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Bussy, Genevois Danièle. "Presse féminine et républicanisme en Espagne : 1931-1936". Bordeaux 3, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1988BOR30028.
Pełny tekst źródłaStudy of women's periodical publications; before the spanish second republic proclaim, has existed a feminist press, a political one (primo de rivera dictature) and shelters magazines. Analyse of women's participation in republican governments and reforms; their opposition and participation in conservative parties. What about the femenine vote in november 33 elections ? since 1933-1934, we can observe the conservatism of republican news-papers, a revolutionary tendency and the penetration of right-wing publications by ideas and religious concepts, who precede franquist putsch
Bussy, Genevois Danièle. "Presse féminine et républicanisme en Espagne, 1931-1936". Lille 3 : ANRT, 1989. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb376137994.
Pełny tekst źródłaSolano, Budé Alexandre. "La gestió de l’Ajuntament de Barcelona republicà (1931-1936)". Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/666306.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe object of study of the thesis is the Barcelona City council in the period of peace of the Second Spanish Republic (1931-1936). Barcelona surpassed the one million of inhabitants, a 36% of the Catalan population and the most populated city of Spain. The institution was the most important administration of Catalonia and the second of Spain, even with the with the creation of the Generalitat of Catalonia, with a strong symbolic character, but focused on achieving the transfer of their competencies. The thesis does mainly use of historical sources: the documentation of the city council and the contemporary press. A first section explains the resistances to the changes that wanted to carry out the republican leaders, since big companies, the collection of taxes to the richest or to the church or debugging of the municipal staff. It concludes that there was a change of governors but not in the structure of power. The second section is a chronological narration about the main events, crises and controversies, the councilors who abandoned the municipal tasks, and also the change in the different formations, especially the Partit Republicà Radical, which help explain the loss of the majority of Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya. In the same section, the situation of the Generalitat of Catalonia is analyzed, in addition there is a narration of the period in which the city council is run by politicians not elected (October 1934 - February 1936), not much studied in spite of representing a quarter of the republican peace period. The third block explains the organization of the city council, the evolution in the organization chart, such as the operation of the city council (plenary sessions, commissions, positions, etc.), and the changes that are produced by the Llei Municipal de Catalunya, which creates a Government Commission with decision-making capacity that transforms the internal functioning of the city council. Finally, the fourth section explains the city council projects that could havetransformed Barcelona, plans such as unemployment benefits, urban reform, the construction of school groups or the question of the Great Barcelona. The thesis analyzes the evolution of the municipal policy in several aspects, which were inconclusive due to the beginning of the Spanish Civil War.
Palmero, Cámara María del Carmen. "Educación y sociedad en La Rioja republicana : 1931-1936 /". Salamanca : Logroño : Universidad pontificia ; Gobierno de La Rioja, Instituto de estudios riojanos, 1990. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb36655587r.
Pełny tekst źródłaDuch, i. Plana Montserrat 1959. "Camp de Tarragona durant la 2ª República (1931-1936), El". Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/1999.
Pełny tekst źródłaLa nostra pretensió era arribar a construir una explicació del conjunt de les actuacions dels homes i dones del Camp als anys trenta. No volíem, exclussivament, descriure allò que s'esdevingué durant breu període de temps sinó aproximar-nos a la realitat del treball, de la vida i dels esforços d'aquelles persones per millorar el seu món més proper. Una cojuntura històrica que seria estroncada per la guerra civil i una llarga dictadura, i que ens haurà de proporcionar elements de comprensió de la societat actual.
La proclamació de la República s'inicia amb una experiència festiva i pacífica arreu dels pobles del Camp que palesa l'inicial entusiasme popular pel nou règim. Les successives festes d'aniversari posen de manifest com l'evolució dels fets haurà provocat fustracions i desànims. El canvi toponímic, de caràcter majoritari i generalitzat, evidencia, en el nivell simbòlic, la voluntat republicana, catalanista i de progrés de les noves èlites municipals.
La República havia de fer possible, malgrat les limitacions de l'Estat unitari, el desenvolupament d'un Estatut que reconeixia la personalitat política de Catalunya. La proclamació del nou règim, majoritàriament sota la fòrmula de república federal als pobles del Camp, el referèndum de l'Estatut, la oficialitat de la llengua, les eleccions i la constitució del Parlament i els fets d'octubre seran les fites del catalanisme polític durant la Repúblicà. Hem de destacar l'actitud pactista de la premsa i dels dirigents polítics al nivell del Camp que viuran amb entusiasme el procés previ a la redacció i consulta popular de l'Estatut de Núria i que accepten joiosos l'aprovació del text final aprovat per les Corts Espanyoles al setembre de 1932, confiats en el recobrament institucional que comportava i en les potencialitats que contenia malgrat que fos considerat inferior a l'ideal federatiu i a l'autonomia plena.
L'escola era considerada la base fonamental per a construir ciutadania i afermar els valors de llibertat i democràcia. Les construccions escolars seran un dels objectius fonamentah. dels equips municipals. Construccions i augment de les consignacions pressupostàries arreu que demostren la voluntad de millorar l'accés a l'educació de la majoria del poble. Les dificultats financeres de l'estat central i de la hisenda local faran fracassar bona part d'aquests projectes que ultra afavorir l'escolarització comportaven una dimensió conjuntural com era la lluita contra l'atur que s'incrementava fatalment arreu. En aquests objectius, que constituien un comú denominador força generalitzat, hi trobarien la col.laboració decidida dels mestres i les seves associacions i del naixent moviment de pares vinculat a la millora de l'escola pública. Si bé en el pla simbòlic del calendari, i més tímidament en els continguts, la introducció del laicisme a l'escola anirà avançant, pel que fa a la substitució de l'ensenyament religiós es toparà primer, amb dificultats financeres i després amb la total oposición de les noves autoritats erigides amb posterioritat als fets d'octubre. Malgrat això es fa present un moviment de sectors catòlics benestants en la creació de mútues escolars que garantissin la continuitat dels pressupòsits educatius catòlics i dels centres propis.
Les escoles professionals foren un altre objectiu comú de les noves autoritats locals i del moviment obrer. La seva dignificació estava vinculada a la millora en les instal.lacions i condicions d'estudi. Mentre que per republicans i sindicalistes havien de fer possible la preparació dels treballadors i la millora en les seves condicions de vida i treball, pels organismes econòmics i la dreta política esdevenien centres de socialització en els postulats consetvadors sobre les relacions de treball.
El laicisme es feu doctrina política durant la República, s'havia de fer possible concretar la vella aspiració de les èlites il.lustrades i del republicanisme històric de bastir una societat i un poder polític independent de tota influència religiosa, reduint les creences a un dret individual de l'esfera privada. Aquest objectiu hauria d'ésser combatut per l'Esglèsia que es negava a perdre la seva situación privilegiada que havia estat tradicional en la història d'Espanya, és en aquest marc que es viurà el conflicte religiós entre les posicions contraposades del republicanisme laicista i el catolicisme integrista a nivell local així com la resposta de la jerarquia eclesiàstica, que resta personalitzada en l'arquebisbe Vidal que s'esforçà en apaigavar les tensions amb el poder polític des de la defensa insubornable de la llibertat i dels drets de l'Esglèsia.
Elements concrets que sitúen o integren el conflicte religiós al Camp mostren com hi ha una decidida empenta governamental en la intensificació i el ritme de l'aplicació de la legislació laicista sobre enterraments, secularització de cementiris i relació amb les autoritats religioses paral.lela a una certa passivitat d'alguns ajuntaments, tot i que és habitual la prohibició de manifestacions públiques de religiositat com són les processons o el pas del Viàtic que seran recuperades durant els mesos de repressió posterior al moviment d'octubre. Un fet final, esdevingut l'abril de 1936, posa de manifest la centralitat d'aquesta qüestió: ens referim a la forçada dimissió de Lloret, alcalde de Tarragona, acusat de copresidir amb la representació eclesiàstica una desfilada militar.
La pràctica del moviment obrer al Camp restarà condicionada per la progressiva extensió de la crisi econòmica que afecta especialment la ja desfassada indústria textil reusenca i la construcció i d'una manera general el conjunt de l'economia del Camp per la incidència sobre la comercialització vinícola i de l'avellana. Si bé, fins 1933, s'aconseguirà avançar en increments salarials i en la reducció de la jornada de 48 a 44 hores, el principal tema de confrontació és l'extensió i creixement de l'atur, bé sigui en reivindicació del subsidi, la reducció de la jornada a 6 hores o el repartiment del treball disponible per evitar els acomiadaments. Els jurats mixtes seran boicotejats, així com les oficines de coI.locació, per la patronal i la C.N.T., mentre que per U.G.T. esdevenen mediació per a afavorir el seu creixement organitzatiu. Situació crítica en el marc d'una rivalitat permanent per l'hegemonia anarquista o socialista en determinats sindicats d'ofici. Les festes del primer de maig constitueixen el punt àlgid d'explicitació dels objectius del moviment obrer, en les conclusions habituals que situen el grau d'exercici de les llibertats en els diversos períodes de la República, reivindicacions laborals como són la del retir obrer, el subsidi contra l'atur, el subsidi de maternitat i invalidesa per accident, la jornada de 6 hores, el descans dominical en el ram del comerç i el perfeccionament de la inspecció de treball amb d'altres reivindicacions sòcio-polítiques com ara la defensa de l'escola única, la formació professional, la construcció d'habitatges o la redistribució de la pressió fiscal, al costat de mesures com l'amnistia, l'abolició de la pena de mort, la plena llibertat de premsa, reunió i manifestació. Les peticions del maig de 1936 són, generalment, molt més ambicioses pel que fa al model de relacions socials i laborals i incideixen sobre el sistema econòmic i polític.
L'escassa resposta pública al greu desafiament de l'atur, que aconseguí de trencar la consciència ciutadana sobre la Repúbica, es reduirà a iniciatives benèfico-caritatives i als plans d'obra municipal especialment a redòs de la llei del Parlament sobre solars, projectes que seran objecte de recurs per les entitats econòmiques i que resultaran definitivament fallits per decisió de l'autoritat militar poc després dels fets d'octubre.
El problema agrari serà un dels eixos de confrontació al Camp durant el període republicà. Les expectatives creades amb la proclamació del nou règim es veuran progressivament fustrades per la desestimació de les demandes de revisió dels contractes de conreu en una primera fase i per la sentència contra la Llei del Parlament després de l'octubre de 1934, resultant d'un llarg procés de confrontació social al camp.
Els fets d'octubre, iniciats amb la convocatòria de vaga general a les tres ciutats, tindràn la seva concreció en la proclamació de l'Estat Català. La repressió del moviment comportarà la detenció I empresonament de bona part de la militància catalanista d'esquerra en sentit ampli dels pobles del Camp al vaixell Arnús, la clausura dels centres
polítics i sindicals i la pràctica dels desnonaments rústics als pobles on s'havia viscut amb més efervescència el fet rabassaire.
La dinàmica electoral durant la Segona República assoleix, primerament, unes fites de participació que oscil.len entre el 75,5% de màxima al 1931 i el 76% al 1936 pel conjunt del Camp. Mentre que les eleccions del juny de 1931, amb el triomf absolut de la candidatura republicana, representen un plebiscit pel règim, es produeix una divisió progressiva en el camp republicà que suposa la confrontació entre E.R.C. I la Coalició d'Esquerres en disputa per l'espai electoral. El bloc de dreta presenta un ascens continuat. La bipolarització creixent situarà les eleccions del febrer de 1936 entre el Front d'Ordre i el Front d'Esquerres, clarament majoritari al Camp.
En l'àmbit de les eleccions locals podem constatar situacions d'inestabilitat a Valls i Reus i continuitat a Tarragona. Mentre que a Valls i en la majoria dels pobles del Camp les eleccions del gener de 1934 tenen una lògica dual, a Tarragona i Reus la divisió entre els grups republicans provoca la confrontació electoral de cinc candidatures. Durant el període de les gestores governatives, la Lliga, els radicals, APC, CEDA i tradicionalistes governaren els ajuntaments amb la desídia pròpia de períodes anteriors.
Blaney, Gerald. "The Civil Guard and the Spanish Second Republic, 1931-1936". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2007. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2022/.
Pełny tekst źródłaRandall, Tresa M. "Hanya Holm in America, 1931-1936: Dance, Culture and Community". Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2008. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/14993.
Pełny tekst źródłaPh.D.
Though she is widely considered one of the "four pioneers" of American modern dance, German-American Hanya Holm (1893-1992) occupies a shadowy presence in dance history literature. She has often been described as someone who fell in love with America, purged her approach of Germanic elements, and emerged with a more universal one. Her "Americanization" has served as evidence of the Americanness of modern dance, thus eclipsing the German influence on modern dance. This dissertation challenges that narrative by casting new light on Holm's worldview and initial intentions in the New World, and by articulating the specifics of the first five years of her American career. In contrast to previous histories, I propose that Holm did not come to the U.S. to forge an independent career as a choreographer; rather, she came as a missionary for Mary Wigman and her Tanz-Gemeinschaft (dance cultural community). To Wigman and Holm, dance was not only an art form; it was a way of life, a revolt against bourgeois sterility and modern alienation, and a utopian communal vision, even a religion. Artistic expression was only one aspect of modern dance's larger purpose. The transformation of social life was equally important, and Holm was a fervent believer in the need for a widespread amateur dance culture. This study uses a historical methodology and accesses traces of the past such as lectures, school reports, promotional material, newspaper articles, personal notebooks, correspondence, photographs, and other material--much of it discussed here for the first time. These sources provide evidence for new descriptions and interpretations of Holm's migration from Germany to the U.S. and from German dance to American dance. I examine cultural contexts that informed Holm's beliefs, such as early twentieth century German life reform and body culture; provide a sustained analysis of the curriculum of the New York Wigman School of the Dance; and consider how the politicization of dance in the 1930s--in both Germany and the U.S.--affected Holm and her work.
Temple University--Theses
Casas, i. Soriano Just. "La política de Treball de la Generalitat Republicana (1931-1936) /". Barcelona : Generalitat de Catalunya, Departament de treball, indústria, comerç i turisme, 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39169188q.
Pełny tekst źródłaKerry, Matthew. "Radical politics in the Spanish Second Republic : Asturias, 1931-1936". Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2015. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/10084/.
Pełny tekst źródłaViñarás, y. Domingo Antonio José. "Eivissa y Formentera, 1931-1936: sociedad, economía, elecciones y poder político". Doctoral thesis, Universitat de les Illes Balears, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/123286.
Pełny tekst źródłaLópez, Villaverde Ángel Luis. "Cuenca durante la II República : elecciones, partidos y vida política, 1931-1936 /". [Ciudad Real] : Cuenca : Ed. de la universidad de Castilla-La Mancha ; Diputación de Cuenca, Area de cultura, 1997. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37027289k.
Pełny tekst źródłaPlata, Parga Gabriel. "La derecha vasca y la crisis de la democracia española, 1931-1936 /". [Bilbao] : Diputación foral de Bizkaia, 1991. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb371601648.
Pełny tekst źródłaCanosa, Farran Francesc. "El somni d'una societat i d'un periodisme. La televisió de paper (1931-1936)". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Ramon Llull, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/9219.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe objective of this thesis is to describe and reveal the birth of the television that was dreamt of by society and journalism in Catalonia during the Second Republic (1931-1936), as well as the attempts made to consolidate it. These wishes and television experiments can be seen through the information and news, related to television, found in the Catalan press published in Barcelona. Information provided by a society and a style of journalism that was excited about discovering new realities and that had a much closer and more direct contact with reality. Therefore, that society and that journalism are inseparable from the television dream that, with the Spanish Civil war (1936), would end up turning into a metaphor of Catalonia.
Thomas, Maria. "The faith and the fury : popular anticlerical violence and iconoclasm in Spain, 1931-1936". Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2012. http://repository.royalholloway.ac.uk/items/b749b0d2-2ae3-a22f-a67b-0a52898b0a46/9/.
Pełny tekst źródłaSelmane, Fabian. "En jämförelse mellan ogifta mödrar och andra utsatta kvinnogrupper inom Gudmundrå socken 1931-1936". Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Historia, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-23332.
Pełny tekst źródłaMiralles, Ricardo. "El socialismo vasco durante la II República : organización, ideología, política y elecciones, 1931-1936 /". [S.l.] : Servicio editorial, Universidad del País Vasco, 1988. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35414378p.
Pełny tekst źródłaGodicheau, François. "Répression et ordre public en Catalogne pendant la guerre civile (1936-1939)". Paris, EHESS, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001EHES0092.
Pełny tekst źródłaArqué, i. Carré Josep. "Derecha de Cataluña: monàrquics alfonsins contra la segona república i la Catalunya autònoma (1931-1936)". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/284243.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe aim of the thesis is the study of the party Derecha of Cataluña, created by Catalans monarchists in favour of the king Alfonse XIII, during the Second Republic, supported for the matrix of state scope, Renovación Española. Since the point of view of the Catalan extreme right has been studied the Comunión Traditionalistic and the Falange y las J.O.N.S., as well as small groups, but no the monarchists that opted for this option. Extremely supporters of de national unity of Spain, Derecha of Cataluña, was driven by Antonio Goicoechea so much in Madrid as a Barcelona, chairing at the same time, Renovación Española, and the Regional Council of the party in Catalonia. The Catalan’s leaders of the party were: José de Olano y Loyzaga, count of Fígols; Darío Rumeu y Freixa, baron of Viver; José Maria Milá y Camps, count of Montseny, Alfonso Sala, count of Egara, Fernando Álvarez de la Campa, etc., they all with charges during the Dictatorship, but during the Republic yielded the leadership role to younger people as: Santiago Torent Buxó, José Bertrán Güell, Aurelio Joaniquet, Jorge Girona, Enrique García-Ramal, etc. Antonio Goicoechea led the Catalan and state formation, being the soul of the party all over of Spain, until finals of 1934, yielding, from this date the leadership role to José Calvo Sotelo that, in creating Bloque Nacional, who pretended to integrate the extremely conservative monarchism between them, Renovación Española and Derecha of Cataluña. A lot of Members of this party signed of the foundational Manifest. In spite of the scarce social presence, so much in Catalonia as in the Spanish state, pretended to restore the Monarchy above all. However, they were a true power, so much for his economic influence how for his connections with the high social classes, the fundamentalist clergy and the military opposites to the republicans. Without popular support, they were in favour of the coup d'état, they paid the expenses of the U. M. E. in Catalonia, conspiring, since the first moment, against the Republic and collaborated to the military insurrection of the 18 of July with money and people. Finally, they gave support, to the act of unification of the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las J.O.N.S., the April 19, 1937 of the general Franco. The thesis treats to put of relief the positioning of some monarchist, opposites to the democratic parliamentarism, to the Republic, to the Statute and the capacity of self-government of Catalonia and the University Autonomy. They were in favour of the corporate and organic system, without the presence of political parties. They were Monarchists, Catholics fundamentalists, antidemocrats, against of the parliamentarism, centralists and corporatists. Following the steps of the Cultural Society of Acción Española, at first they created the centre of studies Peña Blanca, foundational embryo of the party Derecha of Cataluña (April of 1933). Already constituted as a party, they wanted to counteract the influence of the party that the Lliga Regionalista exerted in the conservative electorate. They had tried to counteract the Lliga yet before the Dictatorship with the Unión Monárquica National. After, they defended the dictatorship of the general Miguel Primo of Rivera and they were integrated to the party Unión Patriótica of the Dictator. During the Republic, some of the members of Peña Blanca were presented to the elections to the Parliament of Catalonia united with the Carlists and, as a Derecha of Cataluña, already in solitary, to the elections of the Spanish Parliament in November 19, 1933. Forming part of the candidature of the Front Català d’Ordre, Derecha de Cataluña was presented to the elections of the February 16, 1936. Never had they got any deputy. In the Parliament they were represented by Renovación Española that shared fully his positions. Finally, the thesis explains the participation of Derecha de Cataluña in the conspiracy of the July 18, 1936 in Barcelona, the way they took in order to escape, the return to Spain and the charges they got with the Franco regime, as well as the reasons that moved them to take part to the Private Council of the Count of Barcelona, creating an opposition consented for the Dictator.
Ricci, Evelyne. "Le théâtre à Malaga sous la Seconde République (1931-1936) : plaisirs et idéologies sur scène". Paris 3, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001PA030123.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis study of the theatrical life in Malaga between 1931 and 1936 belongs to cultural history. It intends to study the possible consequences of the Second Republic on the different shows in this provincial city. Situated at the junction of the cultural, artistic, social, economic and political spheres, theatre allows a transversal approach of the tensions and debates which define this historical process. More than any other art, it is ideal for a questioning about its stakes and its expressions, revealing at the same time its bases, contradictions and transformations. This study allows to reconsider the cultural links created at that time between the Spanich nation and its regions, between Madrid and the provinces, but also between Andalusia and the rest of Spain. .
Piché, Lucie. "Femmes et changement social au Québec : l'apport de la Jeunesse ouvrière catholique féminine : 1931-1936 /". Québec : les Presses de l'université Laval, 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39148619m.
Pełny tekst źródłaBruschi, Marcela. "As mulheres na escolarização da educação física no Espírito Santo : professoras e autoras (1931-1936)". reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFES, 2015. http://repositorio.ufes.br/handle/10/1741.
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Busca compreender a participação de 23 professoras normalistas formadas no Curso de Educação Física do Espírito Santo, na década de 1930, na escolarização da disciplina. Objetiva analisar como elas significaram sua presença como professoras e autoras da Educação Física capixaba. Como referencial teórico, utiliza os conceitos de lutas de representações (CHARTIER, 1990), estratégia e táticas (CERTEAU, 1994) e do paradigma indiciário (GINZBURG, 1999). Metodologicamente, faz uso da crítica documental (BLOCH, 2001). Como fontes, mobiliza documentos da Escola Normal, do Colégio Nossa Senhora Auxiliadora, do Arquivo Permanente do Centro de Educação Física e Desportos da Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo (Cefd/Ufes) (1931-1961), documentos do Arquivo Público do Estado do Espírito Santo, a Revista de Educação (1934-1937), o Diário da Manhã (1908-1937) e a revista Vida Capichaba (1923-1959). O Curso de Educação Física foi criado em 1931 e mantido por militares formados no Centro Militar de Educação Física. Apesar de a historiografia apontar o curso como espaço de irradiação de uma pretensa militarização e esportivização da Educação Física, os achados indicam outros intuitos. Essas outras intencionalidades são percebidas por meio de monografias produzidas pelos primeiros docentes formados no curso que, em sua maioria, eram mulheres. Foi possível perceber as apropriações e os usos realizados da cultura em circulação pelas alunas para a construção de seus trabalhos finais, que foram divulgados em impressos locais. Com as publicações, as mulheres alcançaram destaque e passaram a ocupar cadeiras em importantes instituições educacionais da região. Ao dar visibilidade à atuação das 23 professoras de Educação Física, torna-se possível perceber como elas fizeram uso de um capital simbólico acumulado ao longo de suas carreiras como professoras, autoras, enfim, como mulheres que se moviam de forma tática em meio aos discursos que buscavam determinar seus papéis sociais.
This paper seeks to understand the participation of 23 teachers majored in Physical Education Course of Espirito Santo, in the 1930s, in schooling of the discipline. It aims to analyze how they perceive their presence as teachers and authors of Physical Education in Espirito Santo. As a theoretical reference, it uses the concepts of fights of representations (CHARTIER, 1990), strategy and tactics (CERTEAU, 1994) and the evidential paradigm (GINZBURG, 1999). Methodologically, it uses of the documental criticism (BLOCH, 2001). As sources, it mobilizes documents of the Escola Normal, of Colégio Nossa Senhora Auxiliadora, of the Permanent Archive of the Center of Physical Education and Sports of the Federal University of Espirito Santo (Cefd/Ufes) (1931-1961), Public Archives of Espirito Santo state, the Revista de Educação (1934-1937), the Diário da Manhã (1908-1937) and the magazine Vida Capichaba (1923-1959). The Physical Education Course was created in 1931 and held by military personel majored at the Military Centre of Physical Education. Although the historiography points out the course as a space of diffusion of an alleged militarization and sportivization of Physical Education, the findings indicate other purposes. Monographs produced by the first teachers, mostly women, majored in the course, identify these other intentions. It was possible to identify the appropriation and the uses of culture in circulation by the students to build their term papers, published in local periodicals. After publications, women have gained prominence and have begun to occupy places in important educational institutions in the region. To give visibility to the work of the 23 teachers of Physical Education, it becomes possible to see how they made use of an accumulated symbolic capital throughout their careers as teachers, as authors, and finally as women who moved in a tactic way in the middle of the speeches, that tried to determine their social roles.
BRUSCHI, M. "AS MULHERES NA ESCOLARIZAÇÃO DA EDUCAÇÃO FÍSICA NO ESPÍRITO SANTO: PROFESSORAS E AUTORAS (1931-1936)". Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2015. http://repositorio.ufes.br/handle/10/7280.
Pełny tekst źródłaBusca compreender a participação de 23 professoras formadas no Curso de Educação Física do Espírito Santo, na década de 1930, na escolarização da disciplina. Objetiva analisar como elas significaram sua presença como professoras e autoras da Educação Física capixaba. Como referencial teórico, utiliza os conceitos de lutas de representações (CHARTIER, 1990), estratégia e táticas (CERTEAU, 1994) e do paradigma indiciário (GINZBURG, 1999). Metodologicamente, faz uso da crítica documental (BLOCH, 2001). Como fontes, mobiliza documentos da Escola Normal, do Colégio Nossa Senhora Auxiliadora, do Arquivo Permanente do Centro de Educação Física e Desportos da Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo (Cefd/Ufes) (1931-1961), documentos do Arquivo Público do Estado do Espírito Santo, a Revista de Educação (1934-1937), o Diário da Manhã (1908-1937) e a revista Vida Capichaba (1923-1959). O Curso de Educação Física foi criado em 1931 e mantido por militares formados no Centro Militar de Educação Física. Apesar de a historiografia apontar o curso como espaço de irradiação de uma pretensa militarização e esportivização da Educação Física, os achados indicam outros intuitos. Essas outras intencionalidades são percebidas por meio de monografias produzidas pelos primeiros docentes formados no curso que, em sua maioria, eram mulheres. Foi possível perceber as apropriações e os usos realizados da cultura em circulação pelas alunas para a construção de seus trabalhos finais, que foram divulgados em impressos locais. Com as publicações, as mulheres alcançaram destaque e passaram a ocupar cadeiras em importantes instituições educacionais da região. Ao dar visibilidade à atuação das 23 professoras de Educação Física, torna-se possível perceber como elas fizeram uso de um capital simbólico acumulado ao longo de suas carreiras como professoras, autoras, enfim, como mulheres que se moviam de forma tática em meio aos discursos que buscavam determinar seus papéis sociais.
Purcet, Gregori Aleix. "La reacció dels estudiants. Feixisme, joves i món universitari durant la II República espanyola (1931-1936)". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/4823.
Pełny tekst źródłaEn aquesta tesi em volgut escatir per quins motius els estudiants es fan feixistes (un fenomen general a l'Europa del moment, Espanya no és pas una excepció). S'ha copsat el ressò que les grans proclames feixistes susciten en els estudiants (redempció nacional, culte imperial, exaltació de la heroïcitat...) però tenint en compte que aquesta "política sacralitzada" codifica un projecte social adreçat a resoldre la inestable situació social de la classe mitjana. Els interessos dels estudiants (no oblidem, professionals en formació, tot i ocupar, provisionalment, una posició particular dins l'estructura de classes, no deixen d'estar vinculats als de la seva classe d'origen, que percep el seu estatus social en regressió, amenaçat pel "despertar" de les masses.
Comptat i debatut, el moviment estudiantil ha estat la peça a través del qual hem intentat recompondre el procés constitutiu del feixisme espanyol. L'eina metodològica amb la que s'ha treballat ha estat el concepte de feixistització, entenent el feixisme com un fenomen social, que vessa dels estrets límits del partit, imantant una àrea políticocultural major (que, fins 1936, està representada políticament pels partits de dretes, que, tanmateix, ja està educant als seus seguidors en valors antidemocràtics i prepar-los per l'acceptació d'un règim feixista), que Falange capitalitzarà políticament a partir del fracàs de la estratègia política de la CEDA, Confederación Española de Derechas Autónomas (així com el buidatge del centre). La universitat és un observatori privilegiat per estudiar el procés pel qual el feixisme s'estén de forma cancerígena sobre una àrea antidemocràtica i antimarxista que acaba per nuclear l'organització feixista, en aquest cas, el SEU, numèricament minoritari però de gran "presència" pel seu activisme i la seva doctrina congruent amb la modernitat.
This thesis is about the process of fascistization of university students in the context of the Second Spanish Republic. This was a period of intense politicization of young people, who took generational consciousness and joined in with political activity, usually in radical organizations that had taken over from the old nineteenth-century claveages. The student movement, which had never been apolitical, now became heavily politicized. During the Republic, there was a change of course: from the progressive movement of the opposition to the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera and the monarchy of Alfonso XIII, whose flagship the FUE, University School Federation, became, throughout the thirties, a bastion of fascism, coinciding with the arrival of a new generation, socialized under the dictatorship and which reacted with the refusal to adapt to social and cultural transformations brought about with the Republic. Fascism became hegemonic in the university before the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War, not so much as an organization (its university incarnation is the SEU, Spanish University Union, whose sympathies lay with the Spanish Falange), but as the hub of a national coalition of anti-Marxist forces, including Catholics and traditionalist students, who later became fascists, both via the modernization of the inherent traits of their historical personality, as well as by direct contamination during the course of the everyday experiences they shared with their fascist colleagues.
In this thesis we wanted to clarify why the students became fascists (a general phenomenon throughout Europe; Spain was no exception). The attraction that great fascist proclamations had for university youth (national redemption, the imperial cult, the exaltation of the heroic...) has been covered while taking into account the "political sacralization" which codified a social project aimed at resolving the unstable social condition of the middle classes. The interests of the students (who, we must not forget, had professional training, despite taking, temporarily, a specific position within the class structure), were linked to their social class of origin, with their perceived social status in decline and threatened by the awakening of the masses.
In short, the student movement is the core from which we have tried to reconstruct the constitutive process of Spanish fascism. The methodological tool which has been used is the concept of fascistization, where fascism is interpreted as a social phenomenon that goes beyond the narrow confines of the party, magnetizing a larger political and cultural area (until 1936, this was represented by right-wing parties, which were then also educating their followers in undemocratic values and preparing them for the acceptance of a fascist regime) that the Falange was able to capitalize on politically at the failure of the political strategy of the CEDA, Spanish Confederation of Autonomous Rights (and the emptying of the "centre"). The university is a privileged observatory for studying the process by which fascism spread like a cancer over an undemocratic anti-Marxist area, of which the fascist organization became the core, in this case the SEU, numerically a minority but with a strong "presence" via its activism and its doctrine which was consistent with modernity.
Jiménez, Cortacans Alfons. "El fracàs d'una utopia. Comunicació política dels feixismes a Espanya durant la Segona República, 1931-1936". Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Girona, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/124700.
Pełny tekst źródłaLa tesi “El fracàs d’una utopia. La comunicació política dels grups feixistes a Espanya, 1931-1936” estudia la comunicació dels següents grups polítics: Las Juntas Castellanas de Actuación Hispánica, La Conquista del Estado, JONS, Sindicato Español Universitario i Falange Española de las JONS. Aquesta tesi no és només una història dels grups feixistes a Espanya durant la Segona República, tot i que també aporta novetats a l’hora d’entendre l’evolució d’aquesta ideologia i dels partits feixistes abans de la Guerra Civil, sinó que a més és un anàlisi discursiu, semàntic i polític de la comunicació que varen portar a terme els partits feixistes per tal d’aconseguir el suport de les masses. L’estudi ha investigat el relat de les següents revistes: Libertad, La Conquista del Estado, JONS, FE, Igualdad, Arriba, No Importa, La Patria Libre, Azor i Haz. També han estat investigats la retòrica dels mítings, la imatge en bona mesura construïda dels líders, els símbols, les cançons, els himnes i les consignes
Rees, Timothy John. "Agrarian society and politics in the province of Badajoz under the Spanish Second Republic, 1931-1936". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a9a57d34-b448-434e-ab32-726a19aeffea.
Pełny tekst źródłaDenéchère, Yves. "La politique espagnole de la France de 1931 à 1936 : une pratique française de rapports inégaux". Nantes, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998NANT3015.
Pełny tekst źródłaIn april 1931, the spanish monarchy of alfonso xiii felle like a ripe fruit. The second republic then followed and encountered a great deal of vicissitudes until the 17th-18th july 1936 pronunciamiento. During that period of time, the french foreign policy had to adapt to the new spanis facts. The french representatives in spain, and more paticularly the ambassador jean herbette, informed the + machine diplomatique ; of the quai d'orsay. The political evolution of the spanish republic was analysed day after day, taking into account the hightly specific nature of franco-spanih relations. Because of the new regime in madrid, france had to adapt its cultural and political influence in the peninsula. As to the franco-spanish bilateral issues, france chose to reinforce or at the least to maintain its positions. The democratic improvement of spain did not seem to have been taken into account by the quai d'orsay which made no concessions to immigrants and spanish political refugees oe else to the andorra issue. The uneven nature of franco-spanish relations was even more obvious in the economic field and in marocco : france imposed power struggles for its own benefit. In the wider domain of international relations, france did not have the same freedom of movement. It had to take into account the interventions of the other powers in the the + great spanish game ;. From 1931 to 1932, france hoped to be backed by spain as far as international issues were concerned. But no more than the monarchy before, was the spanish republic ready to abandon its neutrality. From 1933 to 1935, a time during which the french diplomaty seemed to be looking for its way, the question of the place france should have kept for spain in its international game was raised. In 1936, with the popualr fronts in power in both countries, a certain closeness in diplomacy was coming to life. The beginning of the civil war brutallly broke this evolution. The policy of france towards spain from 1931 to 1936 illustrates the way france conceived unequal relations and shows the self-importance with which it viewed its relations with weaker country
Corominas, Bertran Lluís. "Història dels aeroports de barcelona i de les línies aèries que hi operaren de 1931 a 1936". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/406129.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe introduction begins with the development of the aerostation in Barcelona from 1784 to 1908, the establishment of the first aeronautic club, the first flight to the Catalan capital and all other flights made up to 1914. It then follows on with data from the First World War, treaties and the advent of airlines. The Volateria aerodrome was established, from where Pujol Comabella & Co. would operate with a training school and where tests were carried out on the planes made in their own workshops would be tested, in the Sant Martí district of Barcelona. The company was replaced by Talleres Hereter, which carried out the same functions until 1920, when the firm collapsed. At that point, the Escola de l’Aeronàutica Naval (Naval Aeronautics School) installed itself at the Volateria, operating aeroplanes and aerostats; its activities up to 1927 are detailed. From that year onwards, Iberia began its operations in the aerodrome. 1929 saw the arrival of the Compañía de Líneas Aéreas Subvencionadas S.A. (The Subsidised Airline Company Ltd.) with Líneas Aéreas Postales Españolas (The Spanish Postal Airlines) following in 1932. This latter company would operate until the start of the Spanish Civil War. From January 1928, the Spanish company would be joined by the link with Luft Hansa (styled ‘Lufthansa’ from 1933), which operated until July 1936. In March 1920, the French company Latécoère began to make stop-overs at its own airfield located close to Volateria, where it had initially begun its stop-overs before the finalisation of its own field. Aéropostale would follow, from 1927 until, in 1933, it was substituted by Air France, which operated there until 1936. The Aero Club aerodrome was set up in 1923; however, as no airlines operated from here, it does not form a part of this current study. Up to 1920, various seaplanes used Barcelona port; the Escola de l’Aeronàutica Naval installed its seaplane base here, together with those of Tallers and Dédalo. Each one of the installations is detailed up to 1927. Before this period, however, from July to September 1922 and in 1923 for about six weeks, Aero Marítima Mallorquina (Majorcan Maritime Air) operated here. Additionaly, from November 1928 the Società Anonima Navegazione Aeri (Air Navegation Ltd.) began its operations here; in 1934 it was replaced by Società Aerea Mediterranea (The Mediterranean Air Society), and then—from 1935—by Ala Littoria (the Italian national airline in the 1930s and 1940s), which would operate here until July 1936. Explanation is given for the events and occurrences affecting each one of the installations, and for all aircraft movements, up to 1927. From this date, airline development is described (where the flights originate and where they arrive), which provides an overview of the importance of Barcelona’s aerodromes/airports. In parallel, the volume of passengers, cargo and mail is studied, and explanation is provided for the significance within this process of specific apparatus. Finally, the Barcelona aerodromes/airports are compared with that of Madrid both with respect to the number of airlines and as regards the quantifiable data set out above.
Llorens, Lastra María Cecilia. "Las Misiones pedagógicas de la Segunda República (1931-1936): Modernidad, ruralidad y vanguardia en la España contemporánea". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/665388.
Pełny tekst źródłaFrom 1931 to 1936, the Spanish Second Republic carried out the project of the Misiones Pedagógicas in rural towns and villages in order to promote social justice and cultural communication. Intellectuals and artists inspired by the previous work of the Institución Libre de Enseñanza and the ideas of Manuel Bartolomé Cossío, gave birth to a cultural, pedagogical and political experience that expressed the singularity of Spanish modernity. The juxtaposition of elements from the cultural heritage (medieval, modern and contemporary images, devices and ideas), the search for the alma del pueblo (Antonio Machado) and the profundidad de España (José Val del Omar), the use of modern technologies (photography, gramophone and cinema), the dialogue with the avantgardes, and the creation of a diffusive pedagogical praxis, configurated a cultural policy defined by its own actors as “extravagant”. From a historical broad perspective, this thesis offers a new critical reading of the Misiones Pedagógicas, placing them in a cultural context that goes beyond the educational field.
Silva, Romeu Adriano da. "Escola profissional mixta Cel. Francisco Garcia : as relações entre educação e trabalho no capitalismo periferico (1931-1936)". [s.n.], 2004. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/252594.
Pełny tekst źródłaDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
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Mestrado
Corkett, Thomas. "Interactions between the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo and the Unión General de Trabajadores in Spain and Catalonia, 1931-1936". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2011. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2782/.
Pełny tekst źródłaLobjeois, Eric. "Le Mexique et l'Espagne, 1936-1952 : la guerre civile, l'exil, la République et Franco". Paris 7, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002PA070093.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis work analyses the solidarity between revolutionary Mexico and the Spanish Republic since 1936 until 1952. During this period, Mexico, under president Cárdenas authority, became a protector of the Spanish second Republic attacked, in 1936, by a military movement supervised by général Francisco Franco and helped by fascist Italy and nazi Germany. Mexico provided the Republic a diplomatic, humanitarian and military assistance. Unfortunately, the Spanish civil war turned over in april 1939 with Franco's victory. Then, half million people were forced to live Spain scrambling, threatened by repression. Cárdenas decided immediately to offer them Mexico's hospitality. Between 1939 and 1945, approximately 20 to 30. 000 spanish republicans found safety and a new home in Mexico, rejoining a few children and intellectuals who were evacuated from Spain during the war. This operation was organized by Mexican government and spanish organizations for help the refugees. Such an immigration, highly qualified, represent a phenomenon unprecedented in Spain's contemporary history. Thereafter, this solidarity became part of the mexican history and Cárdenas attitude was incessantly claimed by Mexico until 1976. In 1945, republicans were authorized by mexican president Manuel Avila Camacho to restore a spanish republican government in exile in Mexico to remove Franco from the power with help of the OUN. Unsuccessfully. During the post world war period, Mexico stayed as a strong opponent against Franco's regime and Franco's foreign policy was constantly looking for his recognition from Mexico. Unsuccessfully too. However, in 1952, Franco's Spain was finally admitted at the UNESCO and entered the western order. So, during ail this time, Mexico has been the common border between the two Spain
Illion, Régine. "L'activité politique et syndicale des femmes pendant la Seconde République espagnole, 1931-1936 : le cas de la ville de Saragosse". Paris 8, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA081329.
Pełny tekst źródłaIn a traditionnally patriarchal society, did the institution of a republican regime and the promulgation of a constitution that set up for the first time sexes equality, suffice to modidify radicaly mentalities? could women be, then, on equal terms with men in the political and syndical sphere? those are the questions we tried to answer in the case of the city of saragossa that, even if it has been the core of the spanish anarchosyndicalism during a part of the republican period, was yet an unexplored field from that point of view
Duncan, Deidryn O. "High Heels and Rouge:Crafting the New Woman through Consumption in Linglong Women’s Pictorial Magazine (Linglong funu tuhua zazhi), 1931-1936". The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1374078253.
Pełny tekst źródłaRosés, Cordovilla Sergi. "Els revolucionaris marxistes a l’Espanya dels anys 30". Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/461176.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis thesis studies the Marxist groups in Spain who opposed Stalinist politics and at the same time maintained a program of social transformation that implied, therefore, the refusal of the Popular Front. Their internationalist perspective meant that they all had an international connexion and that from 1936 all were initiated by foreign militants. These groups are structured in three major blocks: the followers of Trotsky's theses (Trotskyists, officers or dissidents), fourthinternationalist that had broken with Trotskyism, and the followers of Bordiga's thesis (bordiguists). The study goes from the end of 1933 until the summer of 1937, covering from the process leading to the disappearance of the Spanish Communist Left until the repression of the summer of 1937, which meant the end of the open work in Spain of the Marxist groups to the left of the PCE-PSUC. The objective of this thesis is to expose, analyze and evaluate the presence of the Marxist revolutionary groups in Spain in the delimited period, their incidence at that historical moment, and the coherence of their political proposals with their own theoretical principles. The hypothesis that I start with is that the political-social situation in Spain in the 1930s posed the possibility of an option of revolutionary type that implied both the taking of power by the working class and the socialization of the economy; in this context, therefore, the proposals of the groups that raised this option should not be considered as mere imitation of external models but as a political project that would respond both to the Spanish reality itself and to the international context in which this was inserted. The existence of these groups would respond, therefore, to the need to give a revolutionary solution to the Spanish crisis and the viability of their proposals should be studied regardless of their national composition or numerical strength. Their lack of success should be considered more due to the difficulty of integrating itself into a political space already occupied by organizations that enjoyed the advantage of leading a revolutionary process, that not because of the lack of adequacy of their analysis and proposals.
Garangou, i. Tarrés Sònia. "Les Joventuts Llibertàries a Catalunya. Origen, Estructura i Context (1932-1939)". Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/398541.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis research rebuilds the origin, structure and historical context of the Libertarian Youth in Catalonia from 1932 until the end of the Civil War. Despite previous researches on this state organization, such as Jesús López Santamaría’s doctoral thesis in 1983, there was not any specific research focused on our territory and especially within the first formative years. The absence of detailed studies is understood concerning most of other youth organizations of the time which, despite having high points of development during the inter-war period, often remain forgotten in historiography or are seen just as an attachment of other ‘grown-up’ organizations. In the case of the Libertarian Youth in Catalonia, the signs the initial hypothesis of this research is based on, show that they had a highly marked personality which sometimes entered into conflict with the CNT-FAI, besides, they had a more complex organisational and territorial structure than thought. The tracing of how the first groups were formed in Catalonia during the Second Republic, the mechanisms that were used to articulate its structure, how the Catalonian youth participated in the political events of the time, which the connection to the Federación Ibérica de Juventudes Libertarias (FIJL) was and the influence of the internal conflict between the trentistas and the FAI tendency in the creation of this youth organization the CNT was enduring. Its development and its relation to the libertarian youths from the rest of the state has been possible thanks to the collecting, arrangement and extraction of the scattered information about the organisation formed by records of congresses and meetings, circulars, and publications at a local or regional scope. It has also been possible to rebuild which role the young Catalan libertarians played during the Civil War, its debates and internal crisis, the confrontations they had with the CNT-FAI and the FIJL, when they started disagreeing with the official position adopted by the anarcho-syndicalists and the growth of the institution which arrived to most of the Catalan regions. This study departs from these other local organisation adding the perspective of the territorial structure as an extra element to analyse that takes us to the difficulties and contradictions the base groups had to deal with, helping us to understand better the political militancy profile and broadening the image we would have of the organisation if we only focused in the leaders discourses. The connection with the political events and the ideological disputes of the time completes the portrait and helps us to understand most of their actions and decisions, strengthening the need of this constant dialogue among the origin, the structure and the context of what was the most important youth organisation in Catalonia during the 30s
Aguiar, García Carlos David. "La provincia de Santa Cruz de Tenerife entre dos dictaduras (1923-1945). Hambre y orden". Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/63172.
Pełny tekst źródłaTitle of Thesis: THE PROVINCE OF SANTA CRUZ DE TENERIFE BETWEEN TWO DICTATORSHIPS (1923-1945). HUNGER AND ORDER. The doctoral thesis is divided into three blocks. In the first are traced the main points of the social, economic and political conditions in the province of Santa Cruz de Tenerife in the first half of the twentieth century. In the second section, is raised the development of political institutions (municipal, insular, provincial and national) during the examined period, taking as a common theme the survival of patronage system and chieftainship. In the third section, I study the opposition emerged against a regime that marginalizes the great majority of the population, both in the country and in the city, uniting all the political directions laid under the concept of the left-wing. The analysis of the repression emerged after the military uprising of July the 18th, 1936, has special relevance. The traditionally dominant class in the province (large landowners and merchants, enriched with the export of bananas) through its network of clientele, dominated all political structures in the province, since the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera. They kept political control during the Second Republic, holding back social reforms in areas where power was lost, and got involved in the coup of July the 18th, 1936, being restored back into the institutions that govern public life.
Sánchez, Costa Fernando. "Memòria pública i debat polític a Barcelona (1931-1936): L'Esquerra Republicana i la Lliga Catalana davant el passat i el futur de Catalunya". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Internacional de Catalunya, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/50993.
Pełny tekst źródłaLa tesis Memòria Pública i debat polític a Barcelona (1931-1936) se ha escrito con dos objetivos básicos. En primer lugar, el trabajo presenta una propuesta teórica y metodológica global para estudiar –desde un punto de vista sociopolítico y en múltiples contextos temporales y geográficos- el fenómeno de la memoria pública. Por eso, el autor elabora una “antropología de la memoria” y desarrolla una reflexión sistemática sobre “las culturas de la memoria” y “las políticas de la memoria”. La tesis define la memoria pública como el conjunto de prácticas y discursos conmemorativos que tienen lugar en la esfera pública. La memoria pública, por tanto, no es un simple dictado monolítico desde las instituciones políticas, sino más bien un diálogo o una dialéctica entre las diversas narrativas históricas que vertebran los imaginarios de los distintos grupos sociales. El autor asume que a través del debate sobre el pasado y sobre su representación canónica, la sociedad discute indirectamente su contextura identitaria, sus marcos normativos en el presente y sus orientaciones para el futuro. En realidad, las distintas interpretaciones del pasado que se dan en la esfera pública reflejan las distintas versiones del futuro nacional. El trabajo constata como la pugna discursiva por la hegemonía en la consciencia histórica de la ciudadanía va muy ligada al pulso social por el poder político. Para fundamentar su propuesta teórica y metodológica, el autor recurre a autores catalanes y del conjunto de España, pero también presenta los principales postulados de la historiografía francesa, germánica y anglosajona. En segundo lugar, la tesis aborda una investigación histórica concreta. Se estudia la memoria pública de Barcelona en los primeros años treinta. El autor indaga los discursos históricos y las prácticas conmemorativas imperantes en el espacio cívico, en la opinión pública y en el ámbito político de la Ciudad Condal desde la proclamación de la República en 1931 hasta el estallido de la Guerra Civil en 1936. La tesis repasa la catarsis simbólica que vivió la ciudad con el nuevo régimen. Analiza los cambios de nombres de las calles y da a conocer la intrahistoria de los monumentos erigidos. El trabajo plasma la cultura conmemorativa de diversos sectores sociales barceloneses, desgrana la narrativa histórica que subyace en los libros de texto para niños y, sobre todo, refleja la utilización política del pasado. En el fondo, el estudio de los diversos paradigmas conmemorativos interesa al autor como una ventana privilegiada para ojear los universos mentales e ideológicos de cuatro grupos centrales: el nacionalismo liberal-obrerista (ERC), el nacionalismo liberal-conservador (La Lliga), el anarquismo faista y el españolismo conservador. La radiografía de las narrativas históricas y las prácticas conmemorativas de la Barcelona republicana que se lleva a cabo en este trabajo permite redescubrir los vínculos entre el nacionalismo catalán y el discurso histórico, establecer las similitudes y las diferencias doctrinales entre las principales fuerzas políticas del periodo y, finalmente, revisitar desde una nueva perspectiva la evolución de un tiempo político apasionado y apasionante.
Rémy, Matthieu. "La concession : pour une éthique des transformations textuelles dans l'œuvre de Georges Perec et Guy Debord". Nancy 2, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003NAN21009.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis study's purpose is to compare two French authors from the second half of the 20th Century, between whom few common threads are usually found. Because they both spent time with the French philosopher Henri Lefebvre, we have been able to consider that Georges Perec and Guy Debord shared several themes and directions: modern alienation, wandering, games, literary strategies to subvert the common discursive space. Both rebels towards the dominant rules of literature, these two writers wanted to define the bases of a new ethical mode of textual transformations, questioning the idea of compromise in favor of the major cultural models. Each in their own way, (sedition for Guy Debord, scheme for Georges Perec) they played with common rules, drawing examples from literary avant-guards of the century to try and invent a resolute art of writing
Vidal, Casellas Dolors. "L'imaginari monumental i artístic del turisme cultural. El cas de la revista Barcelona Atracción". Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Girona, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/7842.
Pełny tekst źródłaS'analitza la construcció de la imatge i la propaganda turístiques a partir de la posada en valor del patrimoni cultural, sobretot del monumental i artístic.
S'annexen resums de tots els articles de la revista mensual Barcelona Atracción que d'una manera directa o indirecta tenen per subjecte un element cultural tangible o intangible, i un recull de centenars d'imatges de personalitats, monuments, cartells, que il·lustren la revista en l'etapa republicana.
A contribution to the field of Cultural Tourism based on the study and analysis of a tourism magazine with an international circulation , the Barcelona Atracción. (1910 - 1936 and 1945 - 1954). The Republican period is analysed in most depth. The magazine was published in Barcelona and circulated in five continents from 1910. This work analyses the creation of image and tourist publicity based on the value given to cultural heritage, especially monuments and art.
There is an annex which includes all the articles from the monthly magazine Barcelona Atracción which are, directly or indirectly, concerned with the subject of a tangible or intangible cultural element. There is also a collection of hundreds of images of people, monuments and posters from the Republican period of the magazine.
Moran, Gimeno Neus. "El CADCI. Guerra i memòria espoliada (1936-1939)". Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/666878.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe research focusses on the analysis of the CADCI, Centre Autonomista de Dependents del Comerç i de la Indústria- Entitat Obrera (Autonomic Centre of Dependents of Commerce and Industry– Workers Organization), during the civil war. From its founding in 1903, the organization expressed the national route of labour vindication for mercantile workers. Its strategy evolved along with the demands of its dependants, increasingly proletarianized and aware of belonging to the working class. Beginning in the thirties, the carrying out of pioneering measures for the sector and the increase in prestige of the organization, put CADCI at the head of the Catalan mercantile organisations. This activity coupled with its participation in the insurrection of the 6th of October, led to the centre reinforcing its role within the anti-fascist workers movement. As a result, during the war, the organisation would have thousands of members and at one point it was considered it could become the third union federation. An analysis of its war effort allows us to confirm this relevance and study the multiplicity of functions carried out in order to attend to workers on the frontline as well as in the rear-guard. An in-depth study of the history of CADCI allows us to analyse the reasons for it suffering the triple Francoist repression carried out on the organisation, its associates and its headquarters. The military appropriation of the building, located at Rambla de Santa Mónica number 10, was carried out on the 26th of January 1939, immediately following the occupation of Barcelona. A few weeks later it was searched by the DERD (State Delegation for Document Recovery). Part of the documentation taken is what makes up the content restored to the organisation between 2008 and 2014, by application of the law 21/2005, from the CDMH (Historical Memory Documentary Centre) in Salamanca. These 1213 catalogued items are the documentary base of this investigation. The headquarters has not been returned. Its history motivates and structures a good part of the research. Through its four forced shutdown we study the evolution of the centre, its increase in popular support and the strengthening of its networks that were key to it surviving periods in the underground. At the same time, we analyse the precedents of the repressive action and the resignification process of the building that was consolidated as a place of commemoration and a symbol of the anti-fascist resistance during the war. The research looks at the implications of recovering it as a site of memory and history. For this purpose, a series of interventions are proposed for this space that houses the multiplicity of stories of the history of the Catalan labour movement.
Geinitz, Frank Peter. "Die Falange Española und ihr Gründer José Antonio Primo de Rivera (1903-1936) - im Rahmen der Bewältigung der Vergangenheit der Zweiten Spanischen Republik (1931-1939)". Diss., lmu, 2007. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bvb:19-84296.
Pełny tekst źródłaGeinitz, Frank Peter. "Die Falange Española und ihr Gründer José Antonio Primo de Rivera (1903-1936) : im Rahmen der Bewältigung der Vergangenheit der Zweiten Spanischen Republik (1931-1939)". kostenfrei, 2008. http://edoc.ub.uni-muenchen.de/8429/.
Pełny tekst źródłaGurciullo, Sebastian 1968. "Between art and philosophy : Adorno and Foucault as heirs and critics of Enlightenment". Monash University, School of Literary, Visual and Cultural Studies, 2000. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/7662.
Pełny tekst źródłaMoraes, Alex Barbosa de. "Rela??es morfol?gicas e morfom?tricas entre Litopenaeus vannamei (Boone, 1931) e Litopenaeus schmitti (Burkenroad, 1936) (Crustacea, Decapoda, Penaeidae) e suas implica??es sobre bioinvas?o, no litoral oriental do nordeste do Brasil". PROGRAMA DE P?S-GRADUA??O EM SISTEM?TICA E EVOLU??O, 2017. https://repositorio.ufrn.br/jspui/handle/123456789/23463.
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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Cient?fico e Tecnol?gico (CNPq)
O estado do Rio Grande do Norte concentra grande atividade pesqueira, assim como de produ??o de camar?es cultivados. A introdu??o de esp?cies al?ctones para o cultivo pode proporcionar a invas?o dessas esp?cies em ambientes aqu?ticos naturais e promover a perda de biodiversidade nativa. A problem?tica se torna mais cr?tica quando as esp?cies invasoras apresentam alta similaridade morfol?gica com esp?cies nativas, aumentando a susceptibilidade das popula??es naturais aos impactos promovidos pela invas?o de esp?cies n?o-nativas. Esta disserta??o prop?e comparar, morfologica e morfometricamente, o camar?o ex?tico Litopenaeus vannamei com a esp?cie nativa brasileira, L. schmitti, atrav?s de an?lises sobre morfologia externa dos caracteres sexuais secund?rios e varia??o de forma do cefalot?rax. A avalia??o morfol?gica evidenciou que os caracteres sexuais secund?rios apresentaram diferen?as discern?veis entre os est?gios ontogen?ticos intra e interespecificamente, tanto em machos quanto em f?meas. Al?m disso, o estudo sobre o crescimento do petasma em rela??o ao comprimento do cefalot?rax evidenciou que essas estruturas apresentam rela??es de crescimento distintas entre as esp?cies e entre os grupos ontogen?ticos. Existe tamb?m uma diferen?a bem marcada sobre o tamanho da primeira matura??o entre as duas esp?cies mas n?o entre os grupos de L. vannamei de natureza e de viveiro. J? na avalia??o da forma do cefalot?rax foi evidenciada uma distin??o morfol?gica entre as esp?cies, mostrando uma varia??o geom?trica significante entre o cefalot?rax da esp?cie nativa e a n?o nativa, por?m em abordagem intraespec?fica n?o foi poss?vel distinguir os esp?cimes de L. vannamei cultivados daqueles aclimatados ao ambiente natural.
Špíglová, Aneta. "Humor v tvorbě Ladislava Smoljaka". Master's thesis, Akademie múzických umění v Praze.Divadelní fakulta. Knihovna, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-202471.
Pełny tekst źródłaLove, Gary John. "Conservatives, national politics, and the challenge to democracy in Britain, 1931-37". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608983.
Pełny tekst źródłaBergès, Karine. "Pilar Primo de Rivera (1906-1991) : cause féminine, idéologie phalangiste, stratégies et enjeux politiques dans l'ombre du régime franquiste". Toulouse 2, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003TOU20053.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis thesis proposes an analysis of the career and ideology of Pilar Primo de Rivera, who was the only major female political figure under Franco's regime. By combining a chronological survey with a thematic perspective, five chapters address the following questions : her political education in the thirties and nomination as national delegate of the Women's Section, including the conflicts in order to extend her hegemony during the Civil War ; the devotion about her figure within the organization and the often conflictual relationships with political and ecclesiastical representatives of the regime ; the analysis of the politics she promoted at the light of her normative and conservative discourse ; the cult of José Antonio and her relationship with Francisco Franco ; her retirement from political office and the critical analysis of her memoirs. The study of those five axes allows us to outline a complex personality, whose way of life and discourses were full of paradoxes
Fernandez, José Antonio. "Cinéma et guerre civile au pays basque (1936-1939)". Nantes, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006NANT3041.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe doctoral thesis Cinema and the Spanish civil war in the Basque Country provides an analysis of all the films related to this conflict which have been produced throughout the last seventy years. The war that took place in the Basque lands had its own peculiarities which have been made visible in all the related cinema products. Franco’s propaganda was aggressive, full of rage, insulting. It was focused not only on the military victories of the fascists or the glorifying scenes about the Caudillo, but also on the humiliation of the enemies. The Basque nationalist propaganda appeared when the war was almost finished. The best documentary at this respect is Guernika (1937) carried out in Paris, which entailed a considerable effort to let the Europeans know about the nazi bombing of the Basque city. When war was over, the screens remained almost silent. Nevertheless, after Franco’s dictatorship they became fully recovered remembrances of the war, usually to link those experiences with the present. Thus, all films about the Spanish Civil War in the Basque Country are closely related to the times when they were filmed
Aouad, Lahrech Oumama. "La ville et le citadin dans le roman hispano-américain actuel". Paris 10, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1988PA100150.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe aim of this study is to elucidate the image of the present Hispanic American cities and the city dweller through the following novels: Mexico in la region mas transparente and cambio de piel, c. Fuentes; caracas in pais portatil, a. Gonzalez leon; a Columbian metropolis in al pie de la ciudad, M. Mejia Vallejo; Lima in la ciudad y los perros, M. Vargas Llosa, and un mundo para Julius, A. Bryce Echenique; and Buenos Aires both in adan buenosayres, L. Marechal, and sobre heroes y tumbas, E. Sabato. The work is divided into four parts: the geographic frame, the study of the society, the urban communication analysis and the exploration of the poetical narratives. The disorganized and contrasted urban landscapes reflect the innumerable problems of an uncontrolled urban growth. The analysis of the romantic urban society reveals a structure fundamentally tripartite and strongly graded: the floating middle-class mass wavers between the indecent wealth of the oligarchy and the extreme dearth of the people. Violence and indifference prevail in the coded, repressive and off-putting urban space. Some myths and symbols, the narratives baroque and glaring structures, their expressionist styles are the metaphoric expression of the alarming brutality of the urban reality
Taillot, Allison. "Les intellectuelles européennes et la guerre d’Espagne : de l’engagement personnel à la défense de la République espagnole". Thesis, Paris 10, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA100184/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaDuring the Spanish Civil War (1936-39), many European intellectuals took position supporting the Spanish Republic. So did women, who rallied to defend a regime whose 1931 Constitution had granted them voting rights. Thus sixteen women of letters got involved in one of the critical events of the 20th century, taking an active part in defending the Republican Government. Comparing these 8 Spanish women (Rosa Chacel, Ernestina de Champourcin, Carmen Conde, María Teresa León, Concha Méndez Cuesta, Margarita Nelken, Isabel Oyarzábal de Palencia et María Zambrano) and 8 foreigners (Valentine Ackland, Agnia Barto, Nancy Cunard, Clara Malraux, Anna Sehers, Sylvia Townsend Warner, Andrée Viollis, Simone Weil), the PhD dissertation aims to both cast light on these not very well-known women and their personal commitments and destinies, and provide new insight on the Civil War. Taking into account the early stages of their common commitment against fascism between 1936 and 1939, and analyzing their direct contribution to the war effort and their defense of culture, the dissertation aims to show that the Spanish Civil War gave these women the opportunity to assert themselves as women, as activists and as women of letters