Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „1807-1814”

Correction for ‘Development and characterisation of acoustofluidic devices using detachable electrodes made from PCB’ by Roman Mikhaylov et al., Lab Chip, 2020, 20, 1807–1814, DOI: 10.1039/C9LC01192G.

El sistema taxonómico trazado por E. Acharius fue introducido en España por M. Lagasca y S.R. Clemente. La recepción del "Methodus..." (1803) se efectuó con anterioridad Noviembre de 1806, a tenor de la correspondencia mantenida entre M. Lagasca y P. Lallave. La "Sinopsis..." (1814) fue utilizada con anterioridad a Junio de 1817, este texto fue distribuido por el algólogo sueco C.A. Agardh entre sus corresponsales A. Cabrera y F. Haenseler. E. Acharius recibió líquenes españoles, herborizados por M. Lagasca, L. Dufour y P.K.A. Schousboe, y ejemplares americanos, de A.J. Cavanilles y J. Dombey, con anterioridad a 1807. Los materiales del "Ensayo..." (1807) de S.R. Clemente fueron recibidos por E. Acharius entre 1809 y 1814. Se aportan los datos disponibles sobre la localización de los materiales citados por estos autores en sus trabajos liquenológicos.

Abstracttitle SUMMARY /title Two letters of Gianfrancesco Malfatti (1731-1807) are published. The first one is addressed to Cassini de Thury (1784), the second one to Vincenzo Monti (1806). These letters also regard other important figures of the eighteenth century in Ferrara and of the Napoleonic Period, such as the physician Giuseppe Antonio Testa (1756-1814) and Giovanni Battista Costabili Containi (1756-1841).

SUMMARY Samuel Linde (1771–1847), author of the first major monolingual dictionary of Polish, was a native speaker of German. This, together with the complex political situation in which his work originated and proceeded — in Leipzig, Warsaw and Vienna — led to many doubts not only as to the author’s linguistic competence, but also regarding his national allegiance and political sympathies, an aspect not unimportant in an era when Poland did not exist as an independent political entity. Despite all this, the finished 4-volume work (Warsaw, 1807–1814), whose compilation, production, content and structure are discussed in this paper, has proved to be of lasting importance for Slavic lexicography.RÉSUMÉ Samuel Linde (1771–1847), auteur du premier grand dictionnaire polonais monolingue, avait pour langue maternelle l’allemand. Ce fait, ainsi que le contexte politique tortueux entourant son travail (à Leipzig, à Varsovie et à Vienne), a semee bien des doutes, non seulement quant à son sentiment d’appartenance nationale et politique. Cet aspect des choses n’était pas sans importance à une époque où la Pologne n’existait pas en tant qu’entité politique indépendante. Malgré tout, cet ouvrage complété en 4 volumes (Varsovie, 1807–1814), dont la rédaction, la production, le contenu et la structure sont traités dans le présent article, s’est avéré être un ouvrage d’une importance durable dans le domaine de la lexicographie slave.ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Samuel Linde (1771–1847), Autor des ersten umfangreichen einsprachigen Wörterbuchs des Polnischen, hatte Deutsch als Muttersprache. Dieser Umstand und die komplexen politischen Umstände, unter denen sein Werk seinen Ursprung nahm und ausgeführt wurde — in Leipzig, Warschau und Wien — führte nicht nur zu Zweifel bezüglich der sprachlichen Kompetenz des Gelehrten, sondern auch bezüglich seiner nationalen Verbundenheit und politischen Sympathien, alle keineswegs unbedeutende Gesichtspunkte in einer Zeit, während der Polen nicht als ein eigener, unabhängiger Staat existierte. Trotz all dieser Widrigkeiten gelang es Linde, sein 4-bändiges Werk abzuschließen (Warschau, 1807–1814), dessen Zusammenstellung, Herstellung, Inhalt und Struktur im vorliegenden Aufsatz diskutiert werden. Es erwies als ein Werk von anhaltender Bedeutung für die slavische Lexikographie.

W artykule zaprezentowano działania armii francuskiej na obszarze Dolnego Śląska, które wydarzyły się w latach 1806-1814. Omówiono poszczególne wydarzenia, łącznie z najważniejszymi bitwami i oblężeniami. Przedstawiono także skutki zawarcia traktatu pokojowego w Tylży oraz sytuację w rejonie, w okresie pomiędzy kampaniami. Na końcu tekstu opisano skutki wojen oraz postanowienia Kongresu Wiedeńskiego dotyczące Dolnego Śląska.

Das seit 1807 bei Cotta in Stuttgart täglich erscheinende Morgenblatt für gebildete Stände mauserte sich innerhalb weniger Jahre zu einem der wichtigsten literarischen und kulturellen Informationsblätter in Südwestdeutschland. Es legte seinen Schwerpunkt auf die Veröffentlichung von Lyrik, mehrteiligen Fortsetzungsgeschichten, Rezensionen, Kulturnachrichten und Korrespondentenberichte aus großen europäischen Städten. In diesem Aufsatz nun stehen die Korrespondentenberichte aus Wien 1814/1815 im Mittelpunkt. Da das Blatt angetreten war, „mit Ausnahme jedes politischen Gegenstandes Alles [zu] umfassen“, wird zu fragen sein, welche Inhalte unter „Alles“ gefasst worden sind und ob man der Absicht, eben keine politischen Inhalte zu transportieren, in der Berichterstattung treu blieb. Dabei werden die Arbeit der Redaktion, zu der neben Johann Friedrich Haug und Friedrich Rückert auch Therese Huber Heyne gehörte, und die internen Funktionsweisen ausgeleuchtet werden. Der Aufsatz versteht sich also als ein Beitrag zur Netzwerks-und Transferforschung in der Übermittlung kultureller Nachrichten wie ein Einblick in die Rezeptionsgeschichte und Themenauswahl für den Wiener Kongress 1814 und 1815.

Pochodzący z osiadłej w Toruniu szwedzkiej rodziny Samuel Bogumił Linde (1771-1847) jest znany przede wszystkim jako twórca sześciotomowego Słownika języka polskiego, opublikowanego po raz pierwszy w latach 1807-1814. Linde uczył się najpierw w Toruniu, następnie studiował od 1789 r.w Lipsku, szczególnie interesując się językoznawstwem, uzyskując z czasem stanowisko lektora języka polskiego na Uniwersytecie Lipskim. W czasie studiów, a także w efekcie kontaktów z polską emigracją polityczną po klęsce w wojnie polsko-rosyjskiej w 1792 r., zrodziła się idea opracowania słownika języka polskiego. W zasadniczej części została ona zrealizowana podczas dziewięcioletniej pracy w Wiedniu w charakterze bibliotekarza w prywatnej bibliotece Józefa Maksymiliana Ossolińskiego (późniejszej Bibliotece Ossolineum).

Summary Samuel Linde (1771–1847), author of the first major monolingual dictionary of Polish, was a native speaker of German. This, together with the complex political situation in which his work originated and proceeded – in Leipzig, Warsaw and Vienna – led to many doubts not only as to the author’s linguistic competence, but also regarding his national allegiance and political sympathies, an aspect not unimportant in an era when Poland did not exist as an independent political entity. Despite all this, the finished 4-volume work (Warsaw, 1807–1814), whose compilation, production, content and structure are discussed in this paper, has proved to be of lasting importance for Slavic lexicography.

Grundtvig’s Position in Early Danish NationalismBy Lorenz RerupThe article deals with Grundtvig’s important position in Early Danish nationalism, i.e., in the decades from about 1800 to 1830. The background is the Danish Monarchy from the prosperous years at the turn of the century to the disastrous war 1807-1814, the loss of Norway in 1814, and the following needy postwar time. After 1814 the Danish Monarchy consisted of the Kingdom of Denmark, the Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein, the North-Atlantic Islands (the Faeroes and Greenland) and some minor colonies. The ideology which integrated the higher ranks of these heterogeneous ethnic groups of the Monarchy into one society was a patriotism underlining peace and order in the realm, the importance of just government and - before 1807 - the protection provided by the Danish navy.The patriotism of the Monarchy was compatible with various feelings of identity which bred in different parts of it from about 1750. The Danes, living in an old kingdom, equipped with a written language, with a complete educational system, and with a history of their own, of course, had a feeling of a Danish identiy, as the German speaking population of the Duchies had a corresponding feeling of an identity of their own. Clashes of these different identities might happen but were not connected with political ideas. The state was run by the king, not by the people, and a public opinion about politics was not allowed - and was almost non-existent - before the announcement of the Advisory Estates Assemblies in 1831. Now nationalism spread and soon undermined the supranational Monarchy, which finally disintegrated in 1864.However, in the first decades of the 18th century and influenced by the ideas of Romanticism a few poets, first of all Grundtvig, developed a literary national movement without political aims. In the writings of these poets the Danes - the whole people - have a real chance to make history if they abandon their superficial life and revive the virtues and piety of the great periods in Danish history. Like political nationalists these poets propagate this kind of revival. Their attempt failed. People were still divided into a ’high’ and a ’broad’ culture and some decades had to pass until the latter one felt the need of an ideology in order to be integrated into society. Nevertheless, Grundtvig seems to be a kind of link between the patriotic ideology of the 18th and the political nationalism of the 19th century.

As rebeliões escravas que ocorreram na Bahia na primeira metade do século XIX tiveram significativa participação de africanos escravizados trazidos do Sudão Central, região que desde o começo do Oitocentos se tornara cenário de conflitos políticos de base religiosa, iniciados com o jihad de 1804 liderado por Usuman dan Fodio. Milhares de vítimas dessas guerras abasteceram embarcações negreiras que deixavam a Costa da Mina com destino à Bahia. Foram africanos trazidos dessa região, sobretudo haussás adeptos de vários tipos de devoção islâmica, os protagonistas de diversas conspirações e revoltas entre 1807 e 1816, a mais séria das quais aconteceu em fevereiro de 1814, e envolveu escravos de Salvador e subúrbios litorâneos. Esta revolta é aqui analisada com base no acórdão de sentença dos réus e outros documentos. O artigo discute o papel da religião (Islã), da identidade étnica (haussá) e de outras experiências africanas em ambos os lados do Atlântico, quanto a liderança, organização, mobilização, táticas e objetivos da revolta.

Dänemark nach dem Wiener Kongress : ein kleines und armes Land. Seit 1807 war die dänische Monarchie einer der Alliierten Frankreichs und wurde durch Napoleons Niederlage zu einem der großen Verlierer des Krieges. Die Folge davon war nicht nur der finanzielle Bankrott des Jahres 1813, sondern auch der Verlust des norwegischen Königreichs, das seit 1380 in Personal-Union mit Dänemark existiert hatte. Mit dem Frieden von Kiel (4. Januar 1814) ging das Königreich Norwegen an Schweden über. Der Wiener Kongress änderte an dieser Tatsache so gut wie nichts. Von einer mittelgroßen Macht in Europa sank Dänemark zu einem kleinen und armen Land herab, wie ein dänischer Dichter 1820 schrieb. Welche politischen, nationalen, ideologischen, sozialen und kulturellen Auswirkungen hatte dieses Missgeschick auf das Schicksal Dänemarks ? Die Auswirkungen dieser politischen Situation eines schwachen Dänemarks wurden von der dänischen Historiographie auf die nationale Geschichte rückprojiziert, die aus Dänemark ein seit jeher schwaches und von den anderen, aggressiven Nachbarstaaten bedrohtes Land machte. Die Situation Dänemarks als mittelgroßer Staat, doch wichtiges Land sowohl in Skandinavien und Norddeutschland, als auch an der Ostsee und im Nord-Atlantik vor 1814 wurde aus der dänischen Historiographie hinausradiert, damit sich dieses neue Narrative mit der neuen Lage abfinden konnte. Diese Tendenz hat sich so gut wie unverändert bis heute erhalten.

Deze bijdrage handelt over Bernard Van Wambeke, een uitzonderlijk man met een bewogen levensloop en carrière in een zeer woelig tijdsbestek. Tijdens zijn eerste dertig levensjaren stonden de Belgische gewesten onder Oostenrijks bestuur. Van 1795 tot 1813 waren zij een onderdeel van de Franse republiek en het Franse keizerrijk. Vanaf 1814 tot 1830 leefde Van Wambeke in het Verenigd Koninkrijk der Nederlanden onder het bewind van Koning Willem I. In het najaar van 1830 maakte Van Wambeke de Belgische revolutie mee om van 1831 tot zijn dood in een onafhankelijk België te leven. Bernard Van Wambeke, geboren te Aalst op 18 augustus 1764 en overleden te Gent op 8 januari 1841, was advocaat, politicus, hypotheekbewaarder in Gent (1796-1799), directeur-generaal van de belastingen, lid van het corps législatif (1803-1807), magistraat en professor. Hij was een notabele van het eerste Franse keizerrijk.

Deze bijdrage handelt over Bernard Van Wambeke, een uitzonderlijk man met een bewogen levensloop en carrière in een zeer woelig tijdsbestek. Tijdens zijn eerste dertig levensjaren stonden de Belgische gewesten onder Oostenrijks bestuur. Van 1795 tot 1813 waren zij een onderdeel van de Franse republiek en het Franse keizerrijk. Vanaf 1814 tot 1830 leefde Van Wambeke in het Verenigd Koninkrijk der Nederlanden onder het bewind van Koning Willem I. In het najaar van 1830 maakte Van Wambeke de Belgische revolutie mee om van 1831 tot zijn dood in een onafhankelijk België te leven. Bernard Van Wambeke, geboren te Aalst op 18 augustus 1764 en overleden te Gent op 8 januari 1841, was advocaat, politicus, hypotheekbewaarder in Gent (1796-1799), directeur-generaal van de belastingen, lid van het corps législatif (1803-1807), magistraat en professor. Hij was een notabele van het eerste Franse keizerrijk.

Geophilus Gistel, 1834 (Insecta: Coleoptera: Scarabaeidae: Aphodiinae) is invalid being a junior homonym of Geophilus Leach, 1814 (Myriapoda: Chilopoda: Geophilomorpha: Geophilidae) and of Geophilus Schönherr, 1823 (Insecta: Coleoptera: Curculionidae). Scarabaeus asper Fabricius, 1775 was recently designated as type species of Geophilus Gistel, 1834, making Geophilus a junior synonym of Psammodius Fallén, 1807 (Insecta: Coleoptera: Scarabaeidae: Aphodiinae: Psammodiini: Psammodiina). However, there is clear evidence that Scarabaeus asper Fabricius, 1775 sensu Gistel, 1834 is Ptinus germanus Linnaeus, 1767, currently Rhyssemus germanus (Linnaeus, 1767) (Insecta: Coleoptera: Scarabaeidae: Aphodiinae: Psammodiini: Rhyssemina). To resolve this issue, the type species of Geophilus Gistel, 1834 is here fixed (under Article 70.3.2 of the International Code of Zoological Nomenclature) as Ptinus germanus Linnaeus, 1767, misidentified as Scarabaeus asper Fabricius, 1775 in the original paper. Scarabaeus asper Fabricius, 1775 sensu Mulsant, 1842 (= Ptinus germanus Linnaeus, 1767) is the type species of Rhyssemus Mulsant, 1842, therefore Rhyssemus Mulsant, 1842 is a junior synonym of Geophilus Gistel, 1834 (new synonymy). Although it has priority, Geophilus Gistel, 1834 is a junior homonym and therefore invalid, so Rhyssemus Mulsant, 1842 remains the valid name of this taxon.

Entre 1807 et 1811 le Portugal fut trois fois envahi par les armées de Napoléon, mais le départ de la famille royale pour le Brésil réussit à maintenir la souveraineté du pays. Avec l’aide de l’armée anglaise, commandée par le duc de Wellington, les Portugais réussirent à ne pas permettre le contrôle total du territoire métropolitain par les troupes napoléoniennes et ont même participé à l’invasion de la France, en 1814. De ce fait, et même contre la volonté anglaise, le Portugal, qui fut un des signataires du traité de Paris, fut présent au congrès de Vienne. Curieusement le pays, qui était considéré comme une petite puissance, et avec le siège du gouvernement à Rio de Janeiro, envoya trois représentants à cette réunion internationale, ce qui pour Talleyrand fut d’une très grande utilité, car cela l’aida à renforcer les positions françaises dans les négociations. À Vienne, le Portugal voulait surtout discuter quatre problèmes : la frontière nord du Brésil avec la Guyane, la non-abolition de la traite des esclaves, la dévolution par l’Espagne du village d’Olivença, occupé en 1801, et l’annulation du traité anglo-portugais de 1810.

The article presents the rules of appeal proceedings in civil and criminal cases in the Napoleonic Free City of Danzig. The appeals took place before the Revision Commissions which were appointed for civil cases in October 1809 a nd for criminal cases in February 1810. Furthermore, the paper delineates their organizational structure as well as the method of making the final decision (rejecting or accepting the Commission’s decision). The contents of this article were based on the rules and regulations which governed the Commissions which hitherto were not used in research. Moreover, the judiciary and the appeals systems were described in the projects of the constitution of the Free City of Danzig (Danzig Senate from 1807, a project by the mayor of Danzig – Gottlieb Hufeland, as well as a project by the French resident Nicolas Massias). However, these plans were not introduced but they were substituted by the rules and regulations of the Revision Commissions. This serves as an illustration of the French influence on the law in Danzig in the Napoleonic era of the Free City. Also the appeal process in the Napoleonic Free City of Danzig was presented against the backdrop of the general history of appeals in the course of legal cases before the judiciary in Danzig. This facilitates the observation of the changes which took place in the course of legal cases throughout history. In particular, it helps in the observations made at the turn of the 18th century as it was the period when the law transformed from Feudalism to Bourgeoisie.

Jane Austen, Clifford Siskin once proposed, was for a long time the sole exception to the ‘Great Forgetting’: the only female author from a period when women in fact dominated the literary marketplace whom English-language readers still remembered a century later. The better to recover Austen’s own thinking about the memorability and durability of female achievement, this article puts Austen’s third novel, Mansfield Park (1814) into conversation with the Swiss-French novelist Germaine de Staël’s Corinne, or Italy (1807). It traces Austen’s response to Stael’s influential storyline of female genius, as well as the allusions to the English tragedienne Sarah Siddons that form another link between the two novels. In Staël’s story of a brilliant but doomed improvisatrice, the glamour of the female genius is associated, poignantly, with a vocality that eludes archiving in written marks or signs. Yet the premise that what the woman of genius says, goes, and that her words are fated to vanish into thin air, also becomes within Corinne the foundation for Stael’s investigation of cultural transmission and of the limitations of written forms as archives of transient aural experiences. With its commentaries on performance, memory, and ephemerality, Mansfield Park continues this project of media theory.

La carrière du général Clarke, nommé ministre de la Guerre en août 1807, illustre particulièrement bien la montée en puissance des grands commis au moment où le grand Empire connaît son apogée. Le ministère de Clarke vit cependant au rythme des crises qui résultent des campagnes de plus en plus difficiles que doit mener l’empereur. Celui-ci conserve à tout instant la haute main sur les affaires militaires et délègue à son ministre des pouvoirs restreints, quand il ne le charge pas de tâches plus ingrates, comme la gestion quotidienne de la campagne d’Espagne dont Napoléon s’est progressivement détaché. L’organisation du ministère évolue lentement au cours de ces sept années bien chargées, conservant un aspect proche des bureaux de l’Ancien Régime. Le ministre est obligé, néanmoins, d’adapter les structures aux besoins les plus urgents, créant des directions supplémentaires. Les réformes, cependant, se font attendre tout comme la résolution des problèmes stratégiques apparus sur les champs de bataille, de Baylen à Walcheren, en passant par le royaume de Naples. Cette longue période se conclut en 1814 dans l’impuissance la plus flagrante, malgré le sursaut d’énergie de Clarke pour resserrer les cadres. Son action à la tête des services de la Guerre en font pourtant un personnage incontournable : Louis XVIII ne s’y trompe pas en lui redonnant le portefeuille dès 1815.

El Colegio y Universidad de Sancti Spiritus de Oñati, fundada por el Obispo de Ávila Don Rodrigo Mercado de Zuázola en su pueblo natal a semejanza y con las mismas atribuciones que las Universidades mayores de Salamanca, París, Bolonia, Valladolid y Alcalá y otros Colegios y Universidades de Estudios Generales del reino, inició su andadura en 1542 con el objetivo de formar en Teología, Derecho Civil y Canónico a los jóvenes de las tres provincias vascas, Navarra y los territorios periféricos.Organizado sobre unas constituciones elaboradas siguiendo el modelo de las existentes en el Colegio salmantino y en el de Santa Cruz de Valladolid, su normativa se completó con los estatutos otorgados por los Visitadores reales Doctor Hernán Suárez de Toledo en 1569 (quien independizó a la Universidad del Colegio) y Licenciado Don Diego de Arellano Zapata (quien reformó el Colegio y sistematizó la normativa existente, prohibiendo la creación de disposiciones posteriores que la contradijeran). A lo largo de sus más de 350 años vivió los cambios políticos y económicos de su tiempo, pudo mantenerse con el apoyo económico de la propia villa de Oñati y de las tres Diputaciones Vascas, fue suprimida en 1807 y restablecida en 1814, debiendo adaptarse a los cambios que trajo a la Universidad Española el siglo xix hasta el cierre definitivo de sus puertas en 1901.

The biography of Fyodor Petrovich (Ivanovich) Haaz (Friedrich Joseph Laurentius Haass) (1780 - 1853) - Moscow doctor (1806 - 1853), a German origin, scientist, public health administrator, an outstanding humanist doctor of the first half of the 19th century, a philanthropist, known as the "Holy doctor", is showed in the article. Court Advisor (1811), College Counselor (1826), Knight of the Order of St. Vladimir of the fourth degree (1811), Order of St. Anna of the 2nd degree (181?) of The Russian Impire. A doctor in the army during the Patriotic War of 1812 (from January 1814), head physician of the Moscow Pavlovsk Hospital (1807-1812, 1814-1825), Head of the Moscow Medical Office (1825-1826), one of the founders of the Moscow Eye Hospital (1826), a member of the Moscow Prison Committee and the head doctor of Moscow prisons (1826-1853), the head doctor of the Moscow Catherine Hospital (1840-1844), the founder and head doctor of the Moscow Police (later - Alexander) hospital, popularly called the "Haaz" (1844- 1853). One of the founders of Russian balneology and balneology, who made a great contribution to the development of climatology and meteorology, pioneer in the resorts in the North Caucasus (1809-1810). The creator of lightweight individual shackles, he achieved their introduction at the exile stages to replace the riveting to a common rod for 6-12 convicted. The development of deontology in the 19th century, a science that studies the ethical standards and principles of a doctor’s behavior, as well as certain responsibilities towards the patient, is inextricably linked to the name of Dr. F.P. Haaz [F. Haass]. The life and work of this outstanding humanist physician is a wonderful example of high morality in the fulfillment of his professional duties and genuine nobility in serving the sick and suffering people. The motto of Dr. Haass’ life and professional work was borrowed from the Apostle Paul: “Hurry to do good” (in Galatians (6: 9-10) and in the second letter to The Thessalonians (3:13)). At present, the process of beatification has begun - the canonical process of classifying F. Haass as a blessed Catholic church.

Although the Russian Enlightenment occupies an important place in the intel­lectual tradition of Russia, some of its periods and key representatives continue escaping the attention of scholars. One such example is the figure of Alexander Vasilyevich Golovnin, Minister of Public Education (1861–1866) during the reign of Alexander II. A liberal in his political views and a thinker of the En­lightenment in his frame of mind, Golovnin acted as one of the initiators and the main executors of the broad educational reforms of the 1860s. The central element of these reforms was the reform of university education, enshrined in the University Charter of 1863. The reform project itself partly followed the model of the “classical” university proposed at the beginning of the 19th cen­tury by Wilhelm von Humboldt and implemented by him by establishing the Uni­versity in Berlin (1810). The article discusses the key points of Golovnin’s university reform and shows its connection with the Humboldt model of the uni­versity, which, in its main principles, reflects the ideals and values of the Ger­man neohumanism of the 19th century with its focus on the formation (Bildung) of the individual. It is noteworthy that the same Bildung ideal, which appeared as the conceptual paradigm of the Prussian reforms of secondary and higher ed­ucation in 1807–1814 also turns out to be the defining principle of Golovnin’s educational reforms, thereby confirming adherence of the Russian reforms to the goals of the Enlightenment.

In November 1807, Napoleon Bonaparte's troops were about to invade Portugal. To escape, the Queen of Portugal, Maria I, her son, future King Juan VI, Prince Regent at the time, as well as civilians and military men, had to embark and move to Brazil urgently. The transfer of the Portuguese court to Brazil transformed the then colony of Portugal into the seat of the Portuguese monarchy, giving the country a significant role in the economic, social, and political issues of the Portuguese Empire, between 1808 and 1821. Among the changes made by the Portuguese Crown in Brazil in the process of reorganization of the State apparatus, we highlight the creation of the Royal Treasury, similar to the one existing in Lisbon since 1761, which was responsible for the collection and accounting entries of the income generated throughout the Portuguese domain. This paper examines the balance sheets of the ledger book of the 2nd Royal Treasury General Accountancy from 1814 to 1820, based on historical and documentary research conducted in the collections of the Brazilian National Archive. The purpose of this study is to analyze the quality of the accounting information recorded in the annual balance sheets, comparing it across different periods and determining its functionality as a tax control tool. The paper contributes to the literature with information on this special historical period in which Rio de Janeiro provisionally became the capital of the Portuguese Kingdom, maintaining a vital role in the political, economic, and social context of the time. The results of the study enable us to infer the economic conception of fiscal control that the Royal Treasury exercised in its administrative and accounting organization, showing the role played by accounting in the management of the Portuguese Royal House, given that accounting records reveal the ascendancy of the environment over accounting and the influence of accounting on the environment.

The paper examines practices of collecting donations by district towns merchants for the 1806–1807 “zemskoe voisko” (militia) and the People’s militia of 1812. Up to this day the researchers highlight merchants’ role for the organization of militias less than that of the nobility. That said only total amounts of merchants’ donations in 1812 are now available, while raising money for the first militia remains a virtually unexplored field. The paper deals with specific practices and traditions within communities that determined the collection of money and material donations. Given study fills the gap in our understanding of the role of Russian citizenry in creating militias. The author addresses three district towns of the St. Petersburg`s province with different economic background: Novaya Ladoga, Gdov, and Sofia (Tsarskoe Selo). All merchant communities adhered to same principles at the very stage of raising funds for the first militia. They formed a community donation, for which participation was mandatory. The amount of the community donation was most usually set by the town elite. The donation was split equally to be raised from each male soul. But in all communities’ urban elite families contributed additionally, with money or material donations, and their share was significant. Seeing that the total amount of donations in 1807 frequently equalled that of 1812, and sometimes was even more, the role of the first militia for the Russian society deserves reassessment. 1807–1812 saw merchants position worsened due to the increase of taxes. The town elite suffered significantly, which caused problems when collecting donations in 1812: a study of lifepaths of merchants elite families shows that many important donators had to register to “meshchane” (petty bourgeoisie).

Engelke, Keith A., John R. Halliwill, David N. Proctor, Niki M. Dietz, and Michael J. Joyner. Contribution of nitric oxide and prostaglandins to reactive hyperemia in the human forearm. J. Appl. Physiol. 81(4): 1807–1814, 1996.—We investigated the separate and combined contributions of nitric oxide (NO) and vasodilating prostaglandins as mediators of reactive hyperemia in the human forearm. Forearm blood flow (FBF) was measured with venous occlusion plethysmography after 5 min of ischemia. In one protocol ( n = 12), measurements were made before and after intra-arterial administration of the NO synthase inhibitor N G-monomethyl-l-arginine (l-NMMA) to one forearm. In a separate protocol ( n = 7), measurements were made before and after systemic administration of the cyclooxygenase inhibitor ibuprofen and again afterl-NMMA.l-NMMA reduced baseline FBF at rest (2.7 ± 0.4 to 1.6 ± 0.2 ml ⋅ 100 ml−1 ⋅ min−1; P < 0.05) and had a modest effect on peak forearm vascular conductance and flow (forearm vascular conductance = 31.1 ± 3.1 vs. 25.7 ± 2.5 ml ⋅ min−1 ⋅ 100 ml forearm−1 ⋅ 100 mmHg of perfusion pressure−1 ⋅ min−1, P < 0.05; FBF = 26.6 ± 2.9 vs. 22.8 ± 2.6 ml ⋅ 100 ml−1 ⋅ min−1, P = 0.055). Total excess flow above baseline during reactive hyperemia was unaffected byl-NMMA (14.3 ± 3.0 vs. 13.1 ± 2.3 ml/100 ml; P < 0.05). Ibuprofen did not change FBF at rest, reduced peak FBF from 27.6 ± 1.9 to 20.3 ± 2.7 ml ⋅ 100 ml−1 ⋅ min−1( P < 0.05), but had no effect on total excess flow above baseline. Infusion ofl-NMMA after ibuprofen reduced FBF at rest by 40%, had no effect on peak flow, but reduced total excess flow above baseline from 12.0 ± 2.5 to 7.6 ± 1.3 ml/100 ml ( P < 0.05). These data demonstrate that NO synthase inhibition has a modest effect on peak vasodilation during reactive hyperemia but plays a minimal role later. Prostaglandins appear to be important determinants of peak flow. The effects of NO synthase inhibition during reactive hyperemia may also be potentiated by concurrent cyclooxygenase inhibition.

Introduction. After becoming emperor of France in 1804, Napoleon Bonaparte had to solve an extremely difficult geopolitical situation: the old European monarchies were in no hurry to recognize the legitimacy of the newly-made emperor’s power, so France had to act not only by force of arms, but also by demonstrating the effectiveness of the new order by creating model states located in Germany and becoming a showcase. One of these model states was the Grand Duchy of Berg, formed on the territory of the former duchies of Cleves and Berg in 1806. Napoleon sends his officials to the young duchy, actively carries out reforms for the development of the economy, the social sphere, as well as reforms of the army. Materials and methods. Newly formed military contingents recruited on the territory of the states were to take part in the conflicts of the first quarter of the XIX century, and the Grand Duchy of Berg was no exception. Analysis. The article considers the reflection of the participation of the Berg infantry in the Napoleonic Wars from 1807 to 1814 on the pages of the field diary of sergeant and then lieutenant of the 1st Infantry Regiment of the Grand Duchy of Berg P. Zimmermann. Attention is focused on the perception of Spaniards and Russians by German soldiers, on the image of the war as a whole based on the diary mentioned above. The images drawn by Zimmermann are ambivalent at first: he pays tribute to the courage, perseverance and patriotism of the Guerilliers, complains about cruelty and excesses, condemns looting by soldiers of allied units. Result. The tragic fate of the Berg contingent in Russia leads the author of the diary to speculate about good and evil, about combat brotherhood, about the senselessness of losses, the brutality of the Cossacks, the ingratitude of German civil officials. But the leitmotif of the whole narrative is the glorification of the honor of Berg’s soldiers and officers, who did not lose their dignity in the most dangerous and difficult situations.

The article examines the features of the Russian conservatism in the period of its emergence in the fi rst quarter of the 19th century. The specifi c character of the Russian conservatism lay in the fact that it had been conceived as a reaction to the radical westernization. The manifestations and main symbols of this process in the 17th — early 19th centuries included the reforms of Peter The Great and the extreme (for the time) liberalism of Alexander I, which had provoked the opposition on the part of the conservative-minded nobility. The project of constitutional reforms associated with in the name of M. M. Speransky was of particular importance. The list also included Gallomania, the form of Westernism among the Russian nobility; Napoleonic aggression against the Russian Empire, the Treaty of Tilsit 1807 and the Patriotic War of 1812, as well as an attempt to create a so-called “all-Christian state” in the spirit of the declarations of the Holy Alliance, which from 1817 to 1824 had actually served to deprive the Orthodox Church of the dominant status. Not without reason, Russian conservatives perceived these phenomena and events as a threat that might lead to the destruction of all the fundamental foundations of the traditional society: autocratic power, the Orthodox Church and religion, the Russian language, national traditions, class society boundaries, patriarchal life, etc. The unprecedented nature of the challenge generated a conservative response designed to protect the fundamental traditional values. The main axioms of the emerging Russian conservatism were formulated as a result of confl icts with representatives of the Russian liberal Westernism. These deemed the imitation of revolutionary and liberal Western European models inadmissible, and proclaimed the need to rely on one’s own traditions (linguistic, religious, political, cultural, domestic) and such values as patriotism, including the cultivation of national feelings and devotion to the autocratic monarchy. Having blocked the constitutional project by M. M. Speransky, conservatives played a huge role as ideologists and military statesmen in the events of 1812–1814, had a signifi cant impact on the formation of the university education system, and actually achieved the rejection of the ecumenical experiment in 1824, which would de facto deprive the Orthodox Church of its dominant status. During the struggle of the “Orthodox opposition” against Western European mysticism and Freemasonry, the system of Orthodox values had a signifi cant impact on the formation of the Russian conservatism. The greatest role in the formation and development of the Russian conservatism in the fi rst quarter of the 19th century was played by such fi gures as A. S. Shishkov, F. V. Rostopchin, Grand Duchess Ekaterina Pavlovna, A. А. Arakcheev, M. L. Magnitsky, A. S. Sturdza and Archimandrite Photius (Spassky). The central fi gure of the Russian conservatism was N.M. Karamzin.

The paper presents the results of a study of the impact of large-scale historical events on significant changes in the legal field. Today, an event of such a scale is the war waged by the Russian Federation against Ukraine, which, after the undoubted defeat of the Russian Federation in many spheres, will have significant consequences, including in the legal sphere. The war in Ukraine has all the signs of an event of aglobal scale. Socio-political events in the turning points of history are at the same timethe source of development in the legal sphere. This trend can be observed at almost all historical stages, and therefore research in this direction is an urgent problem. The purpose of the paper is to study the impact of significant events in certain turning points in Modern and Recent history that took place on the European continent, which were the origin of changes in the legal sphere and had a long-term eff ect. Sinceit is currently impossible to predict exactly what changes will occur after the defeat of the Russian Federation, which legal institutions and in what direction they will apply, what consequences such changes will lead to in interstate relations and within the country, the above consideration is limited only to some historical events, which can be considered as an example of the origins of significant changes in the legal sphere of a doctrinal nature. The socio-political events in Europe in the XVII centuries, the results of the Thirty Years' War and the significance of the Peace of Westphalia in 1648 in terms of influencing the development of legal doctrine of New history is analyzed. Thirty Years 'War in Europe in the XVII century ended with the signing in 1648 at the same time in Münster and Osnabrück peace treaty, which was called the Peace of Westphalia in1648. It is emphasized that the Peace of Westphalia contains a number of provisions of a doctrinal nature. This treaty was the source of modern international law and had along-term impact on the development of relations between states. Large-scale historical events of the late 18th - early 19th centuries in Europe are undoubtedly associated with France. This is the Great French Revolution of 1789-1794, this is also the period of the Napoleonic Wars, finally, this includes the Vienna Congress of 1814-1815, at which, after the defeat of Napoleonic France, the winners under the slogan of returning to the continent of peace and tranquility and the desire to restore monarchies redrawn the continental political map of Europe. The lawmaking activity of Napoleon is noted, on whose initiative and under his leadership alarge volume of codification works was carried out. Civil (1804), Commercial (1807), Criminal Procedure (1808) and Criminal (1810) codes were adopted. It is noted that French civil law and the principles implemented by it significantly influenced civil-lawrelations in Europe. In modern history during the 20th century events took place, the result of which were changes aimed at preventing the horrors of the First and Second World Wars in the future. But the creation of the relevant institutions, organizations, legal framework and other factors was not enough to prevent the threat of a new world conflict, to guarantee danger not only for Ukraine, but also for the whole world. In the light of the events in Ukraine, based on historical analogies, a conclusion is made about the expectation of significant changes in the legal sphere for future security in the world and in our country. Key words: Aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, origins of law,historical analogies, Peace of Westphalia, French Civil Code.

The source material for the history of Catholic missionary activities in the Dutch colonies during the last century is hardly available in much abundance in the mother country. The Dutch archivist and bibliographer, Marius Roessingh, had to make do in his U.N.E.S.C.O. archival guide on Netherlandish Latin American materials with a “memorandum,” in which he signalled utility of the Vatican archives. Another author in the same series, Frits Jaquet, in his second volume on Asia and Oceania, could be more explicit: he pointed to the materials kept in the state archives at Utrecht, in the Catholic Documentation Centre at Nijmegen University, and in various ecclesiastical archives. In nearly all cases, his emphasis falls within the first half of the 20th century. Such is also true with the detailed survey of materials available in the Catholic Documentation Centre that was featured two years ago in Itinerario, with only one important exception: the archive of the apostolic prefecture, later Apostolic Vicarate of Batavia (1807–1949, on microfiche), that obviously forms an essential source for the mission history of the Netherlands Indies.

La historiografía reciente sobre las ultimas décadas del Imperio español ha incidido cada vez más sobre aquellos aspectos de la política peninsular que pudieron haber contribuido a la pérdida de las colonias. La primera aportación importante en este campo apareció en la obra de Josep Fontana sobre la quiebra del Antiguo Régimen español en los años 1814–1820. Fontana mostró que la crisis económica de estos años puso al descubierto una contradicción insoluble entre la necesidad de modernizar la hacienda y la imposibilidad de efectuar reformas sustanciales dentro del marco institucional del Estado absoluto. El colapso de las rentas de aduanas y de los caudales de Indias obligó a depender de unos ingresos ordinarios reducidos a la mitad tras la guerra de la Independencia, y cuya insuficiencia no podía subsanarse ya con el agotado crédito público. No es de extrañar que, en estas circunstancias, la recuperatión de los ingresos coloniales aplastando los movimientos de secesión se planteara como la única alternativa viable a la modernizatión de la hacienda. Mientras tanto, los tímidos intentos de reforma fiscal en España fracasaron ante la oposición de los estamentos privilegiados, y el resultado hubo de ser la bancarrota del Estado y un aumento de la presión tributaria sobre el resto del país. El modelo de Fontana, apoyado como estaba en un triple análisis de la coyuntura economica, de la crisis fiscal y de sus mediaciones sociopolíticas, contenía ya los fundamentos para una interpretación global de la actuación española frente a las colonias en un marco temporal mucho más amplio.

AbstractAry Scheffer (1795-1858) is so generally included in the French School (Note 2)- unsurprisingly, since his career was confined almost entirely to Paris - that the fact that he was born and partly trained in the Netherlands is often overlooked. Yet throughout his life he kept in touch with Dutch colleagues and drew part of his inspiration from Dutch traditions. These Dutch aspects are the subject of this article. The Amsterdam City Academy, 1806-9 Ary Scheffer was enrolled at the Amsterdam Academy on 25 October 1806, his parents falsifying his date of birth in order to get him admitted at the age of eleven (fifteen was the oficial age) . He started in the third class and in order to qualify for the second he had to be one of the winners in the prize drawing contest. Candidates in this were required to submit six drawings made during the months January to March. Although no-one was supposed to enter until he had been at the Academy for four years, Ary Scheffer competed in both 1808 and 1809. Some of his signed drawings are preserved in Dordrecht. (Figs. 1-5 and 7), along with others not made for the contest. These last in particular are interesting not only because they reveal his first prowess, but also because they give some idea of the Academy practice of his day. Although the training at the Academy broadly followed the same lines as that customary in France, Italy and elsewhere (Note 4), our knowledge of its precise content is very patchy, since there was no set curriculum and no separate teachers for each subject. Two of Scheffer's drawings (Figs. 2 and 3) contain extensive notes, which amount to a more or less complete doctrine of proportion. It is not known who his teacher was or what sources were used, but the proportions do not agree with those in Van der Passe's handbook, which came into vogue in the 18th century, or with those of the canon of a Leonardo, Dürer or Lebrun. One gets the impression that what are given here are the exact measurements of a concrete example. Scheffer's drawings show him gradually mastering the rudiments of art. In earlier examples the hatching is sometimes too hasty (Fig. 4) or too rigidly parallel (Fig.5), while his knowledge of anatomy is still inadequate and his observation not careful enough. But right from the start he shows flair and as early as 1807 he made a clever drawing of a relatively complex group (Fig. 6) , while the difficult figure of Marsyas was already well captured in 1808 and clearly evinces his growing knowledge o f anatomy, proportion , foreshortening and the effects of light (Fig. 7). The same development can be observed in his portrait drawings. That of Gerardus Vrolik (1775-1859, Fig.8), a professor at the Atheneum Illustre (the future university) and Scheffer' s teacher, with whom he always kept in touch (Note 6), is still not entirely convincing, but a portrait of 1809, thought to be of his mother (Fig.9, Note 7), shows him working much more systematically. It is not known when he left the Academy, but from the summer of 1809 we find him in France, where he was to live with only a few breaks from 1811 to his death. The first paintings and the Amsterdam exhibitions of 1808 and 1810 Ary Scheffer's earliest known history painting, Hannibal Swearing to Avenge his Brother Hasdrubal's Death (Fig. 10) Notes 8-10) was shown at the first exhibition of living masters in Amsterdam in 1808. Although there was every reason for giving this subject a Neo-Classical treatment, the chiaroscuro, earthy colours and free brushwork show Scheffer opting for the old Dutch tradition rather than the modern French style. This was doubtless on the prompting of his parents,for a comment in a letter from his mother in 1810 (Note 12) indicates that she shared the reservations of the Dutch in general about French Neo-Classicism. (Note 11). As the work of a twelve to thirteen year old, the painting naturally leaves something to be desired: the composition is too crowded and unbalanced and the anatomy of the secondary figures rudimentary. In a watercolour Scheffer made of the same subject, probably in the 1820's, he introduced much more space between the figures (Fig. 11, Note 13). Two portraits are known from this early period. The first, of Johanna Maria Verbeek (Fig. 12, Note 14), was done when the two youngsters were aged twelve. It again shows all the characteristics of an early work, being schematic in its simplicity, with some rather awkward details and inadequate plasticity. On the other hand the hair and earrings are fluently rendered, the colours harmonious and the picture has an undeniable charm. At the second exhibition of works by living masters in 1810, Ary Scheffer showed a 'portrait of a painter' (Fig. 13), who was undoubtedly his uncle Arnoldus Lamme, who also had work in the exhibition as did Scheffer's recently deceased father Johan-Bernard and his mother Cornelia Scheffer-Lamme, an indication of the stimulating surroundings in which he grew up. The work attracted general attention (Note 16) and it does, indeed, show a remarkable amount of progress, the plasticity, effects of light, brushwork and colour all revealing skill and care in their execution. The simple, bourgeois character of the portrait not only fits in with the Dutch tradition which Scheffer had learned from both his parents in Amsterdam, but also has points in common with the recent developments in France, which he could have got to know during his spell in Lille from autumn 1809 onwards. A Dutchman in Paris Empire and Restoration, 1811-30 In Amsterdam Scheffer had also been laught by his mother, a miniature painter, and his father, a portrait and history painter (Note 17). After his father's death in June 1809, his mother, who not only had a great influence on his artistic career, but also gave his Calvinism and a great love of literature (Note 18), wanted him to finish his training in Paris. After getting the promise of a royal grant from Louis Napoleon for this (Note 19) and while waiting for it to materialize, she sent the boy to Lille to perfect his French as well as further his artistic training. In 1811 Scheffer settled in Paris without a royal grant or any hope of one. He may possibly have studied for a short time under Prudhon (Note 20) , but in the autumn of 1811 he was officially contracted as a pupil of Guérin, one of the leading artists of the school of David, under whom he mastered the formulas of NeD-Classicism, witness his Orpheus and Eurydice (Fïg.14), shown in the Salon of 1814. During his first ten years in Paris Scheffer also painted many genre pieces in order, so he said, to earn a living for himself and his mother. Guérin's prophecy that he would make a great career as a history painter (Note 21) soon came true, but not in the way Guérin thought it would, Scheffer participating in the revolution initiated by his friends and fellow-pupils, Géricault and Delacroix, which resulted in the rise of the Romantic Movement. It was not very difficult for him to break with Neo-Classicism, for with his Dutch background he felt no great affinity with it (Note 22). This development is ilustrated by his Gaston de Foix Dying on the Battlefield After his Victory at Ravenna, shown at the Salon of 1824, and The Women of Souli Throwing Themselves into the Abyss (Fig.15), shown at that of 1827-8. The last years of the Restoration and the July Monarchy. Influence of Rembrandt and the Dutch masters In 1829, when he seemed to have become completely assimilated in France and had won wide renown, Scheffer took the remarkable step of returning to the Netherlands to study the methods of Rembrandt and other Dutch old masters (Note 23) . A new orientation in his work is already apparent in the Women of Souli, which is more harmonious and considered in colour than the Gaston dc Foix (Note 24). This is linked on the one hand to developments in France, where numbers of young painters had abandoned extreme Romanticism to find the 'juste milieu', and on the other to Scheffer's Dutch background. Dutch critics were just as wary of French Romanticism as they had been of Neo-Classicism, urging their own painters to revive the traditions of the Golden Age and praising the French painters of the 'juste milieu'. It is notable how many critics commented on the influence of Rembrandt on Scheffer's works, e.g. his Faust, Marguérite, Tempête and portrait of Talleyrand at the Salon of 1851 (Note 26). The last two of these date from 1828 and show that the reorientation and the interest in Rembrandt predate and were the reasons for the return to the Netherlands in 1829. In 1834 Gustave Planche called Le Larmoyeur (Fig. 16) a pastiche of Rembrandt and A. Barbier made a comparable comment on Le Roi de Thule in 1839 (Note 27). However, as Paul Mantz already noted in 1850 (Note 28), Scheffer certainly did not fully adopt Rembrandt's relief and mystic light. His approach was rather an eclectic one and he also often imbued his work with a characteristically 19th-century melancholy. He himself wrote after another visit to the Netherlands in 1849 that he felt he had touched a chord which others had not attempted (Note 29) . Contacts with Dutch artists and writers Scheffer's links with the Netherlands come out equally or even more strongly in the many contacts he maintained there. As early as 1811-12 Sminck-Pitloo visited him on his way to Rome (Note 30), to be followed in the 1820's by J.C. Schotel (Note 31), while after 1830 as his fame increased, so the contacts also became more numerous. He was sought after by and corresponded with various art dealers (Note 33) and also a large number of Dutch painters, who visited him in Paris or came to study under him (Note 32) Numerous poems were published on paintings by him from 1838 onwards, while Jan Wap and Alexander Ver Huell wrote at length about their visits to him (Note 34) and a 'Scheffer Album' was compiled in 1859. Thus he clearly played a significant role in the artistic life of the Netherlands. International orientation As the son of a Dutch mother and a German father, Scheffer had an international orientation right from the start. Contemporary critics and later writers have pointed out the influences from English portrait painting and German religious painting detectable in his work (Note 35). Extracts from various unpublished letters quoted here reveal how acutely aware he was of what was likely to go down well not only in the Netherlands, but also in a country like England, where he enjoyed great fame (Notes 36-9) . July Monarchy and Second Empire. The last decades While most French artists of his generation seemed to have found their definitive style under the July Monarchy, Scheffer continued to search for new forms of expression. In the 1830's, at the same time as he painted his Rembrandtesque works, he also produced his famous Francesca da Rimini (Fig. 17), which is closer to the 'juste milieu' in its dark colours and linear accents. In the 1840's he used a simple and mainly bright palette without any picturesque effects, e.g. in his SS. Augustine and Monica and The Sorrows of the Earth (Note 41), but even this was not his last word. In an incident that must have occurred around 1857 he cried out on coming across some of his earlier works that he had made a mistake since then and wasted his time (Note 42) and in his Calvin of 1858 (Fig. 18) he resumed his former soft chiaroscuro and warm tones. It is characteristic of him that in that same year he painted a last version of The Sorrows of the Earth in the light palette of the 1840's. Despite the difficulty involved in the precise assessment of influences on a painter with such a complex background, it is clear that even in his later period, when his work scored its greatest successes in France, England and Germany, Scheffer always had a strong bond with the Netherlands and that he not only contributed to the artistic life there, but always retained a feeling for the traditions of his first fatherland. Appendix An appendix is devoted to a study of the head of an old man in Dordrecht, which is catalogued as a copy of a 17th-century painting in the style of Rembrandt done by Ary Scheffer at the age of twelve (Fig.19, Note 43). This cannot be correct, as it is much better than the other works by the twelve-year-old painter. Moreover, no mention is made of it in the catalogue of the retrospective exhibition held in Paris in 1859, where the Hannibal is given as his earliest work (Note 44). It was clearly unknown then, as it is not mentioned in any of the obituaries of 1858 and 1859 either. The earliest reference to it occurs in the list made bv Scheffer's daughter in 1897 of the works she was to bequeath to the Dordrecht museum. A clue to its identification may be a closely similar drawing by Cornelia Scheffer-Lamme (Fig. 20, Note 46), which is probably a copy after the head of the old man. She is known to have made copies after contemporary and 17th-century masters. The portrait might thus be attributable to Johan-Bernard Scheffer, for his wife often made copies of his works and he is known from sale catalogues to have painted various portraits of old men (Note 47, cf. Fig.21). Ary Scheffer also knew this. In 1839 his uncle Arnoldus Lamme wrote to him that he would look out for such a work at a sale (Note 48). It may be that he succeeded in finding one and that this portrait came into the possession of the Scheffer family in that way, but Johan-Bernard's work is too little known for us to be certain about this.