Gotowa bibliografia na temat „1689 - 1916 - history”

Тема Гражданской войны в России находится под пристальным вниманием историков и философов; национальной катастрофе в судьбе страны посвящены многочисленные художественные произведения писателей разных мировоззренческих и эстетических представлений. Несмотря на то что публицистика Гражданской войны огромна, особый и менее исследованный пласт в ней составляют статьи и эго-документы писателей. Предметом настоящего исследования является осмысление Л. Андреевым важнейших событий – революций 1917 г. и Гражданской войны в России. Публицистические статьи писателя, публиковавшиеся в эсеровской газете «Русская воля» (1917–1919 гг.), дают возможность проследить эволюцию его восприятия ключевых событий в истории России ХХ в. В статьях первой половины 1917 г. Л. Андреев выражает вдохновение событиями Февральской революции и стремится передать это состояние читателям. С изменением политической ситуации в России к середине 1917 г. меняется и тон статей писателя. Андреев опасается возможной гибели России из-за изменения вектора развития революции, поэтому прибегает в своих статьях к борьбе словом – убеждениям, призывам и лозунгам, чтобы побудить своих читателей к продолжению борьбы за свободу страны. К сожалению, мы можем говорить лишь о предвидении писателем будущей трагедии в истории страны, так как жизнь Л. Андреева оборвалась в 1919 г., когда Гражданская война уже шла на территории России, но носила локальный характер, а главные события 1919–1920 гг. были еще впереди. Однако эволюция взглядов Леонида Андреева, авторитетного писателя, ставшего символом революции 1905 г., окажется близкой многим представителям творческой и научной интеллигенции в России. Как показало исследование, в своих статьях 1917–1919 гг. Андреев прозорливо предвидел и эмоционально-страстно стремился предотвратить наступление братоубийственной войны. The comprehension of the lessons and consequences of the Civil War in Russia is under the close attention of historians and philosophers; numerous works of fiction by writers of different ideological and aesthetic ideas are devoted to the national catastrophe in the fate of the country. Despite the fact that the journalism of the Civil War is huge, a special and less researched layer in it consists of articles and egodocuments of writers. The subject of this research is L. Andreev’s comprehension of the most important events – the revolutions of 1917 and the Civil War in Russia. The writer’s journalistic articles published in the Socialist-Revolutionary newspaper “Russian Will” (1917–1919) make it possible to trace the evolution of his perception of key events in the history of Russia of the twentieth century. In the articles of the first half of 1917, L. Andreev is inspired by the events of the February Revolution and seeks to convey this state to readers. With the change in the political situation in Russia by the middle of 1917, the tone of the writer’s articles also changed. Andreev fears the possible death of Russia due to a change in the vector of development of the revolution, so he resorts in his articles to the struggle of the word – beliefs, appeals and slogans to encourage his readers to continue the struggle for the freedom of the country. The death of the writer in 1919, when the Civil War was already underway on the territory of Russia, but was of a local nature, and the main events of 1919–1920 were still ahead, allows us to speak only about the writer’s foresight of the future tragedy in the history of the country. However, the evolution of the views of Leonid Andreev, an authoritative writer who became a symbol of the 1905 revolution, will be close to many representatives of the creative and scientific intelligentsia in Russia. As the study showed, in their articles of 1917–1919 Andreev foresaw and emotionally and passionately sought to prevent the onset of fratricidal war.

Abstract As the most widely-used painting manual in China, the Mustard Seed Garden Manual of Painting (Jieziyuan huazhuan 芥子園畫傳, hereafter Mustard Seed) has long been considered to have been a handbook for beginners. This article problematizes this relatively fixed notion by examining different editions of the manual and argues that the pedagogical function that most people take for granted is an anachronistic construction. In fact, the woodblock-printed Mustard Seed was regarded as an illegitimate painting manual in the mainstream art scene after its publication because it used woodblock printing to convey painting techniques. The canonization of the manual started in the late Qing (1862-1911), as a result of the availability of affordable lithographic editions. It soon became a primer for many would-be painters and gradually entered art schools in the Republican period (1912-1949), changing the traditional pedagogies of painting education. While highlighting the multivalent social functions of Mustard Seed, this paper will also show how changes in printing technique are connected to Mustard Seed’s canonization.

El ascenso al trono de España de Felipe V lleva aparejado la llegada junto a él de personajes de origen francés que ocupan importantes esferas de poder con la nueva dinastía. Junto a estos vienen numerosos individuos siguiendo órdenes que son quienes van a llevar a cabo un trascendental trabajo de campo clave para poder hacer frente al principal problema que debe superar durante sus primeros años el monarca, que no es otro que garantizar la defensa del territorio ante la posibilidad de un conflicto armado. Analizamos la figura de uno de estos hombres, Bernard Renau d’Éliçagaray, prestando atención singularmente a la misión que llevó a cabo en Galicia en los años 1702 y 1703. Palabras clave: fortificación, ingeniería, Guerra de SucesiónTopónimos: GaliciaPeriodo: siglo XVIII ABSTRACTPhilip V’s ascent to the throne of Spain was accompanied by the arrival of individuals of French origin who occupied important positions of power within the new dynasty. They were joined by numerous individuals, following orders, who would carry out crucial fieldwork, essential in order to address the main problem facing the monarch during his first years, which was none other than guaranteeing the defence of the territory against the possibility of an armed conflict. This work considers the contribution made by one of these men, Bernard Renau d’Éliçagaray, concentrating in particular on the mission he undertook in Galicia in 1702 and 1703. Keywords: Fortification, Engineering, War of SuccessionPlace names: GaliciaPeriod: 18th century REFERENCIASCluny, I. (2002), “A Guerra de Sucessão de Espanha e a diplomacia portuguesa”, Penélope. Revista de História e Ciências Sociais, 26, pp. 63-92.Désos, C. (2016), “Les ingénieurs du roi de France auprès de la couronne d’Espagne (1704-1715)”, Vegueta. Anuario de la Facultad de Geografía e Historia, 16, pp. 67-92.Eiras Roel, A. (2003), “Las Juntas del Reino de Galicia de 1701 a 1704”, en Actas de las Juntas del Reino de Galicia, vol. XII: 1701-1704, Santiago de Compostela, Xunta de Galicia, pp. 9-60.Ferreiro, L. D. (2007), Ships and Science. The Birth of Naval Architecture in the Scientific Revolution, 1600-1800, Cambridge (EE. UU.), The MIT Press.Fontenelle, B. de (1721), “Eloge de M. Renau”, en Histoire de l’Academie Royale des Sciences. Année MDCCXIX, Paris, Imprimerie Royale, pp. 101-120.García Hurtado, M.-R. (2002), El arma de la palabra. Los militares españoles y la cultura escrita en el siglo XVIII (1700-1808), A Coruña, Universidade da Coruña.— (2020), “The Greatest Treasure of the Spanish Armada in the Eighteenth Century. From the Battle of Rande (1702) to the Diving Schools (1787)”, en S. Juterczenka (ed.), The Sea: Maritime Worlds in the Early Modern Period, Köln, Böhlau, pp. 13-27.— (2021), “Bernard Renau d’Éliçagaray en España durante la Guerra de Sucesión”, Vegueta. Anuario de la Facultad de Geografía e Historia, 21.González Lopo, D. L. (2002), “Galicia na Guerra de Sucesión”, en Rande, 1702. Arde o mar, Vigo, Museo do Mar de Galicia, pp. 102-115.Hatin, L. E. (1840), Histoire pittoresque de l’Algérie, Paris, Bureau Central de la Publication.Jal, A. (1872), Dictionnaire critique de biographie et d’histoire, Paris, Henri Plon.Ladvocat, J.-B. (1822), Dictionnaire historique et bibliographique, Paris, Étienne Ledoux, t. IV.Martin, H. (1865), The Age of Louis XIV, Boston, Walker, Wise, and Company, vol. II.Ozanne, N.-M. (1762), Marine militaire ou Recueil des differens vaisseaux qui servent à la guerre, Paris, chez l’auteur.Patiño Gómez, R. (2014), Los tesoros de Rande. Relato de las expediciones realizadas para el rescate de las riquezas de la flota hispano-francesa derrotada en la batalla de Rande, Vigo, RP Edicións.Potter, J. S. (2002), En busca del tesoro de la ría de Vigo, Vigo, Museo do Mar de Galicia.Renau d’Éliçagaray, B. (1689), De la theorie de la manœuvre des vaisseaux, Paris, Estienne Michallet.Rodríguez-Villasante Prieto, J. A. (1984), Historia y tipología arquitectónica de las defensas de Galicia. Funcionalidad, forma y ejecución del diseño clasicista, Sada, Ediciós do Castro.Roncière, Ch. de la (1916), Le bombardement d’Argel en 1683 d’après une relation inédite, Paris, Imprimerie Nationale.Rouvroy, L. de (1865), Mémoires complets et authentiques du duc de Saint-Simon... Tome Onzième, Paris, L. Hachette et Cie.Saavedra Vázquez, M. C. (2013), “La élite militar del Reino de Galicia durante la Guerra de Sucesión”, en M. López Díaz (ed.), Élites y poder en las monarquías ibéricas: del siglo XVII al primer liberalismo, Madrid, Biblioteca Nueva, pp. 223-244.— (2014), “La Guerra de Sucesión y sus efectos sobre la organización militar peninsular”, en M. Torres Arce y S. Truchuelo García (eds.), Europa en torno a Utrecht, Santander, Universidad de Cantabria, pp. 175-204.— (2016), “Los cambios de la organización militar y los inicios de la intendencia en Galicia (1704-1716)”, en M. López Díaz (ed.), Galicia y la instauración de la Monarquía borbónica. Poder, élites y dinámica política, Madrid, Sílex, pp. 53-93.— (2017), “El papel de las élites locales en la organización militar: Galicia, 1668-1715”, en E. García Hernán y D. Maffi (eds.), Estudios sobre Guerra y Sociedad en la Monarquía Hispánica. Guerra marítima, estrategia, organización y cultura militar (1500-1700), (Valencia), Albatros, pp. 519-538.Soraluce Blond, J. R. (1985), Castillos y fortificaciones de Galicia. La arquitectura militar de los siglos XVI-XVIII, La Coruña, Fundación Pedro Barrié de la Maza.Sue, E. (1852), Jean Bart et Louis XIV. Drames maritimes du XVIIe siècle, Paris, Marescq et Compagnie.Tourón Yebra, M. (1995), La Guerra de Sucesión en Galicia (1702-1712), Lugo, Diputación Provincial de Lugo.Vérin, H. (1993), La gloire des ingénieurs. L’intelligence technique du XVIe au XVIIIe siècle, Paris, Albin Michel.Vigo Trasancos, A. (2007), A Coruña y el Siglo de las Luces. La construcción de una ciudad de comercio (1700-1808), Santiago de Compostela-A Coruña, Universidad de Santiago de Compostela-Universidad de A Coruña.— (dir.) (2011), Galicia y el siglo XVIII. Planos y dibujos de arquitectura y urbanismo (1701-1800), A Coruña, Fundación Pedro Barrié de la Maza, 2 tomos.

AbstractThe history of Catullus’ reception has been one of exclusion as much as inclusion. Since the seventeenth century, many Anglophone writers have used Catullus as inspiration for their translations, poetic adaptations, and novels. A great deal of these works occluded the role that male homoeroticism played in the Latin poems, especially by omitting Catullus’ male love object, Juventius. Writers have employed various techniques to deal with Catullus’ ‘problematic’ pagan mores: choosing to ignore the suite of poems associated with homoeroticism (for example, Wilder 1948); bowdlerising homoerotic language (such as Nott 1795, Cranstoun 1867, and Macnaghten 1899); and performing ‘gender swaps’ to portray male-male relationships as male-female (a technique employed to memorable effect by de La Chapelle in 1680, and later by Lamb in 1821). Excision of whole poems or bowdlerisation of obscene terms was also often used to deal with Catullus’ depictions of male-on-male sexual violence, a topic regularly entwined with the gentler homoerotic content. This article surveys, analyses, and explains this aspect of Catullus’ reception in English from 1659–1915.

This (2023) year marks the 70th anniversary of the achievement of the so-called “Gentlemen’s Agreement”, for the emigration of Turks from FPR of Yugoslavia to the Republic of Turkey. According to some indications and documents, this agreement was reached between the President of FPR of Yugoslavia Josip Broz Tito and the Minister of Foreign Affairs (MFA) of the Republic of Turkey, Fuad Köprülü, in Brioni, on January 22nd or 23rd, 1953. In order to operationalize this agreement, about three months later an “Agreement between the State Secretariat for Foreign Affairs of the FPR of Yugoslavia and the Embassy of the Republic of Turkey in Belgrade, for the emigration of Turks”, was signed. After reaching the two aforementioned agreements the process of emigration of the Muslim population of Yugoslavia to Turkey gained dramatic proportions. Beside the Turks, especially between 1953 and 1968, a large number of Albanians, Bosniaks and Pomacs immigrated to Turkey. In other words it was the largest exodus that took place in Europe in the period after the Second World War. As it is already known, the emigration of Turks and other Muslim populations of Yugoslavia to Turkey in the 50’s and 60’s of the 20th century was not new, because the emigration of the aforementioned population began in the second half of the 17th century - after the second defeat of the Ottoman army at the gates of Vienna in 1683, and continued in the period after the Second World War. In a period of more than 300 years, the most massive emigrations of the Muslim population from the territory of former Yugoslavia took place especially after the Russo-Ottoman War of 1877-1878, after the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) and the First World War (1914-1918). The emigrations which took place after the Second World War, that I am writing about, are characteristic in that they took place in a peacetime period, as a result of the insidious abuse/ disrespect by the Yugoslav side of the agreement from 1953, which was signed between representatives of Yugoslavia and Turkey. Among the researchers of this issue, there are different views about the total number of emigrants who emigrated from Yugoslavia to Turkey in the 50s and 60s of the 20th century, and especially about their nationality. Albanian historians and other authors from Albania and Kosovo go so far as to treat almost all emigrants from Kosovo and Macedonia as Albanians. Unlike them, Albanian historians and other authors from Macedonia admit that there were Turks among the emigrants from Macedonia, but that the dominant part of the emigrants were allegedly Albanians. Unlike them, I and several other authors from the Republic of Northern Macedonia (V. Achkovska, B. Ilievski, G. Todorovski, and others) claim that the majority of emigrants from the Republic of Macedonia were Turks.

Anglo-Free State relations between the wars still awaits a comprehensive study ... This is in par a reflection of the larger failure of British historians to work on Anglo-Irish history '" the Right has been ill at ease dealing with Britan's greatest failure, whilst the Left has found tropical climes more suited for the cultivation of its moral superiority. When R.F.Holland made this apposite comment, just over a decade ago, he may have been adding to the very problems he identified. Writing within the context of the 'Commonweath Alliance', he was joining a distinguished list of British and Irish historians who have sought to fiter inter-war Anglo-Free State relations through the mesh of Empire-Commonweath development. Beginning with A. Berredale Keith in the 1920s, this usage continued in either direct or indirect form (by way of particular institutions of Commonweath) from the 1930s to the 1970s through the works of W.K. Hancock, Nicholas Mansergh and D.W. Harkness, and was still finding favour with Brendan Sexton's study of the Irish Governor-Generalship system in the late 1980s.2 But herein a contradiction has developed: cumulative study of the unnatural origins and performance of the Free State as a Dominion has moved beyond questions of function to ask whether the Free State was in fact ever a Dominion at alL. 3 As such, there seems ever more need to step back from inter-Commonwealth study and refocus on the precise nature of the Free State's central relationship with Britan in this period. It is of course acknowledged that outwith the established zones of internal Irish and Empire-Imperial study there is no home or forum for one of the most enduring quandares of modern Europea history. Even if it is accepted that 'pure' Anglo-Irish history did not end in 1922, the weight of research based on the ten yeas prior, as against the ten yeas subsequent, suggests an easy acceptance, on both sides of the Irish Sea, and Atlantic, of the absolute value changes in that relationship. Studies covering the transition to independence, such as those of Joseph M. CUITan and Sheila Lawlot, have taen only tentative steps beyond 1922, and may indeed have epitomised an approach that subsequent Irish studies have done little to dispel; in the 1980s, major overviews by RF. Foster and J.J. Le have been notably reluctant to evaluate the quality of that new found freedom with continuing reference to Ireland's giant neighbour. Though Foster, and others, have noted that the main aim of the Free State in the 1920s was 'self-definition against Britan', the point is the extent to which Britan was wiling to allow the same. There has then been little impetus for direct Anglo-Free State inter-war study, and although the tide has begun to turn since the mid-1980's, notably through the achievements of Paul Canning, Deidre McMahon and, shortly before his death, Nicholas Mansergh6, it is probable that we are stil a long way short of being able to produce a comprehensive and coherent review of the period. Apar from the crucial Anglo/Irish-Anglo/Commonwealth dichotomy,there remains the political chasm dividing the Cosgrave years of the 1920s from those of de Valera's 1930s; indeed the overwhelming preoccupation with post-1931 confrontations has often, as in the case of McMahon's fine study, taen as its contrasting staing point the supposedly compliant 'pro-Treaty' years of 1922-31. It is hard to bridge this gulf when the little direct work on these earlier years, mostly concentrating on the two fundamenta issues of Boundar and financial settlement, has tended not to question this divide. Although Irish historians have turned an increasingly sympathetic eye on the internal politics and problems of these early yeas, the apathetic external image, in contrast to the later period, has been persistent. Nowhere has this negativity been more apparent than on the, also vita, topic of defence relations. For a subject that has been given more than adequate attention in terms of the 1921 Treaty negotiations and the Treaty Ports issue of the 1930s, the period in between has had little intensive coverage. In this regard the negative response of W.K.Hancock in 1937, stating that Cosgrave did not bother to question British defence imperatives, was stil being held some fifty yeas later by Paul Canning.7 Thus an enduring and importt image has emerged of defence relations re-enforcing the above divide, an image that has had to stand for the lack of new reseach. This does not mea that the image is necessarly an entirely false one, but it does mean that many of the supposed novelties of the de Valera yeas have been built on largely unknown foundations. The Treaty Ports issue is also vita to this thesis, but then so are other defence related matters which had an impact specific to the 1920s. In other words, the human and political context of how both countries, but the Irish government in paricular, coped with the immediate legacy of centuries of armed occupation, with the recent 1916-21 conflct, and with the smaller scale continuity of British occupation, was bound to cast old shadows over a new relationship. But how big were these shadows? It was on the basis of placing some detaled flesh on the skeleton of known (and unknown) policies and events that this thesis took shape. Frustrations and resentments could tae necessarily quieter forms than those which characterised the 1930s, and in the end be no less significant. If the first objective is then to make solid the continuity of defence affairs, it is appropriate to begin with a brief evaluation of the Treaty defence negotiations before tang a close look at British operations in the South in 1922 - the year when a reluctant Cosgrave was to inherit a situation where British forces were close to the development of civil war. Despite our growing knowledge of Britan's part in the progress of that war, there is stil a general perception that its forces became peripheral to events after the Truce of July 1921, and that its Army was, and had been, the only British Service involved in the struggle against armed republicanism.This is simply not the case, and it is to be wondered whether the proper absorption of Irish historians with the internal dynamics of the period, together with the authoritative quality of Charles Townshend's history of the 1919-21 British campaign, have not produced inhibitions to wider inquiry. 8 In any event, as the Admiralty was to play a central par in later defence relations it seems right to introduce, for the first time, the Royal Navy's importt role in the events of 1922. The point here is to establish that the actions and perceptions of both Services were to have repercussions for later attitudes. After these chapters, the following two aim to look at the cumulative legacy of British involvement and how both countries adjusted to the many unresolved questions thrown up by the Treaty and the unplanned contingencies of 1922. Retaining the theme that neither country could escape the past, nor trust to the future, chapter six returns to the physical and political impact made by the continuing presence of British forces in and around the three Treaty Ports, and along and across the Border. The final two chapters explore how all these factors helped determine the conditions for, and consequences of, one of the most damaging episodes of the later 1920s - the complete failure of the joint coasta defence review scheduled for December 1926.In all, the cumulative emphasis on the politics of defence may ilustrate what it was to be a small aspiring country that had little choice but to accept Britan's version of what was an inevitably close relationship, and to endure what Britan claimed as the benign strategic necessity of continued occupation.

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The following dissertation aims to show how the School of Industrial Engineering emerged, (Escola de Engenharia Industrial EEI), the first institution of higher education in the city of Rio Grande, in the 1950s. The periodization of work is comprised from 1953 to 1961, as it is the time period in which the Foundation of the City of Rio Grande was created, the unit responsible for supporting the School of Industrial Engineering until mid-1960s, when the school was federalized, process which begins in 1961. In order to analyze the history of this teaching institution, there had to be a reconstruction of its early years, having as main source of information, the school culture preserved in its materiality in a variety of collections in the city of Rio Grande. In addition to the material sources, they were also conducted interviews with faculty members and students of early years of the School of Industrial Engineering, considering memory as a major source of documentation for this research. From the traces of this school culture, it was possible to recollect their first steps, addressing their spaces, professors, subjects, among many other aspects. It is worth noting the presence of some important characters in the history of the institution, emphasizing the figure of Eng. Francisco Martins Bastos, a key person, for the school could finally become a reality and launch the history of higher education in Rio Grande. His entrepreneurial nature along with his role as manager backed by the interest and investment from a group of individuals belonging to a highly educated social class and professionally stabilized, were all crucial to the emergence of this institution.
A presente dissertação tem como objetivo mostrar como se deu o surgimento da Escola de Engenharia Industrial (EEI), primeira instituição de ensino superior da cidade do Rio Grande, na década de 1950. A periodização do trabalho está delimitada de 1953 a 1961, por tratar do período em que é criada a Fundação Cidade do Rio Grande, entidade mantenedora da EEI até meados da década de 1960, quando a escola é federalizada, processo que inicia em 1961. Para poder analisar a história desta instituição de ensino foi preciso reconstruir os seus anos iniciais, tendo como principal suporte, a cultura escolar preservada em sua materialidade nos diferentes acervos na cidade do Rio Grande. Além das fontes materiais, também foram realizadas entrevistas com membros do corpo docente e discente dos primeiros anos da EEI, considerando a memória como uma importante fonte documental para esta pesquisa. A partir dos vestígios desta cultura escolar, foi possível rememorar seus primeiros passos, abordando seus espaços, professores, alunos, disciplinas, dentre tantos outros aspectos. É válido destacar a presença de alguns personagens importantes na trajetória da EEI, dando ênfase à figura do Engº Francisco Martins Bastos, personagem chave para que a escola pudesse enfim, se tornar uma realidade e dar início à história do ensino superior da cidade do Rio Grande. Sua perspicácia empreendedora atrelada ao seu papel de gestor, respaldado pelo interesse e investimento de um grupo de indivíduos pertencentes a uma classe social escolarizada e estabilizada profissionalmente, foram cruciais para o surgimento desta instituição.

Notre examen de l'œuvre romanesque de Li Yu s'appuie sur une étude philologique qui nous a permis d'en délimiter le corpus à trente récits courts publiés en deux collections, Wushengxi ("les théâtres silencieux" : douze contes parus en 1655, six en 1656) et Shi'er lou ("les douze tours", 1658), ainsi qu'un roman érotique en vingt chapitres, Rou Putuan ("le tapis de chair", 1657). Le contexte s'avérant insuffisant pour en expliquer la brièveté, nous envisageons l'abandon du genre comme la résultante d'une perpétuelle exigence de nouveauté et le refus de Li yu de l'aborder dans un format plus ample. D'abord champ d'exploration très attractif pour un écrivain professionnel guide par la recherche d'un équilibre entre la "vulgarité" du genre et le "raffinement" de l'intention créatrice, le roman devint le ferment d'une œuvre d'essayiste et d'une création dramatique incomparables. L'étude de l'influence de ce novateur au parcours atypique montre enfin que Li Yu avait ouvert une voie sur laquelle il ne fut pas suivi. Les attributions de romans à Li Yu, à l'exclusion d'une ébauche de commentaire au "roman des trois royaumes", et un court "roman en chinois classique ue" sont réfutées en appendice
OOur study of Li Yu's fiction is based on a philological approach that allows us to delimit his work to a total of thirty short stories published in two collections, Wushengxi ("silent operas", twelve stories in 1655, six in 1656), Shi'er lo u ("twelve towers", 1658) and an erotic novel in twenty chapters, Rou Putuan ("carnal prayer mat", 1657). The context proving to be insufficient to explain its briefness we consider it as the result of a perpetual need of originality and Li Yu's unwillingness to explore the genre in a longer dimension. At first an experimentation ground particularly appealing for a professional writer guided by the search for a balance between the simplicity of vernacular fiction and the refinement of his creative attitude, the fiction became the springboard for his essays and his dramas. The study of Li Yu's influence shows that he opened a path on which he has not been followed. All attributions of novels to Li Yu, except an outline of a commentary to the "romance of the three kingdoms", and a single short story in classical chinese, are refuted in an appendice

This thesis discusses the sources of royal power in the kingdoms of Argead Makedonia and early Ptolemaic Egypt. The overarching aim is to assess the degree of change and continuity between the structures and networks that framed Argead and Ptolemaic royal power. Viewing power not as an abstraction but as the outcome of the real and observable interrelations between individuals and groups, this thesis builds upon the historical sociology of Michael Mann in order to identify four main sources of royal power: dynastic, courtly, military and economic. In their capacity to enhance or limit royal power, the social networks that are formed between the king and representatives of these groups in each context, as well as the structures that produce and reproduce their behaviour, form the focal points of this research. As such, this thesis distances itself from that segment of socio-historical tradition, which grants ultimate primacy to human agency. The Introduction presents the main scholarly debates surrounding the nature of Ptolemaic and Argead kingship and highlights the fact that although both have received considerable attention separately, they have not yet been the focus of a systematic, comparative analysis. At the same time, this chapter brings in the theoretical and methodological framework employed in the thesis. Chapter One discusses the structural organisation of the dynasty, focusing on patterns of marriage and succession, and the manipulation of dynastic connections, real or constructed, as instruments of legitimation. It is argued that the colonial circumstances in early Ptolemaic Egypt led to an amplification of the importance of the dynasty as a source of power. Chapter Two examines the interrelations of the ruler with his extended circle of friends and associates, i.e. the courtiers. A discussion of the physical and social structure of the courts in Aigai, Pella and Alexandria in the early Ptolemaic period confirms that administration at the highest level continued to be organised around personal relations. Chapter Three identifies the enabling mechanisms, which sustained the military power of the Makedonian king. It is argued that royal military leadership and the integration of facets of military organisation (e.g. the institution of klerouchia) and values (through education) in society remained integral to the social organisation of early Ptolemaic Egypt. Finally, Chapter Four examines the economic power of the ruler, as revealed by the organisation of property rights. The absence of the Makedones and the prominence of temples as economically significant groups in early Ptolemaic Egypt underline the structural discontinuities that arise from the necessary adaptation to different local conditions. This thesis concludes that the structures that framed Argead royal power were in their majority remembered and instantiated in the organisational practices of the early Ptolemaic rulers. Deviations from the Argead paradigm occurred when pragmatism led to the introduction of corrective practices, such as the co-regency principle aimed at eradicating the dynastic instability that had plagued the Argead monarchy, and when ecological and political considerations, such as the needs of their non-Hellenic, non-Makedonian audience, dictated a greater degree of accommodation to local conditions, especially in the field of economic organisation. Even there, however, one can discern the influence of the flexible, all-inclusive model of Argead administration of its New Lands as an organisational template.

Dans la perspective des chercheurs qui développent une science, la réalité de sa fondation se présente comme la solution imaginaire de quatre énigmes relatives à l’unité et aux progrès de leurs travaux : 1- La fondation est la source stable des principes d’une science qui se maintiennent au fil de ses développements. 2 – Elle donne à lire la finalité commune des développements individuels de ses recherches. 3 – Elle opère une rupture avec la pensée antérieure en définissant le projet d’un savoir original et plus désirable que ce que l’on croyait savoir auparavant. 4 – Elle institue l’esprit distinctif d’une recherche qui estime que le savoir qu’elle procure vaut la peine d’être développé. En sociologie, il y a consensus pour affirmer que la discipline est fondée, mais on ne s’entend ni sur la ou les œuvres qui la fondent ni même sur l’époque où elle débute. À partir d’une analyse comparée des sociologies d’Auguste Comte et d’Émile Durkheim avec d’autres œuvres depuis les études de l’homme et de la cité d’Aristote, nous explorons la réalité d’une fondation qui pourrait résoudre ces quatre énigmes ainsi qu’une cinquième qui est particulière à cette science sociale : 5 – La fondation de la sociologie initie un mode d’organisation de la recherche incompatible avec le modèle kuhnien de la science normale qui progresse dans le développement d’un paradigme commun.
In the perspective of researchers developing a science, the foundation is presented as the imaginary solution to four enigmas regarding the unity and progress of their work: 1- Its foundation is the stable source of the principles of a science that remain throughout its development. 2- It provides a common finality of the individual developments of its research. 3- It contrasts from previous schools of thought by defining the project of an original and more desirable one. 4- It introduces the distinctive characteristics of a research, emphasizing that the knowledge it brings is worth it. In sociology, there is general agreement about sociology having a beginning, only no one agrees on the works that make it, nor the time it all started. By comparing the works of Auguste Comte and Emile Durkheim with other works since Aristotle, we explore those four enigmas and even a fifth one that is specific to sociology: 5- The foundation of sociology initiates an organisation of research that is incompatible with the kuhnian model of normal science.

Ce travail de thèse a pour objet l’historicité conflictuelle d’un objet qui n’a jamais vraiment été étudié d’un point de vue littéraire : la littérature hagiographique de l’époque moderne. En nous séparant de la lecture institutionnelle qui est souvent celle de la critique, nous voulons la dégager de son utilisation comme moyen de contextualisations historiques ou anthropologiques. Au sein des écrits de la période moderne, l’hagiographie n’est pas simplement l’ « autre discours » de l’historiographie, comme le disait Michel de Certeau. Au lendemain du concile de Trente, les biographies d’une candidate à la sainteté comme Jeanne de Chantal (1572-1641, canonisée en 1767) sont l’occasion de réfléchir sur ces nouveaux écrits, qui présentent des structures qui se stabilisent et des éléments topiques qui renvoient à une tradition d’écriture préexistante. Qui sont les auteurs de ces textes ? Dans quelles conditions les rédigent-ils et pour quel public ? Quels en sont les enjeux ? En pleine crise moderniste, la condamnation par la Congrégation de l’Index de la dernière Vie importante de la figure, la Sainte Chantal de Bremond (1912), sera notre point de vue : Bremond revendique paradoxalement une forme de nouveauté par un retour au XVIIe siècle, visible dans la filiation exhibée de son propre texte à celui de la première biographie, les Mémoires de Françoise-Madeleine de Chaugy (1642). Ce geste construit alors, comme malgré lui, une histoire diachronique des Vies de Jeanne de Chantal, dont les mutations en font un « cas » de la littérature hagiographique française et permettent de voir qu’écrire la Vie d’un saint, c'est à chaque fois rejouer ce qu’est la sainteté
The hagiographic literature from the Early Modern Period has never been studied as a plain literary issue. Departing from the institutional reading of a major part of the critics about hagiography, the hagiographic literature must be considered apart from its historical and anthropological contextualisations. Hagiography is not only the “other one” of historiography, as Michel de Certeau said. In the wake of the Trent Council, the biographies of a candidate to sanctity like Jeanne de Chantal (1572-1641, canonized in 1767) allow us to consider these new writings which show newly built structures and topical elements of a former writing tradition. Who wrote these texts? How have there been written? For whom? What were there main issues? Our point of view will be the last major Life of Jeanne de Chantal (1912), convicted by the Congregation of the Index, in the middle of the Modernist Crisis. The return to the first biography of the heroine, the Mémoires of Françoise-Madeleine de Chaugy (1642), is a paradoxical way for Bremond to claim the originality of his approach. A diachronic history of Jeanne de Chantal’s Lives can be seen through this operation. Their mutations make them a “case” of French hagiographical Literature: writing the Life of a saint is always defining what is sanctity again

Cette thèse remet en question le soupçon pesant sur les catégories de « classique » et « classicisme ». Centrales dans les manuels, ces notions sont pourtant renvoyées par les spécialistes à de purs anachronismes, et jugées impertinentes pour caractériser le XVIIe siècle et sa littérature. Marqués par la rhétorique et la sociologie historique, les travaux actuels écartent l’opposition idéologique entre classicisme et modernité. Mais l’analyse de l’antagonisme chez Barthes, et l’étude des querelles impliquant les Classiques de 1898 à 1966, permettent de donner un contenu inattendu au classicisme, très éloigné de l’irénisme dont on l’a accusé.La notion, son antonyme et ses parasynonymes (antimodernisme et post-classicisme) circonscrivent d’abord, pour la littérature, différents « régimes d’historicité » dont débattent les polémistes. Le terme reste également associé à l’élaboration d’un « dispositif » utopique, où écrire, critiquer et enseigner iraient de pair : cette configuration, essentielle au XVIIe siècle, est sans cesse « remise sur le métier » dans les querelles postérieures entre Anciens et Modernes. De 1666 à 1694, semblent surgir en réalité la plupart des questions que les critiques continueront de poser à la littérature. C’est le cas, notamment, chez Barthes, Gide et Valéry, quand ils cherchent à en déterminer les fonctions et les prérogatives. Parce que le concept d’autonomie n’est pas pour eux détaché de toute exemplarité, il s’avère utile, bien qu’anachronique, pour lire les textes du XVIIe siècle. L’art de la « disponibilité », que Barthes reconnaissait chez Racine, serait alors l’autre nom de la littérarité, le nom d’une littérarité autre – non formaliste – que les Classiques auraient bel et bien inventée et qui autoriserait leur lecture « vivante, concernée »
This dissertation interrogates the scepticism that falls on the categories of “classics” and “classicism”. Though they are considered key concepts in textbooks, these notions are viewed by many specialists as pure anachronisms, and declared irrelevant in defining the 17th century and its literature. Drawing influences from rhetoric and historical sociology, recent work dismisses the ideological divide between classicism and modernity, but an analysis of this opposition in Barthes’s corpus, supported by a study of the quarrels involving the Classics from 1898 to 1966, endows classicism with an unheralded substance, far from the irenicism for which it has been condemned. The notion of classicism, its antonym, and its parasynonyms (anti-modernism and post-classicism) first and foremost delineate, as far as literature is concerned, different regimes of historicity that are debated by the polemicists. The term ‘classicism’ is continuously associated with the establishment of a utopian apparatus within which writing, criticism and teaching go hand in hand. This blueprint was essential in the 17th century and is revisited again and again in the subsequent quarrels between Ancients and Moderns. In fact, most of the questions that critics continue to ask literature seem to arise between 1666 and 1694. Case in point, Barthes, Gide and Valéry all sought answers to these age-old questions in their attempts to determine both the functions and the prerogatives of literature. According to them, the concept of autonomy in literature cannot be separated from exemplarity. Thus, it proves useful, although anachronistic, in the reading of 17th-century texts. The art of “availability”, which Barthes recognized in the works of Racine, would then be the other name of literariness, a distinct – non formalist – literariness that the Classics have invented which allows their “vital, concerned” reading

The purpose of this study is to provide an overview of contemporary flute repertoire by Canadian composers. Largely unknown outside of Canada, the works that are featured in this document represent a sampling of the diversity of styles and idioms in Canadian music. To provide a context for understanding current trends and directions in Canadian music, a brief history of music in Canada is summarized. This history discusses the strong link between the Canadian national character and the music that is the subsequent product. Seven works, representing a variety of styles and genres, are analyzed in detail to provide the potential performer with sufficient information and understanding of their idiom, construction, compositional style, historical context, and contemporary techniques. Brief biographies of each selected composer are also included. Both traditional and non-traditional methods of analysis are used as a means to provide an accurate description of each work. The Catalogue of Contemporary Canadian Flute Repertoire: A Performer's Guide, included in this document (Volume II) provides as comprehensive a listing as possible. It is this author's hope that by providing the resources to explore this large body of work, this deserving artistic output will receive greater recognition and increased performances both in the professional and academic worlds.

The article deals with the amphora material from the excavations of 1996–2020 at the Belinskoye settlement in the Eastern Crimea. The purpose of the article is to correct the previously proposed chronological scheme of settlement development in the Ancient and Early Byzantine periods. According to the place of discovery, the fragments of profiled parts of amphorae (1688 fragments) are divided by the author into three groups corresponding to three periods in the history of the settlement. Within each group, the dominant types of amphorae have been identified and the dating of all amphorae fragments has been compared. In the end the paper has confirmed the chronological framework of the first two periods (early/first half 2nd – the middle/third quarter of the 3rd centuries BC and the second quarter 3rd – the end of the first quarter of 4th centuries BC) and established the continuity of the development of the settlement at this stage. The chronological framework of the third period has been significantly adjusted. After the destruction of the settlement at the end of the first quarter of the 4th century AD, new settlers do not appear here until the first half/middle of the 5th century AD. The end of the third period is determined by the boundary of the first and second quarters of the 4th century AD. There is no continuity with the earlier settlement.