Rozprawy doktorskie na temat „1945-1989. Revolution of 1956”

Cette thèse propose une étude de l’œuvre théâtrale de Jean Genet et de Bernard-Marie Koltès axée sur la question de la révolte. Elle essaie de montrer que pour ces deux auteurs la révolte s’inscrit au cœur du propos même de la dramaturgie, thématiquement aussi bien qu’esthétiquement, pour constituer une véritable question philosophique : interrogation sur l’être dans le monde, sur le sens de la vie, sur la construction du rapport avec autrui. Or la comparaison des deux œuvres met en valeur l’orientation divergente de la réflexion de chaque auteur sur cette question : là où Genet voue la révolte à une quête inexorable d’une solitude définitive, Koltès l’envisage comme le degré zéro à partir duquel le rapport au monde, et donc le rapport à l’autre, se construit. Cette divergence philosophique s’exprime en outre par deux conceptions bien différentes du théâtre : chez Genet la forme est une contrainte à l’intérieur de laquelle tous les renversements sont possibles mais à laquelle il n’existe aucune issue, tandis que chez Koltès le théâtre est le lieu d’une ouverture, principe qui est largement inscrit dans la forme de ses pièces. En définitive, la révolte illustre ainsi chez Genet comme chez Koltès la symbiose fondamentale d’une réflexion thématique et d’une démarche esthétique
This thesis proposes a study of the theatrical works of Jean Genet and Bernard-Marie Koltès based on the question of revolt. It seeks to demonstrate that for these two authors, revolt is inscribed in the very heart of their writing for the theatre, thematically as well as aesthetically, constituting a genuine philosophical question: a questioning of being in the world, of the meaning of existence, of the construction of a relationship with the other. However the comparison of the two works highlights the different orientations which each author gives to this question: while Genet directs revolt into an inexorable quest for a definitive solitude, Koltès considers it as the zero degree from which the relationship to the world, and therefore the relationship to the other, is constructed. This philosophical divergence is expressed, moreover, through two very different conceptions of the theatre: for Genet form is a constraint within which all distortions are possible but from which no escape is possible, while for Koltès the theatre is a place of openness, a principle which is largely inscribed into the form of his plays. Ultimately, the question of revolt illustrates in Genet’s work as in Koltès’s work the fundamental symbiosis of a thematic reflection and an aesthetic approach to the theatre

La thèse est divisé en trois parties qui abordent les échanges franco-polonais dans le domaine des sciences humaines dans leurs dimensions matérielle, politique et intellectuelle. La première traite du nombre de chercheurs polonais se rendant en France et de chercheurs français se rendant en Pologne, des institutions engagées dans les échanges, de l'organisation de ces échanges, ainsi que des barrières matérielles des contacts. La deuxième commence par un survol des relations scientifiques franco-polonaises entre 1944 et 1993 pour ensuite placer dans ce cadre les relations entre les Polonais et la 6e section de l'EPHE et focaliser sur le rôle des contraintes politiques et de l'idéologie en tant que barrières à la collaboration. La troisième partie montre les terrains d'entente et les points de mésentente entre l'historiographie polonaise et l'école des Annales, passe ensuite aux facteurs qui favorisaient les relations et étudie les manifestations de la collaboration
The thesis is divided into three parties which focuse on the French-Polish relationships between the social sciences in their material. Political and intelectual dimension. The first part describes the number of Polish researchers arriving to France and the number of French scientists going to Poland. As well as the institutions involved in the coopération, its organisation and the material obstacles of the relationships. The second part starts with a description of Polish-French scientifical relationships between 1944 and 1993, focusing on the contacts between the Polish researchers and 6th Section of EPHE. Moreover. The author analyses the political and ideological obstacles and the limits of coopération. The third part shows the points of understanding and misunderstanding between the Polish historians and l'école des Annales. Then, the author decribes the factors which intensified the relations and shows the numerous manifestations of the coopération

L'utilisation d’une langue commune en France, en Belgique et en Suisse, peut-être mise en relation avec certaines orientations diplomatiques similaires de ces pays à l'égard de l'Europe centrale, pendant les années qui ont suivi la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Un bon exemple en est fourni par la Hongrie, pour qui ces trois Etats représentaient, de différentes manières, une voie intermédiaire entre les deux blocs. Pour les pays francophones de l'Europe, la Hongrie était vue, jusqu'en 1947, comme un maillon faible de la sphère soviétique, puis comme un terrain d'essai de Moscou, mais avec qui ils pouvaient entretenir des relations relativement correctes, en comparaison des pays voisins. Cette étude, basée essentiellement sur des recherches dans les fonds d'archives, apporte un nouvel éclairage sur l'histoire récente des rapports internationaux en Europe. Elle y souligne l'importance des réseaux personnels créés grâce à l'usage d’une langue commune
The use of a common language in France, in Belgium and in Switzerland can be linked with some similar orientation of those countries towards Central Europe during the years that followed the end of the Second World War. Hungary sets as a good example as these three states represented an intermediate way between the two blocs in various manners. For European French-speaking countries Hungary was viewed as a weakest link of the Soviet sphere up to 1947; then, it was seen as a testing ground for Moscow yet, they could maintain reasonably decent relations, in comparison with neighbouring countries. This study mainly based on research in records gives a new perspective to the recent history of the international relations in Europe. It highlights the importance of personal networks created thanks to the use of a common language

Située dans les Côtes d’Armor, Boquen est en 1965 une abbaye cistercienne de la commune observance. En 1976, les Petites Sœurs de Bethléem s’y installent avec un objectif précis : y rétablir une vie monastique après la décennie mouvementée que vient de vivre Boquen. L’abbaye s’était en effet métamorphosée en un haut lieu de la contestation catholique en France, voire en symbole de cette contestation.Cette étude se propose d’analyser, sur un mode chronologique, les éléments qui ont concouru à transformer cette petite abbaye en caisse de résonance des attentes de milliers de chrétiens. Elle met ainsi en lumière l’importance du contexte socioreligieux des sixties et des seventies dans l’évolution de Boquen mais aussi le rôle majeur joué par Bernard Besret, le très charismatique prieur de Boquen puis leader de la Communion. Celui-ci a initié un projet communautaire original, la Communion de Boquen, qui allie monachisme, œcuménisme et esprit des sixties. Le 20 août 1969, Bernard Besret prononce une conférence retentissante qui entraine sa destitution. Dès lors, la sanction draine vers l’abbaye toute l’aile contestataire chrétienne qui va de la gauche à l’extrême gauche. A l’automne 1970, Boquen a pris le leadership des chrétiens en recherche. Les deux années qui suivent confirment son succès. Mais qu’est-ce que Boquen ? En 1973, le déclin s’amorce. Il est aggravé par le départ de Bernard Besret en octobre 1974. A l’automne 1976, cette expérience utopique dans les murs de Boquen s’achève avec l’expulsion de la Communion et de la communauté des résidents qui s’y était établie
Boquen, located in “ Côtes d’Armor”, is in 1965 a Cistercian abbey of the common observance. In 1976, the Little Sisters of Bethleem settle there with the precise purpose of re-establishing monastic life after the agitated decade that has just come to an end at Boquen. For the abbey had indeed been turned into a prominent place of the catholic protest in France, if not its very symbol. This study proposes an analysis, in a chronological mode, of the elements that have contributed to the transforming of this small abbey into a sounding board for the expectations of thousands of Christians. It thus brings to light the importance played by the socio-religious context of the sixties and seventies upon the evolution of Boquen, and also the major role played by Bernard Besret, the very charismatic Prior of Boquen and later leader of the “Communion”. He initiated an original community project, the Communion of Boquen, which combined monasticism, ecumenism and spirit of the sixties. On August 20th 1969 Bernard Besret gives a resounding conference which brings about his dismissal. From that day, that sanction attracts to the abbey all the christian anti-establishment wing, ranging from left to far left. By the autumn of 1970 Boquen has taken the leadership of the Christians in spiritual quest. The next two years confirm its success. But what is Boquen? In 1973, it starts declining. Things get worse with Bernard Besret’s departure in October 1974. By the autumn of 1976, that utopic experiment within the walls of Boquen comes to an end with the expulsion of the Communion and of the community of residents who had settled there

Au Mexique, comme en Amérique latine, le cycle contestataire des années 1960-1970 a consacré la figure de « l’étudiant révolutionnaire ». À l’inverse, « l’étudiant en situation révolutionnaire » n’a fait l’objet que de bien peu d’analyses. La Révolution mexicaine, des années 1910 au début des années 1940, vit pourtant l’éclosion d’un puissant mouvement étudiant, organisé et représentatif, inséré dans les relations internationales, semblable en apparence à ses homologues européens ou latino-américains. Toutefois, à la différence de ces derniers, le mouvement étudiant mexicain se conçut et se forma en relation étroite avec un phénomène majeur : la Révolution. Durant cette période, les étudiants s’organisèrent au nom de la Révolution, la critiquèrent, la défendirent et la propagèrent, par leurs voyages, leurs congrès et leurs organisations, au Mexique et dans l’espace ibéro-américain. Ils formulèrent dans le même temps une vision révolutionnaire de la réforme des universités et des écoles, insistant sur l’éducation populaire et sur la politisation des savoirs. Animés par une vision racialiste du monde social, ces étudiants se mobilisèrent aussi au nom de la « race ibéro-américaine », à laquelle la patrie mexicaine appartenait. La révolution fut pour eux autant un phénomène de régénération raciale qu’une expérience politique inspirée de modèles européens parfois contradictoires, tels que le nationalisme, le socialisme, le coopérativisme ou le catholicisme social. La radicalisation de la révolution, durant les années 1930, contribua toutefois à diviser grandement le mouvement étudiant. Son étiolement correspondit à la fin de la Révolution
In Mexico, as in Latin America, the “revolutionary student” appears as a classical figure of the 1960-1970 protest cycle and has been largely analyzed by historians. On the contrary, very few studies have been dedicated to students “in revolutionary context”. As a matter of fact, a powerful student movement, organized and representative, active in international student relations, emerged during the Mexican Revolution, between the 1910s and the 1940s. Apparently similar to its European or Latin American counterparts, this first Mexican student movement was however built and shaped by its leaders in close relation with a major phenomenon: the Revolution. During this period, Mexican students organized themselves in the name of the Revolution. They largely defended the revolutionary principles, but also started to criticize more and more the revolutionary governments. Through their international organizations and congresses, they also contributed to the transnational circulation of the Mexican Revolution in Ibero America. Actors of a “revolution by education”, Mexican student leaders succeeded in defending a “University Reform” that was at first compatible with the revolutionary ideals. Education could help to form the soul of Mexico and of the “Ibero American Race”. In their view, the Mexican Revolution was both a racial regeneration and a political experience, inspired by European models such as nationalism, socialism, cooperativism or social catholicism

This research was inspired by Slavoj Žižek’s approach to ideology which views it as an unconscious fantasy that shapes reality, and has its philosophical roots in dialectic materialism. The structure of the ideological analyses of ideological construction and struggle in the films throughout the entire mainland China during the period from the end of the Second World War to the beginning of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution is the key question of our doctoral research. In order to answer the question of what is the nature of the ideological struggle exhibited in film production between political forces during the period from 1945 to 1966, the research resulted in two outcomes, one major and one minor. Taking this approach to the nature of ideological construction and struggle, provides for an innovative perspective from which to analyze and understand China through specific case-studies of key films in the period of 1945 to 1966. The research into these case-studies is trying to unveil what scholars of Chinese culture have overlooked, and seeks to provide an understanding not only of Chinese film, but also of the history of China and the cultural ethnicity of Chinese people. Simultaneously, the research is also trying to make a "documentary-style study", that is, a text-based analysis in which the text is the the cinema footage. So through the analysis of the films, the research opened a painting scroll of a period of twenty years, throughout the entire mainland China. This included the magnificent vision of the top-class to the bottom-level society which makes our readers have a rational and perceptual understanding of China in that era, as the latter is often lacking. The audio-visual component provides a version of that vision.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Griffith Film School
Arts, Education and Law
Full Text

A la suite du Congrès panafricain de Manchester (octobre 1945), puis de son indépendance en mars 1957, le Ghana a été jusqu'en 1966 le centre de dynamiques transnationales trouvant leur origine dans la transformation sociale et politique de l'espace franco-africain. Considérant que l'indépendance du Ghana était liée à la libération totale du continent africain, Kwame Nkrumah a travaillé à construire la jeune nation africaine en tant que porte-drapeau du panafricanisme et embryon d'une union d'États africains indépendants et affranchis des cadres hérités de la période coloniale. C'est dans ce but qu'il a tissé un réseau d'alliances politiques et accueilli nombre de militants et intellectuels francophones qui ont contribué à nourrir une réflexion sur la transformation des empires, le panafricanisme, le néo-colonialisme, la lutte armée et la Révolution africaine. La construction d'un appareil de propagande à même de produire et de diffuser un imaginaire panafricain mobilisateur tant à l'intérieur qu'à l'extérieur du pays a été l'une des principales réalisations de l'époque. Dans le même temps, de grandes difficultés ont été rencontrées dans l'organisation politique des populations migrantes originaires de l’espace franco-africain et résidant au Ghana. Devenu un carrefour de la Révolution africaine, le Ghana a été progressivement amené à devenir un laboratoire où se discutaient et se construisaient une praxis et une idéologie reposant sur l'analyse des conditions politiques issues des indépendances africaines. La jeune nation a ainsi offert un lieu favorable à l'observation et l'étude du croisement des dynamiques qui ont traversé les anciens empires britannique et français
Following the Pan-African Congress in Manchester in October 1945 and then its independence in March 1957, until 1966, Ghana became the center of transnational dynamics, which had their roots in the social and political transformation of French Africa. Convinced that the independence of Ghana was linked to the total liberation of the African continent, Kwame Nkrumah worked towards building this young African nation as a standard bearer of Pan-Africanism and as the nucleus of a union of independent African States, which would be freed from the structures inherited from the colonial period. To this end, Ghana formed a number of political alliances, and provided shelter and work for many francophone militants and intellectuals who, in turn, contributed to the reflex ions on the transformation of empires, Pan-Africanism, neo-colonialism, armed struggle and the African Revolution. The establishment of a propaganda machine able to produce and to widen a Pan-African imagined community in order to mobilise inside as well as outside Ghana was one of the main realizations of the period. Meanwhile, there were great difficulties regarding the political organization of the migrant populations coming from French Africa and living in Ghana. As a crossroads of the African Revolution, Ghana was progressively pushed to become a testing ground where a praxis and an ideology based upon an analysis of the political conditions coming from the newly independent African states were being discussed and built. The young nation proved to be a place where the intersection of the dynamics, which crossed both the former French and British empires, can be observed and studied

A la suite de la grève générale d'août 1906, à laquelle participèrent les couches les plus étendues de la société urbaine, dont les commerçants, les marchands et les artisans, Muzaffar-al-Din Shah octroya une constitution. L'établissement de celle-ci résultait d'une longue lutte commencée au milieu du 19e siècle; lutte menée tantôt sous forme d'un mouvement politico-religieux (le mouvement des babis), tantôt sous celle d'un mouvement anticolonialistes et anti-absolutiste (le mouvement contre la Régie des tabacs). A l'organisation de ce combat, mené dans un but précis, prirent part des intellectuels songeant depuis un siècle à changer les structures politiques. Pour réaliser cet objectif, ils engagèrent une lutte d'un demi-siècle dont les modalités furent fonction de la nature des autorités constituées. L'avènement du régime constitutionnel en aout 1906 fut l'aboutissement de ce combat et la concrétisation des objectifs politiques. Mais les revendications principales des couches moyennes de la société urbaine, et plus tard de la société rurale, étant la réalisation d'objectifs sociaux et économiques, le combat politique se poursuivit. En réalité, cet engagement pour l'établissement de la démocratie revêtit parfois le caractère d'une résistance armée. Parallèlement, nous voyons se modifier les rapports de force entre les constitutionnalistes au sein du parlement et hors de celui-ci. La lutte des classes paysanne et ouvrière pour obtenir les garanties économiques nécessaires a l'évolution de la révolution, provoqua le retrait d'une partie des partisans de la constitution (classe bourgeoise féodale) qui ne songeaient qu'à limiter le pouvoir du Shah et à s'assurer des privilèges économiques. Le combat pour la justice sociale suscita la peur de la classe possédante et des puissances colonialistes, conduisant celles-ci à signer l'accord de 1907. Cet accord, en renforçant la condition psychologique des antirévolutionnaires, leur donna les moyens de combattre la révolution. Ainsi nous assistons, en juin 1908, au retour de l'ancien régime
Following the general strike in august 1906, in which wide sections of the population, businessmen, traders, and craftsmen included, participated; Muzaffar-al-Din Shah established a constitution. This was the result of a long battle that had started in the middle of the 19th century, a battle which sometimes took the form of a politico-religious movement and at other times that of an anti-colonialist and antiabsolutist movement. The intellectuals who had been dreaming of changing the country's political structures for a century took part in this battle, characterized by its clear goals. In order to reach their goal they instigated a battle that lasted for half a century and the modalities of which reflected the nature of the ruling authorities. In august 1906, this battle ended in the assumption of power by the constitutional regime and in a crystallization of their political goals. But the political struggle towards the realization of the social and economic objectives continued. These objectives were initially included in the main demands of the urban middle class and later in those of the rural middle class. In reality, the efforts to establish a democracy sometimes resembled armed resistance. At the same time a shift in the relations of power among the constitutionalist groups - both inside and outside

Orientador: Andréia Galvão
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: A presente dissertação objetiva analisar as principais lutas sociais na Venezuela durante os dois primeiros mandatos do governo comandado por Hugo Chávez Frías (1999-2006). Para tanto, três eixos conceituais permearão o trabalho: as idéias de neoliberalismo, de lutas sociais e a de confronto político. A partir delas serão expostas as conexões entre a vitória conquistada por Hugo Chávez nas eleições de 1998 e duas variáveis: o aumento na quantidade e intensidade dos conflitos sociais durante a década de 1990 (não obstante a debilidade dos movimentos sociais venezuelanos) e os desastrosos resultados obtidos pela investida neoliberal no país. Uma vez eleito, porém, o governo bolivariano pouco avançou no sentido de enfrentar o principal entrave para o contínuo e sustentável desenvolvimento da referida nação: a estrutural dependência de sua economia frente aos proventos advindos do comércio petroleiro. As relações de produção na Venezuela mantiveram-se, pois, eminentemente capitalistas. Houve, entretanto, a partir das transformações impostas pela administração bolivariana, a solidificação um novo "bloco no poder". A atual correlação de forças sociais é reflexo direto do embate entre duas estratégias bastante distintas no seio do chavismo: de um lado a perspectiva hegemônica que estrutura suas ações políticas em práticas partidaristas, hierarquizadas e orientadas "de cima para baixo"; de outro, uma vertente de oposição pautada por esforços no sentido de incentivar a construção de um cenário político no qual os movimentos sociais atuem como forças políticas capazes de comandar a Revolução Bolivariana "de baixo para cima". A alternância entre estas estratégias são uma constante no desenrolar do processo político liderado por Hugo Chávez. Tal dinâmica mostra-se extremamente importante para as análises que buscam entendê-lo em sua totalidade
Abstract: This dissertation aims to explore the major political actions and popular struggles waged in Venezuela during the first two terms of the administration led by Hugo Chávez Frías (1999-2006). To this end, three central bases permeate the debate: the concepts of neoliberalism, social struggles and political confrontation. They all are necessary to express the clear interface between the victory by Hugo Chávez in the 1998 election and two variables: despite the weakness of the Venezuelan social movements, the increase in the quantity and intensity of social conflicts and, also, the disastrous results obtained by the neoliberal onslaught during the 1990s. However, once elected, the Chávez government has advanced little in order to confront the main obstacle to the continued and sustainable development of the country: its economy structurally depends on the proceeds from the oil market. In this sense, it is clear that the relations of production in Venezuela remained essentially capitalists. Yet, there was, since the transformations imposed by the Bolivarian administration, the solidification of a new "bloc in power". The current power correlation of social forces is a direct reflection of the clash between two very different strategies within the chavismo: in one side, the hegemonic perspective "top down", whose actions are structured in partisan and hierarchically oriented orders from the political party; on the another side, the view "bottom up": a strand of opposition guided by efforts to encourage the construction of a reality on which social movements end up acting as political forces capable of commanding the Bolivarian revolution "from below". The alternations between these strategies are constant in the course of the experience led by Hugo Chávez and, for that mean, are extremely important to analyze its entirety
Mestrado
Mestre em Ciência Política

Depuis la proclamation de l'indépendance unilatérale des Comores le 6 juillet 1975, par Ahmed Abdallah, l'État comorien n'a cessé de traverser de multiples crises politiques et institutionnelles qui conduisent spécialistes et non-spécialistes à revenir sur ce moment fondateur. Dans l'historiographie comme dans les mémoires collectives, deux figures ont particulièrement incarné deux voies opposées. Celle d'Ahmed Abdallah (1919-1989), « le père de l'indépendance » (mbaba wahindépendasi) apparaît comme le garant de valeurs conservatrices. A l'inverse, Ali Soilihi (1937-1978), issu d'une autre génération, incarne un modèle de changement radical associé aux idéaux révolutionnaires et anti-impérialistes des années 1960 et 1970. Au-delà de cette opposition classique entre conceptions politiques et rapports au monde peu conciliables, la thèse entend revenir de manière inédite sur les conditions d'arrivée au pouvoir Ali Soilihi et d'autres représentants d'une génération marquée par le contexte global de la décolonisation et de la circulation de modèles politiques socialistes venus du Bloc de l'Est comme d'Afrique. A partir de sources nouvelles ou peu connues, elle vise à retracer avec précision l'histoire politique et sociale du régime instauré par Ali Soilihi à la suite d'un coup d'État. Elle montre que la révolution comorienne a d'abord suscité l'enthousiasme parmi les plus jeunes notamment. Néanmoins, les dérives autoritaires du régime et ses difficultés profondes à affronter de multiples défis ont fragilisé ses assises et alimenté une opposition de plus en plus massive
Ever since Ahmed Abdallah made the unilateral declaration of independence of on 6 July 1975, the state of Comoros has experienced multiple political and institutional crises which have led specialists and non-specialists to revisit this foundational moment. In historiography as well as in popular memory, two figures in particular have come to represent two opposed trajectories. On the one hand, the figure of Ahmed Abdallah (1919-1989), the 'father of independence' (mbaba wahindépendasi), serves as the guarantor of conservative values. On the other hand, Ali Soilihi (1937-1978), a man from a different generation, represents a radical model of change associated with the revolutionary and anti-imperialist ideology of the 1960s and 1970s. Moving beyond this classic opposition between irreconcilable political ideas and external relationships, this thesis takes a fresh approach to the circumstances which brought to power Ali Soilihi and other members of a generation who were influenced by both the global context of decolonisation and the circulation of socialist ideas from the Eastern Bloc as well as Africa. Using new or little known sources, it seeks to retrace carefully the political and social history of the regime introduced by Ali Soilihi following a coup d'état. It shows that the Comorian revolution initially aroused enthusiasm, especially among the youth. However, the authoritarian drift of the regime and its profound inability to confront multiple challenges weakened its foundations and fuelled an increasingly strong opposition

« Chacun incarne une facette de cette révolution qui marque un point de rupture, dans leur destinée et dans celle de leur pays » raconte Alaa el-Aswany en mettant en oeuvre le soulèvement de 2011 en Égypte ; ceci reste aussi vrai pour les acteurs et élites politiques. Égypte 2011, l’armée égyptienne et les frères musulmans (FM) sont retournés dans le champ politique égyptien avec des pouvoirs, symboles et mobilisation des supporteurs. Ces aspects ont démontré et reformulent la relation entre les deux acteurs politiques non civils qui peuvent donner une impression d’un « retour vers le futur » de leur relation et dynamique du pouvoir, qui ne sera pas exacte. La lutte du pouvoir entre l’armée et FM depuis 2011 a souligné des éléments de similarités entre les deux acteurs politiques et leur façon de survivre et régénérer leurs pouvoirs, symboles et discours politiques. En analysant la relation entre ces deux anciens acteurs politiques égyptiens non civils, il était évident que cinq éléments sont en communs, consistants et récurrents pendant des différentes périodes en Égypte. Comment le rapport entre l’armée et FM en tant qu'acteurs politiques les met en comparaison ? Qu’elles sont les éléments caractéristiques des deux qui leur ont permit de survivre et se régénérer pendant de différentes périodes ? Comment le champ politique égyptien a été affecté à cause de ces dynamiques du pouvoir ? Nous tracerons, dans ce projet, le parcours de l’armée égyptienne et FM en tant qu'acteurs politiques en soulignant leurs moments d’impacts dans le champ politique durant différents contextes socio-historiques
The 2011 uprising in Egypt brought to the forefront many political actors back tothe political field. The politicization that took place of space, public discourse, art and religion resulted in an array of symbols and power dynamics between various politicalactors. Among those political actors are two of the longest living political actors in Egypt, the Egyptian army and muslim brotherhood organization. The rejuvenation of the army, MB and people as politicized actors in the Egyptian political field raised numerousquestions among which are questions surrounding resilience of the army and MB aspolitical actors; and the way by which their discourse was rejuvenated. This study concentrated on answering the following questions: How in examining and analyzing, comparatively, the relationship and history of mobilization and interaction of the Egyptian army and the muslim brotherhood can we understand the different aspects of the Egyptian political field today – its power dynamics; political and social mobilization; and/or political violence?

Entre le début des années cinquante et la fin des années soixante, nombre de réalisations symptomatiques des nouveaux cinémas latino-américains se trouvent influencées par le néoréalisme italien. Le cinéma cubain est généralement associé à ce phénomène, et les relations privilégiées entretenues avec le scénariste italien Cesare Zavattini participent pour beaucoup à confirmer cet état de fait. Pourtant, après 1959, de multiples contradictions viennent remettre en question cette filiation néoréaliste supposée et maintes fois réaffirmée. L’étude menée cherche ainsi à reconsidérer l’allégation de départ et à mesurer l’impact de la Révolution cubaine sur cette interrelation cinématographique
From the early fifties to the late sixties, a certain number of films, representing the new paths of latin-american cinema, were influenced by the italian neo-realism. Cuban cinema is usually perceived as a part of this phenomenon and, mainlyamongst other things, the privileged relations with the italian screenwriter Cesare Zavattini tend to confirm this statement. However, after 1959, many contradictions rise up and lead to question this so-called filiation, still many times re-affirmed. It is the aim of the present study to question the former statement and measure the impact of the Cuban Revolution on this cinematographic inter-relation

Cette thèse de doctorat, intitulée « Les frontières de l’exil : figures et territoires de l’étranger», vient questionner les notions de frontière et d’exil dans les périodes postcoloniale et post-Shoah. Ces notions sont ici caractérisées comme des territoires à la fois spirituels, politiques, symboliques, et économiques, dans lesquels une expérience de la domination est vécue, souvent subie, par des individus ou des groupes stigmatisés par leur origine ethnique, leur sexe, leur culture, ou leur condition socio-économique notamment. En me rattachant à superstructuration politique, culturelle, et historique de cette expérience de la domination, Selim Rauer tente de montrer comment, dans les ères postcoloniale et post-Holocauste, une économie mondialisée recrée ou intensifie en fait le concept de « zone (s) » - telle qu’il a été défini par Frantz Fanon dans Les damnés de la terre, 1961 – générant ainsi des centres et des marges permettant d’établir des espaces culturels et géographiques procédant d’une généalogie raciale, sexuelle venant soutenir des dynamiques économiques qui dérivent de la théologie politique, comme c’est le cas du néolibéralisme et de l’ultralibéralisme aujourd’hui. La figure de l'ennemi (ou celle de l'adversaire) est au cœur de ce système de pensée. L’ennemi est une représentation biopolitique et théologique essentielle dans une réflexion productive liée à l’altérité, à la figure multiforme de l'étranger, à travers laquelle une conception spécifique de la frontière peut être établie comme limite ou division, plutôt que comme trait d'union. Cette réflexion procède de la lecture et de l’analyse d’un corpus littéraire français et francophone alliant à la fois le roman, le drame, le récit et l’essai de 1945 à aujourd’hui. Les œuvres de ce corpus littéraire sont issues d’écrivains tels que Jean Genet (1910-1986), Patrick Modiano (1945), Bernard-Marie Koltès (1948-1989), Koffi Kwahulé (1956), Marie NDiaye (1967), Wajdi Mouawad (1968), et Léonora Miano (1973). Chacune de leurs œuvres regroupées ici donne à voir une certaine expérience du pouvoir, de l’aliénation, de la souveraineté et de la biopolitique dans un cadre éthique et morale qui inévitablement met en lumière et sonde le « mal ». Un mal qui, comme l'a exprimé Rüdiger Safranski, dérive d’une certaine pratique de la liberté (Le Mal, ou le théâtre de la liberté, 1997/1999)
This doctoral dissertation, entitled The Borders of Exile: Figures and Territories of Foreignness, reinterprets the notion of the border as an expanding territory of estrangement and seclusion in the aftermath of colonialism and the Shoah, in an era characterized by global market economies. While allegedly situated beyond racial and sexual hegemonic claims, Selim Rauer shows how this globalized economy, in fact, recreates or intensifies a concept of “zone(s)” --as defined by Frantz Fanon in Les damnés de la terre, 1961--that draws centers and margins, and establishes sites of domination structured by a historical and political unconscious. At the core of this unconscious lies the figure of the enemy or the adversary. The latter is an essential biopolitical and theological representation of otherness and foreignness through which a specific border definition can be established as limit rather than hyphen. Thus, in this project, Rauer scrutinizes a multidimensional literary corpus comprised of works by figures such as Jean Genet (1910-1986), Patrick Modiano (1945), Bernard-Marie Koltès (1948-1989), Koffi Kwahulé (1956), Marie NDiaye (1967), Wajdi Mouawad (1968), and Léonora Miano (1973), each of whose works investigate a certain definition and practice of power and sovereignty as part of an ethical and moral reflection on “evil,” or as Rüdiger Safranski defined it, as the moral and ethical burden that accompanies the practice of freedom (Evil, or the Drama of Freedom, 1997)

This dissertation examines how Latin American diplomacy helped shape U.S. officials’ response to revolutionary movements at the height of the Cold War. It explains the striking contrast between U.S. patronage of the Bolivian revolution and the profound antagonism with similar leftist nationalist movements in Cuba and Guatemala. Although U.S. policymakers worried that “Communists” were infiltrating the Bolivian Government, Bolivian diplomats convinced the Eisenhower administration to support their revolution. The dissertation demonstrates that even during the peak of McCarthyism, U.S. policymakers' vision extended far beyond Cold War dogmatism. This vision incorporated a subtle, if ultimately contradictory, appreciation of the power of nationalism, a wish to promote developmental liberalism, and a desire for hemispheric hegemony regardless of strategic and ideological competition with the Soviet Union. U.S. officials were eager to exploit the emerging force of third world nationalism and employ it to strengthen the “inter-American system.” The Bolivian revolutionaries presented their political project as copacetic to Washington’s wider regional goals, and thus managed to secure considerable freedom of movement to continue to pursue a radical revolutionary agenda and statist program of development, financed and enabled by hundreds of millions in U.S. aid dollars.

Defence date: 29 September 2006
Examining board: Prof. Arfon Rees (Supervisor) ; Prof. László Bruszt ; Prof. Robert Service ; Prof. Árpád von Klimo
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

This thesis looks into the history of the town Hořovice in the years 1945-1989. The thesis attempts to cover the most important events that took place in the chosen time span in a rather small town located in Central Bohemia but also doesn't forget to mention the everyday life of the local citizens. The thesis selects not only the events crucial from today's perspective (see Expulsion of Germans, The August 1968, …) but also facts which could be for contemporary readers (for today's citizens of Hořovice in particular) very interesting and helpful. Even though some of the facts could be regarded as minor ones, they all equally contribute to the history of the town. The thesis places all the events to the historical context with the help of archive sources, secondary literature as well as printed material and memories from that time.

博士
國立臺灣大學
建築與城鄉研究所
101
This dissertation aims to elucidate Taiwan’s urban-rural reverse during 1945-1953. In many existing literatures, it has been well documented that urban-rural reverses—a demographical phenomenon composed of peasantry migration, urbanization, and uneven geographical development—might be triggered by either corrosion on agriculture, industrialization, or export expansion. However, in Taiwan, none of these three factors existed when urban-rural reverse had occurred. Based on the fact, I then assume that monetary reform in 1949 and land reform in 1953 are not only continuation of China’s nation-state revolution led by Kai-Shek Chiang, but also critical factors for Taiwan’s urban-rural reverse. To confirm the assumption, it is important to identify characters of Chiang’s revolution strategy in building a nation-state. Compared with Ze-Dong Mao, who aimed to encompass cities with villages and gained his momentum mainly from land reform, Kai-Shek Chiang tried to rule villages by cities and exercised his authority through an unprecedented control over currency. He then followed in Yat-Sen Sun’s steps, prioritizing monetary reform, regarding a well-functional national-monetary system as a necessary base of the nation-state revolution. As a result, once the Nanjing national government’s financial deficit arouse hyperinflation, overestimation of foreign exchange rate became necessary for the government to lower consumer price, so as to function the national-monetary system. The long-term overestimation of foreign exchange rate affected not only China’s geographical development during 1927-1945, but also Taiwan’s urban-rural reverse during 1945-1953. Specifically, the monetary reform reconstructed Taiwan’s accumulation regime, making cities substituted for villages to be geographical centers of capital accumulation. Since the reform made the overestimation of foreign exchange rate necessary for maintaining Chiang’s nation-state revolution, reproduction and exportation of agricultural products became profitless from then on. At the same time, consumption and importation of industrial products became profitable, which could be held merely in cities. The two outcomes of the monetary reform made accumulation of capital possible without any of the following investiments in agricultural land, agricultural products, or peasantry loan. The rise of city-centered accumulation regime that led to the urban-rural reverse thus became one of the most revolutionary achievements in Chiang’ nation-state revolution in post-war Taiwan. Ideally, Taiwan’s land reform in 1953 was supposed to suppress land speculation by restricting land use rezoning. However, an actual effect about which the reform has brought was far from suppressing but facilitating land speculation in terms of legitimizing the land use rezoning. The proliferation of land speculation that further consolidated the newly city-centered accumulation regime then became one of the most ironical consequences of Taiwan’s land reform in 1953.

Since reunifying in 1990, Germany has been working to develop an identity that represents the people of the two former German states. At the beginning of the twenty-first century the country still faced unique challenges as it reconciles the stories of the former capitalist and communist states. First, this study investigates the role of nation-building historical narratives and how they developed in the German context. Then it looks at the introduction of the East German uprising of 1953 into the national history of unified Germany and how this event has been used to shape the narrative around the 1989 revolution. Finally, it reflects on the significance of such a comparison for the historiography of the events.

This dissertation offers readings of novels by Pierre Guyotat, Georges Perec, Patrick Modiano and other lesser-known French authors of the twentieth and twenty-first century, analyzing the representation of the “appelés d’Algérie,” the last citizens of France to be mobilized in a wartime draft. Dating back to the Third Republic, military service played a key role in turning both metropolitan and colonial populations into Frenchmen, though clearly not under the same conditions or in the same way. A historically informed account of military service’s role in citizenship formation can provide a useful analytic frame for clarifying literary engagements with contemporary French “identity-talk,” i.e. political and discursive deployments of identity and identity politics, as well as debates around laïcité, universalist assimilationism, and “communautarisme.” In early literary responses to the Algerian War, the character of the conscript serves to criticize the rising tide of consumerism and Americanization in postwar France. In novels by Daniel Anselme and René-Nicolas Ehni, draftees participate in a homosocial republicanism in which “fraternité” trumps both atomized individualism and the normative heterosexual couple, a locus of consumption. In novels by Perec and Modiano, resistance to conscription enables a critique of universalist citizenship, as the figure of the insubordinate or ambivalent conscript provides an opportunity to reckon with Jewish identity and French anti-Semitism. My analysis addresses the unequal and uneven distribution of political rights based on “identity” factors as well as the asymmetrical deployment of the term “communautarisme.” Certain of Guyotat’s texts are perceived to respond politically and aesthetically to the Algerian War, even though they refuse the conventions of realism, verisimilitude, and even representation. Using Foucault to read Guyotat, my analysis of his work provides an opportunity to address twentieth-century French debates concerning engaged and autonomous art, as well as the relationship of radical politics to radical form. I turn in my last chapter to recent novels by the prize-wining French novelists Alexis Jenni, Laurent Mauvignier, Jérôme Ferrari, and Alice Ferney. Set in part during the Algerian War, these novels draw explicit parallels between colonial violence and race-based violence in France today. These rhetorical parallels can obscure historical contingency and complexity, such as the evolving construction of the concept of “race.” Likewise, these novels contrast a virile, homogenous military and an effeminate, fractured republic and can be read as parables for the rise of the Front National in contemporary France. My analysis shows how these works can both participate in and critique particular racialized and gendered views of the French republic.

Often considered to be apolitical playwrights, Samuel Beckett and Tom Stoppard each dedicated dramatic works to dissident Czech playwright (and later President) Václav Havel in the late 1970s and early 1980s—during his imprisonment for his role in writing and distributing the dissident document Charter 77. These dramatic works, with a few others, collectively mark simultaneous, parallel shifts in Beckett’s and Stoppard’s careers toward uncharacteristically explicit political engagement. This report examines these works—Beckett’s Catastrophe and What Where, and Stoppard’s Every Good Boy Deserves Favor and Professional Foul—through the lens of Havel’s political philosophy, especially as expressed in his 1978 essay “The power of the powerless.” This report argues that Havel’s model of apolitical resistance to injustice, a model he calls “living in truth,” expresses humanist values that these playwrights had long affirmed in their art. Their shared moral vision, along with sympathy for Havel’s plight under a totalitarian regime that distorted language as a tool of oppression, was the catalyst for their new, direct involvement in political matters. The report establishes the historical context of the Soviet-dominated Communist regime in Czechoslovakia, along with relevant biographical and professional narratives for each figure. It then examines closely this selection of Beckett’s and Stoppard’s dramatic works and their shared thematic concerns, and demonstrates how they artistically embody and communicate Havel’s model of “living in truth.”
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