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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "1945-1989. Revolution of 1956"
1
Jancsák, Csaba. "Whose Association Is It?" Belvedere Meridionale 33, nr 4 (2021): 64–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/belv.2021.4.5.
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MEFESZ (Association of University and College Students, AHUCS), which is considered to have been the spark of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, was founded at the University of Szeged on 16 October 1956. The acronym (MEFESZ) appeared three times in the Hungarian history of the second half of the 20th century (in 1945, 1948, and 1956), and all three of them were youth and education organisations. The few years of the existence of each ‘MEFESZ’ has many lessons to teach. The three organisations, abbreviated identically but different in long forms of their names, each had different objectives and roles. In this paper, we show that the 1956 AHUCS (the third MEFESZ) was not a successor to either of the earlier organisations: the first MEFESZ of the period of the “tentative democracy” (1945–1948) and the second MEFESZ (in the first period of the communist dictatorship, 1948–1950). The precursor of the 1956 revolution (MEFESZ3 , AHUCS) was a new grassroots initiative, grounded in democratic principles in its aims, programs, and missions. The 1956 AHUCS organisation was not an umbrella organisation of student associations like the first MEFESZ organisation. The founders of the 1956 AHUCS were deliberate in not seeking to become the sole, unified organisation of university youth (like MEFESZ).
2
Albert, Zoltán Máté. "Short History of the so-called Kossuth Coat of Arms after 1956". Ephemeris Hungarologica 3, nr 2 (2023): 5–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.53644/eh.2023.2.5.
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The so-called Kossuth coat of arms (together with the national flag with a hole in the middle) became the symbol of the Hungarian Revolution and War of Independence of 1956. Although the Soviet Union repressed the Hungarian Revolution on 4 November 1956, the Kossuth coat of arms remained the symbol of the state from late 1956 to early 1957. Moreover, a peculiar version of it (the second field of the coat of arms changed from red to blue) appeared. At the time of the fall of communism in Hungary, an important question was which version of the historical forms of the Hungarian coat of arms would become the state symbol. For the Hungarians, the Kossuth coat of arms is the symbol of the revolution, while the coat of arms with the Holy Crown of Hungary symbolizes the thousand- year-old statehood. The proclamation of the Republic of Hungary was on 23 October 1989 (on the 33rd anniversary of the Revolution of 1956) and the Kossuth coat of arms was also very popular. Finally, the ‘full form’ of the Hungarian coat of arms (with the crown) became official, expressing that the Holy Crown is a symbol of the Hungarian statehood, regardless of the form of government.
3
Chang, Eileen. "Chinese Translation: A Vehicle of Cultural Influence". PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 130, nr 2 (marzec 2015): 488–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2015.130.2.488.
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Translation played a central role in the life of Eileen Chang (Zhang Ailing, 1920-95). One of the most iconic figures in twentieth-century Chinese literature, Chang also wrote extensively in English throughout her career, which began in the early 1940s in Japanese-occupied Shanghai. She achieved fame quickly but fell into obscurity after the war ended in 1945. Chang stayed in Shanghai through the 1949 Communist revolution and in 1952 moved to Hong Kong, where she worked as a freelance translator and writer for the United States Information Service and wrote two anti-Communist novels in English and Chinese, The Rice-Sprout Song (1955) and Naked Earth (1956).
4
Kerkhof, Jasper van der. "Indonesianisasi of Dutch economic interests, 1930-1960 : The case of Internatio". Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 161, nr 2 (2009): 181–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003707.
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This article looks in detail into the process of indonesianisasi at Internatio, a major Dutch trading firm in Indonesia. I draw on Dutch archival records and the voluminous Dutch and international literature on the changing environment for Dutch private business in Indonesia in the 1950s. Internatio’s case is particularly instructive for the following reasons: – Internatio was a leading trading firm in Indonesia and regarded as a ‘trendsetter’ among the so-called ‘Big Five’, the leading Dutch import houses in the archipelago. – Successive Indonesian cabinets considered import trade crucial in the process of indonesianisasi, and for this reason the sector was targeted for policies aimed at wresting control from Dutch firms and encouraging the development of indigenous ones. – Internatio had a pivotal role in the Indonesian economy due to its extensive interests, not only in import trade but also in exports, estates, manufacturing, shipping, and insurance. The article is chronologically structured, distinguishing five periods: depression and diversification (1930-1940); the end of Dutch supremacy (1940-1945); revolution and rehabilitation (1945-1950); adjusting to new realities (1950- 1956); confrontation and nationalization (1956-1960).
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Peterson, Richard A. "Why 1955? Explaining the advent of rock music". Popular Music 9, nr 1 (styczeń 1990): 97–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143000003767.
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At the time, 1929, 1939, 1945 and 1968 all seemed important turning points in the track of our civilisation. By contrast, as anyone alive at the time will attest, 1955 seemed like an unexceptional year in the United States at least. Right in the middle of the ‘middle-of-the-road’ years of the Eisenhower presidency, 1955 hardly seemed like the year for a major aesthetic revolution. Yet it was in the brief span between 1954 and 1956 that the rock aesthetic displaced the jazz-based aesthetic in American popular music. Frank Sinatra, Tommy Dorsey, Patty Page, Perry Como, Nat King Cole, Tony Bennett, Kay Starr, Les Paul, Eddie Fisher, Jo Stafford, Frankie Lane, Johnnie Ray and Doris Day gave way on the popular music charts to Elvis Presley, Chuck Berry, The Platters, Bill Haley, Buddy Holly, Little Richard, Carl Perkins and the growing legion of rockers.
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Cirefice, Virgile. "Celebrating the October Revolution? A Socialist Dilemma: France, Italy, 1945-1956". Twentieth Century Communism 13, nr 13 (1.11.2017): 17–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864317822165077.
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Moise, Edwin E. "Recent Accounts of the Vietnam War—A Review Article". Journal of Asian Studies 44, nr 2 (luty 1985): 343–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2055928.
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AbstractsThe Public Broadcasting Service series Vietnam: A Television History is generally sound, and commendably willing to present opinions and judgments on controversial issues.Stanley Karnow's Vietnam: A History presents important new information but gives inadequate attention to some fundamental issues; James Harrison's The Endless War contains less original material but deals better with fundamental issues, including the nature and sources of Communist strength in Vietnam.R. B. Smith, Revolution versus Containment, 1955–1961, volume 1 of An International History of the Vietnam War, tries to cover too much in a short book. Some of the conclusions are not adequately proven.Ronald Spector's Advice and Support: The Early Years, 1941–1960 (the first volume of the United States Army's official history of the Vietnam War) is useful, especially for the periods 1944–1945 and 1956–1960. It slightly exaggerates the speed with which Communist guerrilla warfare developed in South Vietnam between 1957 and 1960.
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Nyyssönen, Heino. "Time, Political Analogies and the 1956 Hungarian Revolution". KronoScope 6, nr 1 (2006): 43–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852406777505237.
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AbstractThe paper focuses on one of the most debated events in Cold War Europe, the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, and how its memory has influenced Hungarian political thought. We follow the discussion until mid-1990s and study memory and analogy in politics. We examine analogy on the basis of the theory of new rhetoric and with the help of Reinhart Koselleck's writings. In new rhetoric, analogy is not an equality of two relations but belongs to associative strategies of argumentation. These strategies add together separate elements and construct arguments, which either increase of decrease the possibility of accepting the argument.For my approach I have separated two kinds of analogies: those, which contemporary political actors have made during the great moments of history, and those analogies found afterwards by different political actors. Finally, we discuss the temporal nature of the analogy itself. Although analogies depend on audiences, weak analogies also reveal a lack of political skills.The analogy of 1848 has been the most common in Hungary, but also other years, like 1919 and 1945, have been used in political argumentation. There is evidence, for example, of how Communists compared 1956 to 1919 to legitimize their political actions.
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Deli, Peter. "Esprit and the Soviet Invasions of Hungary and Czechoslovakia". Contemporary European History 9, nr 1 (marzec 2000): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300001028.
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There has been extensive debate on changing attitudes within the French left-wing intelligentsia in the decades following the Second World War and more specifically on why so many intellectuals became fellow travellers and were attracted to Stalinism in the period between 1945 and 1953. Esprit's reactions to de-Stalinisation from the time of the Russian invasion of Hungary in 1956 to the Soviet suppression of the Czech attempt to reform communism from within in 1968 are of interest, since Esprit was the most prominent Catholic left-wing but non-Marxist journal in France. In view of Esprit's very strong reaction to the Hungarian Revolution, its relative silence in 1968 on the drama that was being played out in Czechoslovakia requires explanation. Finally, because Esprit broke with communism in late 1956, intellectuals writing for that journal experienced little difficulty in adjusting to the new French intellectual climate of the mid-1970s.
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Blackey, Robert. "Joes, Victorious Insurgencies - Four Rebellions That Shaped Our World". Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 36, nr 1 (1.04.2011): 49–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.36.1.49-50.
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Apples and oranges might result in an appetizing fruit basket, but seeking to draw lessons from four dissimilar twentieth-century "insurgencies" makes for a less successful mixture. Victorious Insurgencies does little to distinguish differences among rebellions, insurgencies, and revolutions (much less among varieties of revolution), and so in examining this potpourri of upheavals we are led to believe those differences are insignificant. Nevertheless, the revolutions in China (1929-49), a civil war-cum-societal revolution, Vietnam (1945-54), an anti-colonial revolution, and Cuba (1956-59), a rebellion against an old-style caudillo, and the rebellion in Afghanistan (1980-88), an insurgency to keep out communism and Soviet influence, can, indeed, teach us something (e.g., about the problems of fighting a war based on the mistakes of previous conflicts and about successful and unsuccessful counterinsurgencies), but only if readers are prepared to do some of their own mental editing and reorganizing. Without Joes saying so explicitly, his primary concern is with developing a counterinsurgency doctrine. If this serves the goals of a course, then teachers will profit from reading his book- but a fair amount of prior knowledge is expected on the part of readers (e.g., in regard to people referenced), which would likely be a problem for students.
Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "1945-1989. Revolution of 1956"
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White, Garret. "La question de la révolte dans le théâtre de Jean Genet et de Bernard-Marie Koltès". Paris 3, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA030038.
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Cette thèse propose une étude de l’œuvre théâtrale de Jean Genet et de Bernard-Marie Koltès axée sur la question de la révolte. Elle essaie de montrer que pour ces deux auteurs la révolte s’inscrit au cœur du propos même de la dramaturgie, thématiquement aussi bien qu’esthétiquement, pour constituer une véritable question philosophique : interrogation sur l’être dans le monde, sur le sens de la vie, sur la construction du rapport avec autrui. Or la comparaison des deux œuvres met en valeur l’orientation divergente de la réflexion de chaque auteur sur cette question : là où Genet voue la révolte à une quête inexorable d’une solitude définitive, Koltès l’envisage comme le degré zéro à partir duquel le rapport au monde, et donc le rapport à l’autre, se construit. Cette divergence philosophique s’exprime en outre par deux conceptions bien différentes du théâtre : chez Genet la forme est une contrainte à l’intérieur de laquelle tous les renversements sont possibles mais à laquelle il n’existe aucune issue, tandis que chez Koltès le théâtre est le lieu d’une ouverture, principe qui est largement inscrit dans la forme de ses pièces. En définitive, la révolte illustre ainsi chez Genet comme chez Koltès la symbiose fondamentale d’une réflexion thématique et d’une démarche esthétiqueThis thesis proposes a study of the theatrical works of Jean Genet and Bernard-Marie Koltès based on the question of revolt. It seeks to demonstrate that for these two authors, revolt is inscribed in the very heart of their writing for the theatre, thematically as well as aesthetically, constituting a genuine philosophical question: a questioning of being in the world, of the meaning of existence, of the construction of a relationship with the other. However the comparison of the two works highlights the different orientations which each author gives to this question: while Genet directs revolt into an inexorable quest for a definitive solitude, Koltès considers it as the zero degree from which the relationship to the world, and therefore the relationship to the other, is constructed. This philosophical divergence is expressed, moreover, through two very different conceptions of the theatre: for Genet form is a constraint within which all distortions are possible but from which no escape is possible, while for Koltès the theatre is a place of openness, a principle which is largely inscribed into the form of his plays. Ultimately, the question of revolt illustrates in Genet’s work as in Koltès’s work the fundamental symbiosis of a thematic reflection and an aesthetic approach to the theatre
2
Pleskot, Patryk. "Związki polskich humanistów-badaczy z humanistyką francuską w latach 1956-1989". Paris, EHESS, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007EHES0138.
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La thèse est divisé en trois parties qui abordent les échanges franco-polonais dans le domaine des sciences humaines dans leurs dimensions matérielle, politique et intellectuelle. La première traite du nombre de chercheurs polonais se rendant en France et de chercheurs français se rendant en Pologne, des institutions engagées dans les échanges, de l'organisation de ces échanges, ainsi que des barrières matérielles des contacts. La deuxième commence par un survol des relations scientifiques franco-polonaises entre 1944 et 1993 pour ensuite placer dans ce cadre les relations entre les Polonais et la 6e section de l'EPHE et focaliser sur le rôle des contraintes politiques et de l'idéologie en tant que barrières à la collaboration. La troisième partie montre les terrains d'entente et les points de mésentente entre l'historiographie polonaise et l'école des Annales, passe ensuite aux facteurs qui favorisaient les relations et étudie les manifestations de la collaborationThe thesis is divided into three parties which focuse on the French-Polish relationships between the social sciences in their material. Political and intelectual dimension. The first part describes the number of Polish researchers arriving to France and the number of French scientists going to Poland. As well as the institutions involved in the coopération, its organisation and the material obstacles of the relationships. The second part starts with a description of Polish-French scientifical relationships between 1944 and 1993, focusing on the contacts between the Polish researchers and 6th Section of EPHE. Moreover. The author analyses the political and ideological obstacles and the limits of coopération. The third part shows the points of understanding and misunderstanding between the Polish historians and l'école des Annales. Then, the author decribes the factors which intensified the relations and shows the numerous manifestations of the coopération
3
Law, Yuk Fun. "Revolution or rediscovery? : Post-World War Two American foreign policy at a crossroad". HKBU Institutional Repository, 1994. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/41.
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Fejérdy, Gergely. "Les relations diplomatiques et culturelles entre les pays francophones d'Europe et la Hongrie, de 1944 à 1956". Paris 4, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA040020.
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L'utilisation d’une langue commune en France, en Belgique et en Suisse, peut-être mise en relation avec certaines orientations diplomatiques similaires de ces pays à l'égard de l'Europe centrale, pendant les années qui ont suivi la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Un bon exemple en est fourni par la Hongrie, pour qui ces trois Etats représentaient, de différentes manières, une voie intermédiaire entre les deux blocs. Pour les pays francophones de l'Europe, la Hongrie était vue, jusqu'en 1947, comme un maillon faible de la sphère soviétique, puis comme un terrain d'essai de Moscou, mais avec qui ils pouvaient entretenir des relations relativement correctes, en comparaison des pays voisins. Cette étude, basée essentiellement sur des recherches dans les fonds d'archives, apporte un nouvel éclairage sur l'histoire récente des rapports internationaux en Europe. Elle y souligne l'importance des réseaux personnels créés grâce à l'usage d’une langue communeThe use of a common language in France, in Belgium and in Switzerland can be linked with some similar orientation of those countries towards Central Europe during the years that followed the end of the Second World War. Hungary sets as a good example as these three states represented an intermediate way between the two blocs in various manners. For European French-speaking countries Hungary was viewed as a weakest link of the Soviet sphere up to 1947; then, it was seen as a testing ground for Moscow yet, they could maintain reasonably decent relations, in comparison with neighbouring countries. This study mainly based on research in records gives a new perspective to the recent history of the international relations in Europe. It highlights the importance of personal networks created thanks to the use of a common language
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Pool, Emile Maxime. "Playing to the stalls : George McTurnan Kahin and the Indonesian revolution 1945-1950 /". Title page, contents and introduction only, 1989. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arp821.pdf.
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Lebel, Béatrice. "Boquen, 1965-1976 : entre utopie et révolution dans le catholicisme français". Thesis, Brest, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014BRES0026.
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Située dans les Côtes d’Armor, Boquen est en 1965 une abbaye cistercienne de la commune observance. En 1976, les Petites Sœurs de Bethléem s’y installent avec un objectif précis : y rétablir une vie monastique après la décennie mouvementée que vient de vivre Boquen. L’abbaye s’était en effet métamorphosée en un haut lieu de la contestation catholique en France, voire en symbole de cette contestation.Cette étude se propose d’analyser, sur un mode chronologique, les éléments qui ont concouru à transformer cette petite abbaye en caisse de résonance des attentes de milliers de chrétiens. Elle met ainsi en lumière l’importance du contexte socioreligieux des sixties et des seventies dans l’évolution de Boquen mais aussi le rôle majeur joué par Bernard Besret, le très charismatique prieur de Boquen puis leader de la Communion. Celui-ci a initié un projet communautaire original, la Communion de Boquen, qui allie monachisme, œcuménisme et esprit des sixties. Le 20 août 1969, Bernard Besret prononce une conférence retentissante qui entraine sa destitution. Dès lors, la sanction draine vers l’abbaye toute l’aile contestataire chrétienne qui va de la gauche à l’extrême gauche. A l’automne 1970, Boquen a pris le leadership des chrétiens en recherche. Les deux années qui suivent confirment son succès. Mais qu’est-ce que Boquen ? En 1973, le déclin s’amorce. Il est aggravé par le départ de Bernard Besret en octobre 1974. A l’automne 1976, cette expérience utopique dans les murs de Boquen s’achève avec l’expulsion de la Communion et de la communauté des résidents qui s’y était établieBoquen, located in “ Côtes d’Armor”, is in 1965 a Cistercian abbey of the common observance. In 1976, the Little Sisters of Bethleem settle there with the precise purpose of re-establishing monastic life after the agitated decade that has just come to an end at Boquen. For the abbey had indeed been turned into a prominent place of the catholic protest in France, if not its very symbol. This study proposes an analysis, in a chronological mode, of the elements that have contributed to the transforming of this small abbey into a sounding board for the expectations of thousands of Christians. It thus brings to light the importance played by the socio-religious context of the sixties and seventies upon the evolution of Boquen, and also the major role played by Bernard Besret, the very charismatic Prior of Boquen and later leader of the “Communion”. He initiated an original community project, the Communion of Boquen, which combined monasticism, ecumenism and spirit of the sixties. On August 20th 1969 Bernard Besret gives a resounding conference which brings about his dismissal. From that day, that sanction attracts to the abbey all the christian anti-establishment wing, ranging from left to far left. By the autumn of 1970 Boquen has taken the leadership of the Christians in spiritual quest. The next two years confirm its success. But what is Boquen? In 1973, it starts declining. Things get worse with Bernard Besret’s departure in October 1974. By the autumn of 1976, that utopic experiment within the walls of Boquen comes to an end with the expulsion of the Communion and of the community of residents who had settled there
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Robinet, Romain. "L’esprit et la race : le mouvement étudiant face à la Révolution mexicaine (1910-1945)". Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015IEPP0014.
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Au Mexique, comme en Amérique latine, le cycle contestataire des années 1960-1970 a consacré la figure de « l’étudiant révolutionnaire ». À l’inverse, « l’étudiant en situation révolutionnaire » n’a fait l’objet que de bien peu d’analyses. La Révolution mexicaine, des années 1910 au début des années 1940, vit pourtant l’éclosion d’un puissant mouvement étudiant, organisé et représentatif, inséré dans les relations internationales, semblable en apparence à ses homologues européens ou latino-américains. Toutefois, à la différence de ces derniers, le mouvement étudiant mexicain se conçut et se forma en relation étroite avec un phénomène majeur : la Révolution. Durant cette période, les étudiants s’organisèrent au nom de la Révolution, la critiquèrent, la défendirent et la propagèrent, par leurs voyages, leurs congrès et leurs organisations, au Mexique et dans l’espace ibéro-américain. Ils formulèrent dans le même temps une vision révolutionnaire de la réforme des universités et des écoles, insistant sur l’éducation populaire et sur la politisation des savoirs. Animés par une vision racialiste du monde social, ces étudiants se mobilisèrent aussi au nom de la « race ibéro-américaine », à laquelle la patrie mexicaine appartenait. La révolution fut pour eux autant un phénomène de régénération raciale qu’une expérience politique inspirée de modèles européens parfois contradictoires, tels que le nationalisme, le socialisme, le coopérativisme ou le catholicisme social. La radicalisation de la révolution, durant les années 1930, contribua toutefois à diviser grandement le mouvement étudiant. Son étiolement correspondit à la fin de la RévolutionIn Mexico, as in Latin America, the “revolutionary student” appears as a classical figure of the 1960-1970 protest cycle and has been largely analyzed by historians. On the contrary, very few studies have been dedicated to students “in revolutionary context”. As a matter of fact, a powerful student movement, organized and representative, active in international student relations, emerged during the Mexican Revolution, between the 1910s and the 1940s. Apparently similar to its European or Latin American counterparts, this first Mexican student movement was however built and shaped by its leaders in close relation with a major phenomenon: the Revolution. During this period, Mexican students organized themselves in the name of the Revolution. They largely defended the revolutionary principles, but also started to criticize more and more the revolutionary governments. Through their international organizations and congresses, they also contributed to the transnational circulation of the Mexican Revolution in Ibero America. Actors of a “revolution by education”, Mexican student leaders succeeded in defending a “University Reform” that was at first compatible with the revolutionary ideals. Education could help to form the soul of Mexico and of the “Ibero American Race”. In their view, the Mexican Revolution was both a racial regeneration and a political experience, inspired by European models such as nationalism, socialism, cooperativism or social catholicism
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Ren, Chao. "The Ideological Struggle in China Mainland Mainstream Film from the End of the Second World War to the Beginning of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (1945 - 1966)". Thesis, Griffith University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/382737.
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This research was inspired by Slavoj Žižek’s approach to ideology which
views it as an unconscious fantasy that shapes reality, and has its philosophical
roots in dialectic materialism. The structure of the ideological analyses of
ideological construction and struggle in the films throughout the entire
mainland China during the period from the end of the Second World War to
the beginning of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution is the key question
of our doctoral research. In order to answer the question of what is the
nature of the ideological struggle exhibited in film production between
political forces during the period from 1945 to 1966, the research resulted in
two outcomes, one major and one minor.
Taking this approach to the nature of ideological construction and struggle,
provides for an innovative perspective from which to analyze and understand
China through specific case-studies of key films in the period of 1945 to
1966. The research into these case-studies is trying to unveil what scholars of
Chinese culture have overlooked, and seeks to provide an understanding not
only of Chinese film, but also of the history of China and the cultural
ethnicity of Chinese people.
Simultaneously, the research is also trying to make a "documentary-style
study", that is, a text-based analysis in which the text is the the cinema
footage. So through the analysis of the films, the research opened a painting
scroll of a period of twenty years, throughout the entire mainland China. This
included the magnificent vision of the top-class to the bottom-level society
which makes our readers have a rational and perceptual understanding of
China in that era, as the latter is often lacking. The audio-visual component
provides a version of that vision.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Griffith Film School
Arts, Education and Law
Full Text
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Boyer, Antoine de. "Un laboratoire pour la Révolution africaine : le Ghana de Nkrumah et l'espace franco-africain (1945-1966)". Thesis, Paris 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA01H063.
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A la suite du Congrès panafricain de Manchester (octobre 1945), puis de son indépendance en mars 1957, le Ghana a été jusqu'en 1966 le centre de dynamiques transnationales trouvant leur origine dans la transformation sociale et politique de l'espace franco-africain. Considérant que l'indépendance du Ghana était liée à la libération totale du continent africain, Kwame Nkrumah a travaillé à construire la jeune nation africaine en tant que porte-drapeau du panafricanisme et embryon d'une union d'États africains indépendants et affranchis des cadres hérités de la période coloniale. C'est dans ce but qu'il a tissé un réseau d'alliances politiques et accueilli nombre de militants et intellectuels francophones qui ont contribué à nourrir une réflexion sur la transformation des empires, le panafricanisme, le néo-colonialisme, la lutte armée et la Révolution africaine. La construction d'un appareil de propagande à même de produire et de diffuser un imaginaire panafricain mobilisateur tant à l'intérieur qu'à l'extérieur du pays a été l'une des principales réalisations de l'époque. Dans le même temps, de grandes difficultés ont été rencontrées dans l'organisation politique des populations migrantes originaires de l’espace franco-africain et résidant au Ghana. Devenu un carrefour de la Révolution africaine, le Ghana a été progressivement amené à devenir un laboratoire où se discutaient et se construisaient une praxis et une idéologie reposant sur l'analyse des conditions politiques issues des indépendances africaines. La jeune nation a ainsi offert un lieu favorable à l'observation et l'étude du croisement des dynamiques qui ont traversé les anciens empires britannique et françaisFollowing the Pan-African Congress in Manchester in October 1945 and then its independence in March 1957, until 1966, Ghana became the center of transnational dynamics, which had their roots in the social and political transformation of French Africa. Convinced that the independence of Ghana was linked to the total liberation of the African continent, Kwame Nkrumah worked towards building this young African nation as a standard bearer of Pan-Africanism and as the nucleus of a union of independent African States, which would be freed from the structures inherited from the colonial period. To this end, Ghana formed a number of political alliances, and provided shelter and work for many francophone militants and intellectuals who, in turn, contributed to the reflex ions on the transformation of empires, Pan-Africanism, neo-colonialism, armed struggle and the African Revolution. The establishment of a propaganda machine able to produce and to widen a Pan-African imagined community in order to mobilise inside as well as outside Ghana was one of the main realizations of the period. Meanwhile, there were great difficulties regarding the political organization of the migrant populations coming from French Africa and living in Ghana. As a crossroads of the African Revolution, Ghana was progressively pushed to become a testing ground where a praxis and an ideology based upon an analysis of the political conditions coming from the newly independent African states were being discussed and built. The young nation proved to be a place where the intersection of the dynamics, which crossed both the former French and British empires, can be observed and studied
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Shafiei-Nasab, Djafar. "Les mouvements révolutionnaires et la constitution de 1906 en Iran". Lyon 2, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986LYO20050.
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A la suite de la grève générale d'août 1906, à laquelle participèrent les couches les plus étendues de la société urbaine, dont les commerçants, les marchands et les artisans, Muzaffar-al-Din Shah octroya une constitution. L'établissement de celle-ci résultait d'une longue lutte commencée au milieu du 19e siècle; lutte menée tantôt sous forme d'un mouvement politico-religieux (le mouvement des babis), tantôt sous celle d'un mouvement anticolonialistes et anti-absolutiste (le mouvement contre la Régie des tabacs). A l'organisation de ce combat, mené dans un but précis, prirent part des intellectuels songeant depuis un siècle à changer les structures politiques. Pour réaliser cet objectif, ils engagèrent une lutte d'un demi-siècle dont les modalités furent fonction de la nature des autorités constituées. L'avènement du régime constitutionnel en aout 1906 fut l'aboutissement de ce combat et la concrétisation des objectifs politiques. Mais les revendications principales des couches moyennes de la société urbaine, et plus tard de la société rurale, étant la réalisation d'objectifs sociaux et économiques, le combat politique se poursuivit. En réalité, cet engagement pour l'établissement de la démocratie revêtit parfois le caractère d'une résistance armée. Parallèlement, nous voyons se modifier les rapports de force entre les constitutionnalistes au sein du parlement et hors de celui-ci. La lutte des classes paysanne et ouvrière pour obtenir les garanties économiques nécessaires a l'évolution de la révolution, provoqua le retrait d'une partie des partisans de la constitution (classe bourgeoise féodale) qui ne songeaient qu'à limiter le pouvoir du Shah et à s'assurer des privilèges économiques. Le combat pour la justice sociale suscita la peur de la classe possédante et des puissances colonialistes, conduisant celles-ci à signer l'accord de 1907. Cet accord, en renforçant la condition psychologique des antirévolutionnaires, leur donna les moyens de combattre la révolution. Ainsi nous assistons, en juin 1908, au retour de l'ancien régimeFollowing the general strike in august 1906, in which wide sections of the population, businessmen, traders, and craftsmen included, participated; Muzaffar-al-Din Shah established a constitution. This was the result of a long battle that had started in the middle of the 19th century, a battle which sometimes took the form of a politico-religious movement and at other times that of an anti-colonialist and antiabsolutist movement. The intellectuals who had been dreaming of changing the country's political structures for a century took part in this battle, characterized by its clear goals. In order to reach their goal they instigated a battle that lasted for half a century and the modalities of which reflected the nature of the ruling authorities. In august 1906, this battle ended in the assumption of power by the constitutional regime and in a crystallization of their political goals. But the political struggle towards the realization of the social and economic objectives continued. These objectives were initially included in the main demands of the urban middle class and later in those of the rural middle class. In reality, the efforts to establish a democracy sometimes resembled armed resistance. At the same time a shift in the relations of power among the constitutionalist groups - both inside and outside
Książki na temat "1945-1989. Revolution of 1956"
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István, Fehérváry. The long road to revolution: The Hungarian Gulag, 1945-1956. Santa Fe, N.M., USA: Pro Libertate Pub., 1989.
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Kovacs, Marika. L'octobre hongrois de 1956: La révolution des conseils : récits et souvenirs de Marika. Paris: L'Harmattan, 2009.
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Kovács, Marika. L'Octobre hongrois de 1956: La révolution des Conseils : récits et souvenirs de Marika. Paris: L'Harmattan, 2009.
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That infernal little Cuban republic: The United States and the Cuban Revolution. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009.
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Marr, David G. Vietnam: State, war, and revolution, (1945-1946). Berkeley: University of California Press, 2013.
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Porter, Anna. The storyteller: Memory, secrets, magic and lies. Toronto: Doubleday Canada, 2000.
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Porter, Anna. The storyteller: Memory, secrets, magic and lies : a memoir of Hungary. Toronto: Doubleday Canada, 2000.
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Burke, Patrick. Revolution in Europe, 1989. Hove: Wayland, 1995.
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Burke, Patrick. Revolution in Europe, 1989. New York: Thomson Learning, 1995.
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András, Tibor, György Sümegi, Ferenc András i Gábor Murányi. Történeti festő a XX. században: András Tibor. Budapest: Argumentum, 2017.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródłaCzęści książek na temat "1945-1989. Revolution of 1956"
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Czetz, Balázs, Gyöngyi Farkas, Gergely Krisztián Horváth, Csaba Káli, József Ö. Kovács i Róbert Rigó. "The Revolution of 1956 and the Second Wave of Forced Collectivization (1959–1961)". W The Sovietization of Rural Hungary, 1945-1980, 84–108. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003305781-4.
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Jancsák, Csaba. "Három MEFESZ a 20. századi magyar történelemben". W Fontes et Libri, 113–24. Szeged, Hungary: Szegedi Tudományegyetem, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/btk.2023.sje.10.
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The Association of Hungarian University and College Students (AHUCS, MEFESZ) was founded on 16 October 1956 at the University of Szeged. In the Hungarian history of the second half of the 20th century, the acronym ‘MEFESZ’ appeared three times (1945: Alliance of Hungarian University and College Associations AHUCA, MEFESZ; 1948: Unified Organization of Hungarian University and College Students, AOHUCS, MEFESZ and 1956: AHUCS, MEFESZ). In all three cases, the organisations were actors in the field of youth and education. The short history and existence of the three MEFESZ has many lessons to teach us. Although the three organisations’ names were identically abbreviated, the full form of their names differed, and so did their aims and roles. In this paper, we show that the 1956 MEFESZ is not a successor of the two earlier organisations, MEFESZ in the period of ‘tentative democracy’ (1945–1948) and in the first period of communist dictatorship (1948–1950). The 1956 MEFESZ – the focus of our study – was a new grassroot initiative and became the precursor of the revolution in the same year. In its aims, organisational structure and political programme, it was grounded in democratic principles. The political demands of the programme of the MEFESZ that had been adopted on 20th October 1956 became the demands of the revolution on 23rd October. An analysis of the basic and operational principles of the 1956 MEFESZ and the elements of its political programme show that its ‘organisational personality’ and its world of values represented the trans-historical social democratic values of universities: freedom of opinion, thought and expression, autonomy, solidarity, subsidiarity, self-government and the participation of young people in decision-making.
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Porter, Bernard. "Revolution 1945–86". W Britain, Europe and the World 1850-1986, 111–40. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003429999-5.
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Hussini, Mohrez Mahmoud El. "The USSR and the Egyptian Revolution, 1952". W Soviet-Egyptian Relations, 1945–85, 44–64. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-07661-1_5.
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Kraus, Michael. "Die Direktion Herbert von Karajan (1956–1964)". W Die musikalische Moderne an den Staatsopern von Berlin und Wien 1945–1989, 334–60. Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-04353-5_12.
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Gorry, Jonathan. "The Churches and the Thermonuclear Revolution". W Cold War Christians and the Spectre of Nuclear Deterrence, 1945–1959, 80–101. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137334244_5.
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Wettig, Gerhard. "The Kremlin’s Impact on the Peaceful Revolution in East Germany (August 1989–March 1990)". W The Soviet Union in Eastern Europe, 1945–89, 150–74. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23234-5_9.
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Aso, Michitake. "Rubbery Revolution: Plantations as Battlefields in the First Indochina War, 1945–1954". W Advances in Global Change Research, 29–47. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90400-9_3.
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Norkus, Zenonas. "Introduction". W Post-Communist Transformations in Baltic Countries, 1–16. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-39496-6_1.
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AbstractThis book is a comparative case study in the historical sociology of modern social restorations. This is a new field in comparative social research designed to extend and complete comparative historical sociological research on social revolutions. Comparative research on revolutions is a well-established research field, as at least four generations of theory have changed to date (cf. Goldstone 2001, 2014; DeFronzo 2006, 2021). It originated with the comparison of 1789 French and 1917 Russian revolutions (Shlapentokh 1999), culminating in the famous study by Theda Skocpol (1979), which is one of the most influential and cited works in comparative social research (Goodwin 1996). Puzzlingly, as yet no authors have taken into due account the fact that both great modern social revolutions did in fact end (in 1815 and 1989 correspondingly) with restorations of the prerevolutionary regimes.
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Hasegawa, Kenji. "From Shinjinkai to Zengakuren: Petit Bourgeois Students and the Postwar Revolution, 1945–1950". W New Directions in East Asian History, 13–49. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-1777-4_2.
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Uspensky, A. V., i M. V. Arisov. "THE 120th BIRTH ANNIVERSARY OF ACADEMICIAN VLADIMIR S. ERSHOV (1904–1988)". W THEORY AND PRACTICE OF PARASITIC DISEASE CONTROL. VNIIP – FSC VIEV, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.31016/978-5-6050437-8-2.2024.25.23-28.
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Vladimir Stepanovich Ershov (1904–1988) is an outstanding parasitologist, closest associate and follower of Academician K. I. Skryabin, Doctor of Veterinary Sciences, Professor, Full Member of the All-Russian Academy of Agricultural Sciences, and Laureate of the USSR State Prize. 2024 marks the 120th anniversary of his birth, July 26, 1904. The main direction of scientific activities of V. S. Ershov was the immunity study in helminth infections. His works "The immunity mechanism in helminth infections", "Helminth infections as allergic diseases" and others are devoted to this problem; in total, he published over 200 works, including textbooks, study guides and monographs many of which were translated into foreign languages. An important place in V. S. Ershov’s activities was occupied with the work on veterinary service organization, veterinary and zootechnical education. In 1945, he was appointed as Head of the Main Veterinary Directorate of State Farms of the Ministry of State Farms of the RSFSR, then Head of the Main Directorate of Zoo-Veterinary Universities of the Ministry of Higher Education. In 1954, Vladimir Stepanovich became the Director of the Moscow Fur Institute, and a year later, Vice-Rector of the Moscow Veterinary Academy. In 1957, V. S. Ershov was appointed Director of the VIGIS, which he headed for a quarter of the century. Due to the organizational skills of Vladimir Stepanovich, the VIGIS quickly grew from a small team into a large center of helminthological science. V. S. Ershov took part in International Veterinary Congresses, was elected an honorary member of several foreign societies of parasitology (Washington, East Germany, Bulgaria, etc.), and an honorary member of the World Association for Advancement of Veterinary Parasitology, a member of the State Commission for Academic Degrees and Titles and the Lenin and State Prize Committee. For his enormous contribution to the development of science, V.S. Ershov was awarded Orders of Lenin, the October Revolution, the Red Banner of Labor (twice), the Badge of Honor (twice) and Peoples’ Friendship and medals. Vladimir Stepanovich passed away in 1988.
Raporty organizacyjne na temat "1945-1989. Revolution of 1956"
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Hart, Michael M. Implementing Freer Trade: The Canadian Experience 1986 - 1995. Inter-American Development Bank, grudzień 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0008398.
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Between 1986 and 1995, the government of Canada negotiated and implemented three major international trade agreements: the 1989 Canada-US Free Trade Agreement (CUFTA), the 1994 North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and the 1995 World Trade Organization Agreement (WTO). Individually, each marked a major venture; together, the three agreements constituted a revolution in Canadian trade policy making.
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Harriss-White, Barbara. The Green Revolution and Poverty in Northern Tamil Nadu: a Brief Synthesis of Village-Level Research in the Last Half-Century. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), grudzień 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/steps.2020.001.
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Between 1972 and 2014, in Northern Tamil Nadu (NTN), India, the Green Revolution (GR) in agriculture was studied through five rounds of village-level studies (VLS). Over the decades, the number of villages dwindled; from 11, rigorously and randomly selected (together with a ‘Slater’ village first studied in 1916), through to a set of three villages in a rural–urban complex around a market town, to one of the original eleven, in the fifth round. During the reorganisation of districts in 1989, the villages sited on the Coromandel plain shifted administratively from North Arcot, a vanguard GR district, to Tiruvannamalai, described then as relatively backward. A wide range of concepts, disciplines, scales, field methods and analytical approaches were deployed to address i) a common core of questions about the economic and social implications of technological change in agriculture and ii) sets of other timely questions about rural development, which changed as the project lengthened. Among the latter was poverty.