hand, and deprivation and poverty on the other.”
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Jafari, Peyman. "Reasons to Revolt: Iranian Oil Workers in the 1970s." International Labor and Working-Class History 84 (2013): 195–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547913000331.

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AbstractOil workers played a pivotal role during the Iranian Revolution of 1978–1979. Involving tens of thousands of workers, oil strikes paralyzed the state and paved the way for the Shah's downfall. Various accounts of these strikes, however, ignore the subjectivity and agency of the oil workers by focusing exclusively on the role of political agitation. Addressing this deficit, this article explores the oil workers' experiences in and out of the workplace in the 1970s in order to contextualize their participation in the revolution. After analyzing the oil strikes and their goals, the articl
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Ghorashi, Halleh, and Nayereh Tavakoli. "Paradoxes of transnational space and local activism." Focaal 2006, no. 47 (2006): 90–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/092012906780646497.

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The Iranian revolution of 1979 promised to bring freedom and equality, but as soon as one group gained power, it turned out to be oppressive of both its political opposition and women. This resulted in the formation of a large Iranian diaspora bound together by its hatred for the Iranian regime. Years of suppression in the 1980s in Iran resulted in a deep gap between Iranians living inside and outside Iran. During the 1990s, however, cross-border relationships started to change as a result of two major factors: transnational activities and the influence of cyberspace. This paper focuses on the
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Guliev, O. E. "The evolution of Iran's geopolitics after the 1979 islamic revolution." Sovremennaya nauka i innovatsii, no. 2 (42) (2023): 203–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.37493/2307-910x.2023.2.22.

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The events of 1978-1979, which brought Khomeini and his supporters to power, completely changes the foreign and domestic policy of Iran. This phenomenon becomes one of the factors that form the modern geopolitical configuration of the region. Indicative of the historical scale of the revolution was the fact that the Persian monarchy with 2500 years of history, represented by many dynasties along with the Pahlavi dynasty, ceased to exist politically. The existing system was replaced by a clerical Shiite clergy with the teachings of Imam Khomeini's Wilayat al-Faqih. In the early years of the Isl
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Alikarami, Leila. "Iranian Women. The Quest for their Legal Equality since the Constitutional Revolution." Tiempo devorado 5, no. 2 (2019): 138–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/tdevorado.154.

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The active presence of Iranian women in the public arena and their efforts to obtain equal rights date back to the early twentieth century, when the Constitutional Revolution took place in Iran. The Constitutional Revolution of 1906 was a liberal movement aimed at creating a Parliament, limiting the Shah’s powers and enforcing constitutional laws. This article will explore the historical background of the women’s movement in Iran, in order to identify all the means utilized to demand equality in order to trace the process of demanding equality and the obstacles that Iranian women have encounte
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Amirdabbaghian, Amin, and Krishnavanie Shunmugam. "The Translator’s Ideology: A Study of Three Persian Translations of George Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four." Lebende Sprachen 64, no. 1 (2019): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/les-2019-0001.

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Abstract The ideology and worldviews of a community may be shifted and modified through social changes brought about by political upheavals. In a country like Iran, the Islamic revolution (1979/80) has played a major role in re-shaping the ideology of the governing body which among many other things involves modifications in the language policy. After the revolution, Persian speakers were encouraged to be more conservative in their use of language. As a result, those who tended to produce discourse which was more conservative and Islam-oriented became more popular and respected among the Irani
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Goldin, Farideh. "Ghosts of Revolution." American Journal of Islam and Society 29, no. 2 (2012): 103–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v29i2.1204.

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Shahla Talebi’s memoir, Ghosts of Revolution: Rekindled Memories of Imprisonmentin Iran, is painful to read; it is hard to read. The book, a recollectionof Shahla Talebi’s years in Iran’s notorious Evin Prison, is jail-likeitself ‒ unrelenting in stark accounts of torture, murders, madness, andmayhem. From the very start, the prologue, until the very last words of theepilogue and even its twelve pages of acknowledgements, the agony goeson. Every chapter, every paragraph, and every line stabs the readers withthe hopelessness of Iranian citizens caught in the murderous, diabolicalschemes of the
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PANAH, MARYAM H. "Social revolution: the elusive emergence of an agenda in International Relations." Review of International Studies 28, no. 2 (2002): 271–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210502002711.

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This article addresses the inadequate analysis of modern social revolutions within orthodox International Relations due both to the historical context and the trajectory of the discipline. A critical review of the literature that has more recently come to acknowledge the relevance of revolutions and revolutionary states to IR reveals a number of enduring shortcomings. The present article suggests an alternative framework for the study of revolutions by conceiving them as rooted in the dynamics of the globally dominant socio-economic system, capitalism. It is argued that the uneven global expan
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Özcan, Nihat Ali, and Özgür Özdamar. "Uneasy Neighbors: Turkish-Iranian Relations Since the 1979 Islamic Revolution." Middle East Policy 17, no. 3 (2010): 101–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4967.2010.00454.x.

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Badii, Naiim, and L. Erwin Atwood. "How the Tehran Press Responded to the 1979 Iranian Revolution." Journalism Quarterly 63, no. 3 (1986): 517–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769908606300310.

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