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Gotowe bibliografie tematyczne / 1979 Iranian Revolution

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Gotowa bibliografia na temat „1979 Iranian Revolution”

Autor: Grafiati

Data publikacji: 29 lipca 2024

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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "1979 Iranian Revolution"

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Hassan, Ali Bakr. "The Abbasid Revolution 747-750 and The Iranian Revolution 1978-1979: A Comparative Perspective". Journal of Al-Tamaddun 17, nr 2 (21.12.2022): 143–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/jat.vol17no2.11.

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Viewing the cAbbasid Revolution and the Iranian Revolution from a comparative perspective is the focus of this study. The cAbbasid Revolution was the first Islamic revolution, and the Iranian Revolution is the most recent Islamic revolution, both of which occurred in Muslim societies and practically began in the same geographical area. Although more than twelve centuries separate the two revolutions, similarities exist between them. Both produced profound results, and similar lessons may be culled from them. The first revolution toppled the house of the Umayyads and established a new dynasty. The second overbalanced the House of the Pahlavis and evolved Iran from a monarchy into an Islamic republic. The political role of merchants and their cooperation with religious leaders based on mutual self-interests in both revolutions was a significant factor. Conclusions may be drawn as to when or whether there were changes to Islamic values. These changes may have led to a change in Muslims’ experiences, which can be developed, into the form of a revolution or any type of violence. Taking a comparative methodological approach, this study attempts to make a link between the Iranian Revolution and its cAbbasid past.

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Baghoolizadeh, Beeta. "Seeing Black America in Iran". American Historical Review 128, nr 4 (1.12.2023): 1618–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhad383.

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Abstract From the 1960s onwards, many Iranians closely followed Black American protests during the Civil Rights and Black Power movements in the United States. This period proved pivotal for Iranian understandings of race, where intellectuals, revolutionaries, and those in media would use US-centric histories of enslavement, racism, and Black Americans to erase nineteenth-century histories of enslavement and racism in Iran, tacitly displacing the existence of Black Iranians across the national landscape. Black American Muslims, particularly Malcolm X, emerged as the ideal form of Blackness. After the 1979 revolution, non-Black Iranians and the Iranian government would continue this focus on US-based racism through an official narrative that repeatedly defined racism as a US-only problem, ultimately cementing the erasures around histories of enslavement and Black Iranians that began with abolition in 1929. Through an analysis of speeches, memoirs, poetry, newspaper articles, photography, and other illustrated media, this article weaves together vignettes to demonstrate how the pervasiveness of racial hierarchies fashioned around US histories came to shift an Iranian vocabulary and conceptualization of race. This article traces the changes in racial discourse during the 1960s and 1970s, the 1979 revolution, and the Iran-Iraq War from an Iranian perspective.

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Azarpanah, Sayeh, i Maedeh Maktoum. "The Problematic Confrontation of "Us" with the Other: One Dream and Multiple Interpretations". Freedom of Thought Journal, nr 11 (kwiecień 2022): 45–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.53895/dpjs1022.

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"Stranger, talk! Tell me, what should I do to awaken Iranians?" This question from Abbās Mirzā clearly portrays an encounter between Iranians and “the other” at the beginning of Iran's modern age. The Stranger is assumed to hold some kind of truth, the revelation of which would lead to the awakening of Iranians. This article considers an Iranian "we" that arises from imaginative confrontations with “the other”, beginning with Akhundov's Maktūbat and tracing "our" imagination up to the 1979 revolution. The 1979 revolution was a unique turning point in the life of "our" dream; its strange difference made “the other” interested to ask, with Foucault: “What are the Iranians dreaming about?” Foucault’s account of the Iranian dream has often been criticized. In favor of the "spirituality" of the revolutionary events, he separated spirituality from violence, and even considered the violence of revolution inevitable. As the fundamentalist government that longed for the Islamic Caliphate continued using violence, the dream turned into a nightmare and Foucault no longer pursued his discussion. To better understand this nightmare, the article examines the 2009 protests in Iran and focuses on Nikfar's argument around "religious truth" that emerges in prison. The article concludes by relating the 1979 revolution and 2009 protests to Žižek’s reading of the “Iranian event”, and argues that the emancipatory potential of Islam should not be ignored because of its violence.

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Buchan, James. "THE IRANIAN REVOLUTION OF 1979". Asian Affairs 44, nr 3 (listopad 2013): 418–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2013.826016.

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Saljoughi, Sara. "A Cinema of Refusal". Feminist Media Histories 3, nr 1 (1.01.2017): 81–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fmh.2017.3.1.81.

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Marva Nabili's The Sealed Soil (1977) is one of the few feature films made by a woman in Iran prior to the 1979 Iranian Revolution. This article argues that the film inaugurated the “distanced look” that most scholars attribute to Iranian art cinema made after 1979. Through a reading of the film's thematic and formal articulations of refusal, the essay claims that this work can open new readings of the relationship between aesthetics and politics in Iranian cinema.

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PASHAYİ, Mohammad Reza, i Timuçin KODAMAN. "The Transition from Nationalism to Islamism in Iran’s Foreign Policy". Aurum Journal of Social Sciences 8, nr 2 (31.12.2023): 229–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.62393/aurum.1368703.

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The 1979 Iranian Revolution is a multifaceted phenomenon with intricate causes, complex evolution and far-reaching outcomes. Rooted in the Constitutional Revolution of the early 20th century and the rise to power of the Ayatollahs, its beginnings are distinct but interconnected. Unlike many revolutions of the 20th century, the 1979 Iranian Revolution was a departure from the socialist or communist model and manifested itself as a revolt against both Western and Eastern systems, with unique outcomes. The 1979 Revolution shook a traditional and established order and paved the way for the rise of Islamism within a new political framework. This ideology, like its predecessors, adopted a singular leadership based on religious doctrine. To differentiate itself from global and regional powers and focus on its unique revolution, the Iranian regime shaped a foreign policy summarized by the slogan “neither East nor West, the Islamic Republic” and aimed to export this ideology globally. The policy focused primarily on political and ideological interests, resulting in permanent sanctions imposed by the United States. This economic aspect contributes to the changes in Iran’s foreign policy towards the United States, from pre-revolutionary Persian nationalism to post-Revolutionary political Islam, emphasizing its strength and adaptability in the face of external pressures.

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Rakel, Eva Patricia. "Iranian Foreign Policy since the Iranian Islamic Revolution: 1979-2006". Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 6, nr 1-3 (2007): 159–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914907x207711.

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AbstractThis article analyzes Iranian foreign policy since the Iranian Islamic revolution of 1979. The main questions to be dealt with are: what influences has the Iranian Islamic revolution had on foreign policy orientation and formulation of the Islamic Republic of Iran? What influences has Shi'ism had on foreign policy formulation in Iran? What impact have Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, and the three presidents Hojjatoleslam Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, Hojjatoleslam Mohammad Khatami, and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad had on foreign policy orientation? Have there been major shifts in foreign policy orientation during their tenures or has the overall foreign policy approach that was introduced by Khomeini after the revolution in 1979 remained the same? The article will first discuss the history of Shi'ism in Iran and its impact on politics since the introduction of Islam as state religion in the beginning of the sixteenth century by the Safavid Empire. It will then give an introduction to power relations in Iran since the Iranian Islamic revolution and analyze foreign policy orientation in Iran in four phases: (1) from 1979 to 1989, when Khomeini was the Supreme Leader; (2) from 1989-1997, during the presidency of Rafsanjani; (3) from 1997-2005, during the presidency of Khatami; and (4) since Ahmadinejad's presidency began in 2005.

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Masoumi, Azar, i Ronak Ghorbani. "Spatial Histories: Geography, Memory, and Alternative Narratives of the Iranian Revolution of 1979". International Public History 6, nr 1 (1.06.2023): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/iph-2023-2003.

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Abstract In distinction from the overwhelming tendency to conceive history primarily in terms of its temporal chronologies, this paper considers the spatiality of history and historical memory. Engaging with seven Oral History interviews with diasporic Iranians in Toronto on the Iranian Revolution of 1979, we show that narratives of historical events are deeply shaped by the geographical location of narrators: those emplaced in differing geographical locations at the time of the Revolution not only remember disparate events, but also associate distinct temporal points with the Revolution. For instance, while those remembering the Revolution from the capital city of Tehran produce narratives that closely align with the official historiography of the Revolution (such as in recounting street protests and the culmination of the Revolution on February 11th, 1979), others remember events and dates that are only peripheral to official accounts (such as the arson at Cinema Rex on August 19th, 1978, or the hostage crisis that lasted from November 4th, 1979 to January 28th, 1980). In other words, both the content of memories (what narrators remember) and their temporal associations (which dates narrators recall) are informed by the embodied geography of memories. Hence, those whose geographical locations diverge from the largely capital-focused vantage point of official histographies produce narratives that diverge from these accounts. In short, geography and embodied emplacement are central to historical narrative, whether authoritative or narrated form geographical margins.

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Nasrullah, Faiz. "Etnis Kurdi Iran dan Revolusi Islam 1979 M". JUSPI (Jurnal Sejarah Peradaban Islam) 4, nr 1 (28.07.2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.30829/juspi.v4i1.6949.

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<p><em>The politics of discrimination applied by the Iranian government both politically and religiously became the beginning of the emergence of the Kurdish resistance movement towards political policies, one of which resistance arose after the 1979 Iranian revolution. This writing aims to analyze the ethnic conditions of Iran's Kurds after the 1979 Iranian Revolution. Historical methods, Political approach as well as descriptive-analysis can be concluded that the existence of the Iranian revolution did indeed result in victory in the struggle against the Shah Reza Pahlevi regime and carried Islamic symbols. However, in reality the victory brought a separate problem for the early administration in Iran due to the emergence of several ethnic communities in the Iranian region who wanted a concession in the form of cultural autonomy and political concessions on the national scene.</em></p>

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Gasiorowski, Mark J. "The 1953 Coup D'Etat in Iran". International Journal of Middle East Studies 19, nr 3 (sierpień 1987): 261–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800056737.

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In retrospect, the United States sponsored coup d'état in Iran of August 19, 1953, has emerged as a critical event in postwar world history. The government of Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddeq which was ousted in the coup was the last popular, democratically oriented government to hold office in Iran. The regime replacing it was a dictatorship that suppressed all forms of popular political activity, producing tensions that contributed greatly to the 1978–1979 Iranian revolution. If Mosaddeq had not been overthrown, the revolution might not have occurred. The 1953 coup also marked the first peacetime use of covert action by the United States to overthrow a foreign government. As such, it was an important precedent for events like the 1954 coup in Guatemala and the 1973 overthrow of Salvador Allende in Chile, and made the United States a key target of the Iranian revolution.

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Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "1979 Iranian Revolution"

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Brandis, Dov Asher. "The 1979 Iranian revolution: the revolutionary revolution". Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/192268.

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Kamrava, Mehran. "Causes of the Iranian Revolution of 1978-1979". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1988. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272469.

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Samii, Abbas William. "The role of SAVAK in the 1978-1979 Iranian Revolution". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1994. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/251570.

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Mananian, Alfred. "A multi-perspective approach to the Iranian revolution of 1979". The Ohio State University, 1985. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1272464023.

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Farokhfal, Reza. "Under Western eyes : the BBC and the Iranian revolution 1978-1979 : a discursive analysis". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/MQ64012.pdf.

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Fajri, Nurul. "The role of religious symbols in the Iranian revolution of 1979 /". Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=56939.

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This thesis will analyze the role of Shi'i religious symbols employed in the Iranian revolution of 1979. During the revolution, the Shi'i symbolic structure of the Karbala' paradigm or the symbols of Karbala' and of Husayn's martyrdom were extensively employed to mobilize the masses. Regarded as the Imam and as the symbol of the revolution, Khumayni extensively utilized such religious symbols in order to generate mass revolutionary political consciousness against the Shah's tyrannical regime. In other words, throughout the revolution the traditional 'ashura' mourning ceremony--commemorating a tragic historical event the martyrdom of Husayn who was killed on the battlefield of Karbala' on Muharram 10, 60/680--was transformed into and politicized to be a vehicle of mass revolutionary political mobilization.

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Hodjatpanah, Maryam. "International relations and social revolution : international aspects of the Iranian 1979 revolution and post-revolutionary state". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.413175.

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Delkhasteh, Mahmood. "Islamic discourses of power and freedom in the Iranian Revolution, 1979-81". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2007. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2143/.

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This thesis has two aims: to expand scholarly understanding of the Iranian Revolution up to its transition to religious totalitarianism, and second, to present a non-deterministic theoretical framework for understanding revolutions more generally, which incorporates both structure and agency. Relying on a combination of extended interviews with leading participants and some hitherto unused primary sources, and with the help of secondary texts, it reconstructs the intense political struggles from 1979-81 and the ideological formations which shaped the revolutionary process, in four steps: (1) an analysis of the ideological foundations of competing discourses of Islam, in particular those of Khomeini, Shariati, Motahari, Bazargan and Banisadr; (2) a narrative of historical events and socio-economic and political changes which set the stage for the Iranian Revolution; (3) a narrative of the process of revolution itself; and (4) a narrative of the emergence of political struggle within the revolutionary movement, which drew on two competing discourses of Islam, those of power and of freedom. The analysis of this evidence seeks to demonstrate that dictatorship was not an inevitable consequence of the revolution, but due to four main causes: (1) lack of unity within the democratic camp, (2) poor use of available resources and opportunities, (3) specific, critical decisions, and finally (4) international factors. It also suggests a theoretical framework which makes it possible to critically analyse the process of revolution, which takes account of unique socio-historical contingencies.

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Kassam, Shelina. "The language of Islamism : Pakistan's media response to the Iranian revolution". Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=69615.

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In recent Muslim history, the Iranian Revolution of 1978/79 has been a watershed event which has had--and continues to have--a significant impact on Muslim societies. Indeed, the Revolution is often perceived as the single most important example in contemporary times of the manner in which Islamism has been utilized as a revolutionary tool. The success of the Revolution in utilizing ideological Islam has had important implications for Pakistan, given the latter's reliance upon Islamism in its public life. This thesis examines editorial response in the Pakistani press to the Iranian Revolution of 1978/79 and analyzes the factors which influenced this reaction.
Pakistan's response to the Iranian Revolution provides a glimpse into the nature of a country coming to terms with itself and its own interpretation of its dominant socio-political ideology. The Revolution highlighted already-existing tensions within the Pakistani national psyche: questions were raised with regard to the ideological direction of the country, its pragmatic concerns for security as well as the role of Islam in the formation of a public identity. The Iranian Revolution, by presenting differing perspectives on some of these issues--though all were framed within the context of the language of Islamism--served to deepen the collective Pakistani soul-searching. The nature of Pakistani response was essentially one of an intricate balancing act amongst competing loyalties, perspectives and imperatives. This response highlighted Pakistan's somewhat tense relationship with itself and its reliance upon Islam as a dominant socio-political ideology. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

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Sharifi, Sima. "Manufactured Veils: A Study of Two Canadian Feminist Novels in Persian Translation after the 1979 Iranian Revolution". Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/35677.

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The patriarchal legal system and the socio-cultural institutions of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) relegate Iranian women to second-class citizens. Yet, Canadian feminist texts such as Margaret Atwood's The Handmaid's Tale (1985) and Carol Shields's Unless (2002) have been translated into Persian, in 2003 and 2005 respectively. Moreover, they circulate freely and are found in Iran’s National Library. This seeming discrepancy needs a systemic and contextually-based explanation. Four questions guide my dissertation: What happens to the texts as they cross the cultural boundaries into the receiving society? Specifically, which features of feminist texts are most vulnerable to censorial interventions and what does that reveal about the interplay of the hegemonic theocratic-patriarchy and translation? Finally, how is the Persian translation of feminist texts even possible, given Iran’s legal, political and socio-cultural antagonism toward women’s autonomy? In other words, what factors mitigate such translations? To answer these questions, I outline the legal representation of women in the legal discourse and the socio-cultural attitudes towards women’s rights in Iran subsequent to the (1906-1911) Constitutional Revolution and the 1979 Revolution, which led to an Islamist government. I examine the impacts of the IRI’s androcentric legislations on women’s rights, and the censorship mechanisms on Persian and imported feminist literature. I explore the types and extent of resistance to censorship, and I study the representation of women in school textbooks, cinema and Persian literature to analyze the impact that the interaction between the legal discourse, censorship and resistance has on cultural products. I conduct a comparative text analysis using theories of feminist linguistics and descriptive translation studies (Toury 1995; Cameron 1985, 1995) to investigate the extent to which patriarchal mechanisms influence the translation of the two novels. The goal is to determine how the legal and socio-cultural discourses of the target society affect the form and meaning of the translation, and to identify translation strategies that undermine the very features that make a novel female-centric. I demonstrate how these translation strategies consistently produce target texts that conform to the state-sponsored patriarchal agenda, and synchronize with the gender values and norms of the IRI.

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Książki na temat "1979 Iranian Revolution"

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Kracht, Christian. 1979. Stockholm, Sweden: Ersatz, 2016.

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Kracht, Christian. 1979. München, Bavaria, Germany: dtv, 2003.

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Kracht, Christian. 1979. Chişinǎu, Moldova: Editura Codex, 2013.

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Kracht, Christian. 1979. Madrid, Spain: Alfaguara, 2004.

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Kracht, Christian. 1979. Москва́, Russia: Ад Маргинем, 2002.

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Kracht, Christian. 1979. Frankfurt am Main, Germany: Fischer Taschenbuch, 2010.

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Kracht, Christian. 1979. Berlin, Germany: Eichborn, 2002.

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Kracht, Christian. 1979. Köln, Nordrhein-Westfalen, Germany: Kiepenheuer & Witsch, 2001.

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Nazemi, Akbar. Akbar Nazemi: Unsent dispatches from the Iranian revolution, 1978-1979. North Vancouver, BC: Presentation House Gallery, 2005.

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editor, Qiyāsī Ṣiddīqah, ʻAbd ʻAlī Muḥammad editor, Muʼassasah-i Taʼlīf, Tarjumah va Nashr-i Ās̲ār-i Hunarī-i "Matn" i Farhangistān-i Hunar-i Jumhūrī-i Islāmī-i Īrān, red. Girāfīk-i inqilāb: Hunar-i mutiʻahhid-i ijtimāʻī, dīnī dar Īrān = Graphic of revolution : committed social-religous art in Iran. Tihrān: Muʼassasah-i Taʼlīf, Tarjumah va Nashr-i Ās̲ār-i Hunarī-i "Matn", 2011.

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Części książek na temat "1979 Iranian Revolution"

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Emery, Christian. "The Collapse of US Policy 1977–1979". W US Foreign Policy and the Iranian Revolution, 29–45. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137329875_2.

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Moinipour, Shabnam. "Human Rights, Regime Change, and Political Succession in the Post-1979 Islamic Revolution". W Human Rights, Iranian Migrants, and State Media, 9–25. London; New York, NY: Routledge, 2019. | Series: Routledge studies in media, communication, and politics: digitizing democracy: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429400209-2.

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Lim, Kevjn. "After the Big Bang: Revolution, War, and Elusive Victories, 1979–1988". W Power, Perception, and Politics in the Making of Iranian Grand Strategy, 87–94. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04390-1_4.

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Tahmasebian, Kayvan, i Rebecca Ruth Gould. "8. The Translatability of Love". W Prismatic Jane Eyre, 420–55. Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.11647/obp.0319.12.

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This essay examines how twentieth century Iranian readers situated Jane Eyre within the classical genre of romance literature (adabiyāt-i ʿāshiqāna), originating from the tradition of love narratives in verse (ʿishq-nāma) pioneered by the twelfth century Persian poet Nizami Ganjevi. While romance is only one among several of the original Jane Eyre’s modes of generic belonging, the translation and reception of Jane Eyre into Persian facilitated the novel’s generic recalibration. We show how the prohibition on romance literature following the 1979 Iranian revolution paved the way for foreign classics such as Jane Eyre to be read as romances in the classical sense of the term.

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Kamel, Amir M. "Iraq, Part I: From the Iranian Revolution to the Gulf War (1979–1991)". W The Political Economy of EU Ties with Iraq and Iran, 49–65. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137439802_4.

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Ahmadian, Hassan, i Payam Mohseni. "Iran’s Syria Strategy: The Evolution of Deterrence". W NL ARMS, 231–60. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-419-8_13.

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AbstractIran has been a critical player in the Syrian war since 2011, crafting a complex foreign policy and military strategy to preserve its Syrian ally. What have been the drivers of Iranian decision-making in this conflict? And how has Iranian strategy evolved over the course of the war? This chapter argues that the logic of deterrence has been fundamental not just for shaping the contours of Iran–Syria relations since the Islamic Revolution of 1979, but also for determining the overall trajectory of Iranian strategy in the Syrian war. The authors outline Iran’s decision-making calculus and divide the country’s strategy on Syria after the Arab Spring into four primary phases: (1) a ‘Basij’ strategy to establish local militias in Syria; (2) a regionalization strategy to incorporate transnational fighters and militias in the war effort; (3) an internationalization strategy to incorporate Russia and balance the United States; and (4) a post-ISIS deterrence strategy to balance against the United States, Turkey and Israel. Iran’s Syria strategy progressively escalated in response to the possible defeat of its ally and the deterioration of its forward deterrence capacities against the United States and Israel. Today, the potential for direct inter-state conflict is rising as proxy warfare declines and Iran attempts to maintain the credibility of its forward deterrence.

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Ali, Luman. "The Embassy’s Failure to Predict the Iranian Revolution". W British Diplomacy and the Iranian Revolution, 1978-1981, 101–24. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-94406-7_5.

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Ali, Luman. "Introduction". W British Diplomacy and the Iranian Revolution, 1978-1981, 1–19. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-94406-7_1.

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Ali, Luman. "No Early Return for the British Embassy: The Interests Section and the Revolution, 1980–1981". W British Diplomacy and the Iranian Revolution, 1978-1981, 239–71. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-94406-7_10.

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Ali, Luman. "Conclusion". W British Diplomacy and the Iranian Revolution, 1978-1981, 273–87. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-94406-7_11.

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