Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "香港民主運動"

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in English; abstract also in Chinese. The present study investigates the sport policy between Australia, Singapore and Hong Kong. The objective is to contrast current Hong Kong sport policy with Australia, Singapore through their respective sport administrative experiences, policy recommendations were made to provide references to the Hong Kong sport policy development in the next decade. The findings demonstrated that Australian and Singapore central sport agencies have worked closely with government departments, national sporting organizations and private sectors to deliver a wide range of sports to their citizens and elite training. Furthermore, based upon the Singapore experience, government’s strategic blueprint and new visions for the future sport development is imperative to the success of sport culture. Finally, sport industry is playing a significant role in both elite and mass sport development. Other policy suggestions are made in the study based upon the lessons from Australia and Singapore. 本文探討了澳洲、新加坡和香港的運動政策。目的是在運動管理系統、運動資金分配、競技運動與大眾運動參與等方面，分別將香港現行的運動政策與澳洲和新加坡的政策進行比較。最後藉著澳洲和新加坡的經驗，對香港未來十年的運動政策發展提出參考性的建議。研究發現澳洲和新加坡的主要管理機構都與政府部門、國家運動單項組織及私人機構長緊密合作，為國民提供了多元化的運動項目選擇和競技訓練。而且，新加坡的經驗進一步顯示政府的長遠規劃和新思維對運動成功發展具決定性影响。最後，運動產業化對競技運動和大眾運動參與的發揮了重要的作用。最後，文中亦基於澳洲和新加坡的經驗提出了其他政策建議。

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in English; abstract in Chinese only.從研究得悉，球隊之比賽成績會影響敎練之領導行為。不過，大多數這類研究都在美國進行。然不同之文化背景會對運動員之表現及敎練之領導行 為產生一定之影響力。這份研究主要是比較香港勝方與負方中學籃球敎練之領導行為。參與研究者共有56名男性，全屬香港中學92-93年度學界男子甲組籃球比賽之籃球敎練。所用之問卷"運動敎練領導行為量表"共測試五類領導行為，分別是：正面反映、訓練及指導、交誼上的支持、民主行為、及專制行為。研究結果發現勝方與負方之籃球敎練在領導行為沒有明顯之差異。建議將來之研究須考慮不同文化背景及其它因素。

The year 1949 was a great divide in modern Chinese history. How Shanghai bankers responded to it is an interesting question to address. For those bankers who chose to leave Shanghai and settle in British Hong Kong, can we suppose they were permanently separated from China or Taiwan? It is generally assumed that once the Shanghai bankers confined themselves to their new home in Hong Kong or moved on to other locations in the United States or elsewhere, they immediately severed all ties with either mainland China under the ccp (Chinese Communist Party) or Taiwan under the kmt (Kuomintang or Guomindang). Such an assumption leads to a mistaken argument that the departure of Chinese bankers from Shanghai cut short their involvements in China politics. Perhaps it is true that some emigrant bankers never returned, but others remained in touch with their home in China, whether because they were solicited by the agents who were sent to the colony by the ccp in China and the kmt in Taiwan, or, because they took the initiative in reaching across the borders to mainland China or Taiwan. From their sanctuary in Hong Kong, how did the bankers conduct cross-border relations after 1949? This paper will go beyond the general assumption that the Shanghai bankers turned to Hong Kong solely for the colony’s being a sanctuary during the political and economic turmoil of the 1940s. Instead, these bankers continued to engage in political confrontation to the ccp and the kmt after they fled Shanghai. This paper argues that once they were in the colony, they had to address several problems. These included, first, to choose their final destination in either Shanghai, Hong Kong or Taipei; second, whether to continue or quit their banking careers and thirdly, to find a solution in order to counteract the alignment with either the ccp or the kmt. 1949年是中國近代史的分水嶺，上海銀行家對面對動盪不安的局勢會作出怎樣的回應，是一個很值得討論的問題。一旦銀行家選擇離開上海，轉移到英屬香港，他們就可完全脫離國共內戰的地理範疇──中國大陸或臺灣嗎？一般的研究無不認為已從香港轉移到香港的上海銀行家，目的為遠離包括在大陸執政的中國共產黨或撤退至臺灣的國民黨。本文指出，這樣的設想是對當時處於動盪政治經濟局勢的上海銀行家的錯誤理解。事實上，當時是有一部份從上海撤離的銀行家並不願意再被捲入政治，但是有更多已在境外的銀行家，透過自己在國共兩黨的代表，與中國大陸或臺灣保持緊密之聯繫，也有許多銀行家是主動地發展出跨境的管道來維持與中國大陸或臺灣的關係。值得探討的是，1949年之後，這些以英屬香港為基地的跨境聯繫是如何運作的呢？ 本文探討1940年代末在中國變動的政治與經濟局勢下，香港不僅為離開上海的銀行家提供一個安全的庇護所，同時更是這些銀行家在離開上海後繼續面對中國共產黨和國民黨，進行各種活動的最重要境外基地。本文指出這些上海銀行家在移居香港之際所要面對的諸多問題。首先，如何在上海、香港和臺北三地之間作出選擇，哪裏是他們最佳的落腳處？其次，是否要繼續和如何維持銀行的業務？最後，應如何因應中國共產黨和中國國民黨向他們的統戰而作出適當的反應？ (This article is in English).

<p>香港在1997回歸中國後，由於有「一國兩制」的保護傘，基本上仍是與西方倡議的「普世價值」接軌的社會，自由、人權、法治、乃至民主，都是主流的「集體意識」，而2014年風起雲湧的「反送中」運動，可說是一個分水嶺。2021年開始，北京當局則開始強力施行「國安法」，香港就此不再具有由英國殖民開始的某種「異例」地位。</p> <p> 相對而言，台灣的民主化成果，是否代表華人群居社會的另外一種「異例」？本篇評論嘗試借用韋伯論述基督新教倫理和資本主義精神之間歷史脈絡的方法論，以「世界史異例之想像」來探討特殊條件下形成的「因果鎖鏈」，或可協助我們進行某種攸關中國、台灣和香港未來命運的思想實驗。</p> <p> 本篇評論分析，台灣過去基於種種因緣際會的組合元素，成為克服威權體制、落實自由民主價值的成功案例。這使得台灣具備了目前全球「抗中」形勢下的戰略位置，並有資格被視作是「世界史的異例」。然而究竟在「普世價值」和「中華民族偉大復興」兩種意識形態的鬥爭下，孰能真正勝出？恐怕就如韋伯所承認，歷史進展中處處隱含著「理性化的弔詭」，除了人為的「責任倫理」努力外，恐怕仍存在若干不可知力量(如理念式的「卡里斯瑪」)，有如轉轍器般，改變了軌道的方向。且讓世人拭目以待！</p> <p>&nbsp;</p><p>At the time of Hong Kong&rsquo;s return to China in 1997, freedom, human rights, the rule of law, and democracy, which are among the universal values of Western culture, were mainstream values in Hong Kong&rsquo;s collective consciousness. However, the Umbrella Movement in 2014 was a watershed moment in Hong Kong&rsquo;s history. Beginning in 2021, the People&rsquo;s Republic of China began to enforce the National Security Act, with Hong Kong no longer maintaining the special status it had held since British colonization.</p> <p> In the context of Chinese communities, is Taiwan&rsquo;s democratization exceptional? In this review, Weber&rsquo;s theory of the historical connection between Protestant ethics and the capitalist spirit is applied to explore the causal chain of the world’s historical process. This exploration entails a thought experiment of sorts, the conclusions of which may have vital implications for the future of China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong.</p> <p> This review analyzes how Taiwan has succeeded in overcoming an authoritarian system and implementing the values of liberal democracy. As a polity that successfully transitioned to liberal democracy, Taiwan is perceived to be strategically important by other democracies in under a climate of rising tension with China. It remains unknown whether the global order created and fostered by liberal democracies will continue to occupy a central position in world affairs or if China will succeed in carving out an increasingly significant role in world affairs. Based on the Methodology of Max Weber, this review article tries to analyze the current situation in Hong Kong and Taiwan, then point out the special meaning of these two examples in the world history.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>白蛇傳說為中國民間四大傳說之一，香港著名通俗言情小說家李碧華曾改寫為現代小說《青蛇》。她讓筆下的青蛇取代白蛇成為故事主要人物，更安排她介入白許兩人之間，顛覆美好的愛情傳奇。然而，李碧華小說的獨特魅力部分來自她與古典小說傳統的某種連接，於古今人生的對話中所召喚出來的，屬於我們每個人都企盼過或經歷過的種種愛慾糾纏與人生體會，這或許就是通俗文學在寓教於樂之際，潛藏於文本中的一種原型意涵。本文主要著眼在《青蛇》中對白蛇傳說的原始意象與原型意涵之調動與呼應，說明其中對人性與男女愛慾的觀察體悟，在通俗流行的表象下，與女性的愛慾及其命運極為相關，且自亙古以來不斷重覆的人生主題與啟示。</p> <p>&nbsp;</p><p>&ldquo;The Legend of White Snake&rdquo; has been one of &ldquo;the Great Four Chinese Folk Legends&rdquo;. A famous romance feminine writer, Li Bihua had rewritten it and renamed &ldquo;The Green Snake&rdquo;. Green Snake is revised to be the leading character instead of White Snake and even to be involved with the relationship of White Snake and her husband, Hsiu Xian. So the great romance of this legend in her adaptation was subverted. However, the typical charm of Li&rsquo;s novels can be considered originating from the connection of the tradition of classical novels. There are some kinds of archetypes of pursuing eros and love called from the dialogues with ancient folk tales and modern times. Therefore, this paper would analyze the archetype elements in &ldquo;The Green Snake&rdquo; and announce the human nature and fates that affect the feminine self-development especially when it comes with love and eros since long time ago.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p>

In this age of transnational migration, family structures and relationships are transformed as a result of family members living in two or more countries. Over the past three decades, the international migration of Chinese from East Asia to Australia and New Zealand is an example of the global phenomenon of transnationalism, where families employ bi- or multi-local strategies to meet the needs of family members at different stages of their life cycle. Despite this growing trend towards transnationalism, the care of older people in transnational settings has received little attention in studies on migration, transnationalism and care. Older members are in need of help and care when their children and other younger relatives change residence to other countries. In the case of older people who have followed their adult children to live in another country, the need for help and care can arise or increase when the health of the older migrants deteriorates, often making it necessary for other overseas family members to go between countries for the care of their elderly relatives.This paper is based on 80 in-depth interviews with Chinese families in Australia and New Zealand where adult children are providing care to their aged parents living in Taiwan, the People’s Republic of China and Hong Kongsar. The study explores the transnational care-givers’ attitudes towards filial piety, and how filial responsibilities are performed through transnational care-giving. The findings offer insight into the ageing experience of elderly Chinese people in transnational contexts, and stimulates new thinking on broader issues of global human mobility and transnational aged care amongst contemporary Chinese families.隨著全球化與跨國移民的興起，家庭結構與家庭關係因家庭成員分散在不同國家而改變，東亞華人因為移民紐西蘭與澳洲而影響家庭結構並改變家庭關係就是一個例子。過去三十年東亞華人移民到紐西蘭及澳洲的數量大幅增加，家庭成員運用雙方或多方的在地策略，來滿足他們在不同生命階段中的需求；雖然跨國主義普遍發生於各國，但相關長者照顧的研究並未受到重視。當年輕子女離家後，年長父母隨著健康的惡化，生活協助與健康照顧的需求跟著產生，有些父母會隨著子女移往移民國，有些則留在當地由其他親友或移民子女來回奔波照顧。本研究透過深入訪談八十位居住澳洲與紐西蘭的台灣、香港及大陸移民，了解他們如何照顧居住在母國的年長父母。研究探索了跨國照顧者對孝道的看法，以及如何透過跨國照顧來盡孝道。研究結果從跨國移民脈絡中爬梳華人長者的老化經驗，擴展當代全球華人移動議題的討論視野並為跨國長者照顧議題注入新的看法。 (This article is in English).

研究目的泛華裔女性移民跨境遷移，依然受到傳統家族主義影響，在家庭與工作中擺盪與尋求平衡。本研究探討來自不同國家、不同移民類型、在家庭生命週期不同階段的泛華裔女性移民，移居澳洲後，面對家庭－工作衝突的因應及其家庭性別權力關係。 研究方法透過深度訪談法，在澳洲墨爾本訪問20位，來自台灣、香港、中國已婚女性移民，並運用主題分析法進行資料分析。 研究結果受訪者的家庭－工作共容及其策略運用，受到家庭生命週期階段及傳統與澳洲文化交織影響，透過「三角」、「四角」協商，歸納三種「階段」因應模式，而次文化團體存在「同中存異」現象。次文化團體同樣受到傳統文化影響家庭－工作共容策略，而「面子文化」與「家族主義」對於中國受訪者的「婚姻關係」與「做生意」有較多影響。澳洲是多元文化國家，教育與勞動制度設計仍未考量移民家庭需要，反而強化移民家庭內部的性別不平等。泛華裔女性移民的家庭－工作共容策略，在不同家庭生命週期階段，受到傳統家庭主義與性別文化交織影響個人到家族內外系統的協商，形成三種動態的階段因應模式。 研究建議本研究結果不僅具時代意義，亦可提供多元文化社會、移民政策、家庭社會工作實務的參考。Research Purpose: Chinese female immigrants, influenced by traditional Confucian familism, are often found to juggle between work and family, trying to seek a balance during the processes of migration and settlement. The purpose of this research was to explore the coping strategies for family-work conflict and the gender-family power relationship among Chinese female immigrants who are from different places, migrated under different types of Visa, and were in the different stages of the family life. Method: This research adopted qualitative design, using thematic analysis method. Twenty in-depth interviews were conducted with married, female immigrants from Taiwan (6 people), Hong Kong (5 people), and China (9 people) in Melbourne, Australia. Each in-depth interview took about 1.5 to 2 hours. The in-depth interview outline included: (1) participants&rsquo; migration status and post-migration life experiences; (2) post-migration work experiences, reconciliation of work and family life, and negotiating with the family; (3) the role of informal support system plays in work and family arrangements. Participants are aged between 37 and 62 years old, and the majority (16 people) holds a bachelor&rsquo;s degree or higher qualifications. They came to Australia under various types of immigration visa, including, skilled immigrants (7 people), investment immigrants (4 people), spouses of international marriage (4 people), and international students (5 people). This research complies with research ethics and had been approved by a university research ethics committee (approval numbers 201705HS024). Results: The family life cycle of female immigrants in this research can be divided into four stages, including childless adults, post-migration childbearing, preschool-age children, and school-age children. For participants who never had a child, it&rsquo;s evident that they didn&rsquo;t experience conflict between work and family, and their work experiences were impacted by their individual social capital. Participants who had a child right after migration experienced greater challenges in work and family conflict due to lack of preparedness and adjustment. For participants who had preschool-age children at the time of migration, the majority chose to leave the job and focused on childcare. Some participants who had school-age children re-entered the workplace; however they still took childcare and household duties into consideration. is research found that reconciliation of work and family is subject to the stages of the family life cycle and determined by Chinese-speaking female immigrants&rsquo; negotiation with their husbands, informal support system (eg. extended family members), and formal support system (eg. paid childcare and parenting leave). Through the three- or four-party negotiation, three types of &ldquo;stage&rdquo; coping mode were adopted by participants. Female immigrant participants who adopted one-stage coping mode (short or no break in employment) were more likely to use both formal and informal resources to provide care and support to the family. They often have more equal gender division of labor in family. For participants who used two- or three-stage coping modes (not return to work or re-enter the workforce after a long break), there was a lack of family negotiation, and their male spouses were often absent from housework duties or childcare. This reached also found that Chinese-speaking female immigrants&rsquo; coping strategies were not differentiated by their places of origin. However, there were some differences within these three subcultural groups due to their informal support resources and employment experiences. This research found that participants from Taiwan and Hong Kong tend to negotiate with their husbands, while those from China were inclined to connect cross-broader resources (informal support from the extended family) to achieve family goals and personal development. This research also found that the influence of &ldquo;Face culture&rdquo; and &ldquo;Familism&rdquo; has the stronger impact on martial relationship and the choice of business investment among participants from China. Conclusion: Even though Australia is a multicultural society, this research suggested that gender inequality can be reinforced by Australian education systems and labor markets, due to its lacking consideration of the needs of immigrant family. This research, by focusing on the work and family compatibility of three Chines-speaking female communities, contributes to a better understanding of different &ldquo;stage&rdquo; coping modes of female immigrants. The findings of this research also provide implications for multicultural society, immigration policy, and family social work practice. Suggestion: 1.Australia and Taiwan have very different employment systems and labor markets. For people who plan to immigrate to Australia, it is a necessity that they understand local labor markets and skills required and prepare themselves for reskilling or upskilling if needed. This transition requires financial support and good mentality. 2.Taiwan is gradually becoming a multicultural society. Families from diverse cultural backgrounds bring new challenges to social work practice. When providing support to families with diverse cultural backgrounds, social workers need to be aware of challenges and needs of families have when they are in the different stages of the family life cycle. 3.The government shall actively develop a diversified and flexible immigration policy to attract professionals and skilled immigrants or encourage the international students staying in Taiwan after graduation. For immigrant family members, the government shall provide free Chinese learning courses via multiple learning channels. By organizing multicultural events and school activities, immigrant and local families can have a better understanding towards each other&rsquo;s cultures and further reduce social barriers.

雨傘之下：香港基督教兩種接地神學與民主合作聯盟 摘要 本文以二零一四年雨傘運動為起點，從地理學的角度研究香港的民主景觀。此硏究乃以一個新的文化地理學路徑去分析多種的接地神學如何從下面支撐起香港基督徒對於民主運動的參與。其中心論點是已經形成了兩個不同的香港基督教接地神學 —— 合作性的和批判性的，其不同之處在於如何定位自身與香港政府之間的關係。本文通過民族誌和檔案硏究法追溯作為民主合作聯盟之起源的一九七八年金禧事件。從金禧事件到一九九七年回歸，民主共識在神學上演變為訴求方式不同的兩派，一派認為與政府合作乃執行民主改革的理想途徑，另一派則認為批評政府才是執行民主改革的理想途徑。本文使用地理學路徑做宗教和民主運動研究，對華人社會的宗教社會科學硏究或有助益。

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese only. 抗日戰争期間中國的東北、江南及南方等地，多成爲“淪陷區”，及後日本戰敗，中國戰勝，戰後國民政府以“肅奸”爲名，廣泛緝捕入仕日據政權的人物，至1949後海峽兩岸政權在民族主義史觀影響下，官方多眨斥入仕東北的“僞”滿洲國、“汪僞”政權及其他日佔“淪陷區”的知識分子，並表述爲“漢奸”、“通敵”、“事仇”、“附逆”。然而，以現實生活的情況考慮，仕“敵”政權者，可能有很多考慮，未必只因貪圖個人利益而“附逆”。在新史學的帶動下，提倡學術應盡力還回歷史真相，以人性及親身體會的角度重評史事及人物，學術界由是展開重評及硏究日佔時期的“漢奸”，尤以日佔時香港的情況更爲微妙，不少華人精英由仕英至再轉向仕日，這些與日本殖民政權“協作”的精英，雖受國民政府批評及緝捕，卻受到港英政府的保護，居港“漢奸”的心態及結果，不如居中國内地“漢奸”知識分子。究竟生活在日佔時期的香港知識精英，怎樣面對港英、曰本殖民地政權和國民政府？他們仕日的行爲與其思想是否一致？近日，鄭明仁運用中、英及日本檔案文獻，口述訪問，撰寫《淪陷時期香港報業與“漢奸”》（以下簡稱《香港報業》）一書，藉此“幫助還原當年的歷史，從中我們發現香港淪陷時期的報人，像其他淪陷區的文化人一樣，不得不忍辱求存，發表附和曰人的文章，但又能表現出‘身在曹營心在漢’的民族氣節，因此，當年報紙上出現很多既附日，又反日的矛盾言論”（頁19），此書以日佔時被國民政府視爲“漢奸”的《華僑日報》（以下簡稱《華僑》）創辦人岑維休和戰時《華僑》的言論爲例，深入探討居淪陷區的香港報人生活及精神，補足硏究日佔時期香港史及香港新聞史不足之處。以下分析《香港報業》一書突破現時相關課題的學術硏究成果及有待優化的地方。(撮要取自內文首段)

黃碧雲.
稿本
論文(碩士)--香港中文大學硏究院政治與行政學部,1992.
附參考文獻
Huang Biyun.
鳴謝
縮略詞表
論文撮要
Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論
Chapter 一. --- 硏究焦點及問題 --- p.3
Chapter 二. --- 研究原因 --- p.4
Chapter 甲. --- 香港民族主義--一個有待發展的研究領域 --- p.4
Chapter 乙. --- 香港的獨特性 --- p.7
Chapter 丙. --- 正視民族主義與民主的複雜關係 --- p.8
Chapter 丁. --- 開拓香港民主運動研究的新角度 --- p.8
Chapter 三. --- 概念 --- p.9
Chapter 甲. --- 民族主義是什麼？ --- p.9
Chapter 乙. --- 地域性民族主義 --- p.14
Chapter 四. --- 文獻回顧：民族主義與民主的關係 --- p.16
Chapter 甲. --- 民族主義可促進民主主義？ --- p.16
Chapter 乙. --- 亞洲的民族主義本質上是反民主的？ --- p.18
Chapter 丙. --- 不宜簡化民族主義與民主的因果關係 --- p.20
Chapter 丁 . --- 從具體的歷史處境出發 --- p.23
Chapter 戊. --- 小結 --- p.26
Chapter 五. --- 分析架構 --- p.27
Chapter 六. --- 研究假設 --- p.30
Chapter 七. --- 研究方法 --- p.31
Chapter 甲. --- 研究性質 --- p.31
Chapter 乙. --- 資料來源 --- p.31
Chapter 丙. --- 訪問對象的選取及訪問的進行 --- p.32
Chapter 第二章： --- 香港民主派的民族主義內涵及表現形態
Chapter 一. --- 中國民族主義-官方的詮釋 --- p.35
Chapter 甲. --- 對内的愛國主義 --- p.36
Chapter 乙. --- 對外的愛國主義 --- p.37
Chapter 二. --- 香港民族主義的發展 --- p.38
Chapter 三. --- 香港民主派的民族主義内涵及表現形態 --- p.42
Chapter 甲. --- 雙重的身份認同 --- p.43
Chapter 1 . --- 民族、文化層次的認同 --- p.45
Chapter 2 . --- 泛政治層次的認同 --- p.47
Chapter 3 . --- 政府、政權層次的認同 --- p.48
Chapter 乙. --- 民族情感的特色 --- p.55
Chapter 1 . --- 愛國而不愛黨 --- p.57
Chapter 2 . --- 休戚與共之情 --- p.59
Chapter 3 . --- 對中國的冀望 --- p.60
Chapter 4 . --- 立足香港、頁獻中國 --- p.61
Chapter 丙. --- 政策層面的體現 --- p.62
Chapter 1 . --- 主權回歸 --- p.62
Chapter 2 . --- 香港獨立 --- p.68
Chapter 3. --- 台灣獨立與兩岸统一 --- p.69
Chapter 4 . --- 居英權 --- p.73
Chapter 四. --- 小結 --- p.79
Chapter 第三章： --- 民族主義與香港民主運動
Chapter 一. --- 民族主義與民主主義的關係 --- p.82
Chapter 甲. --- 民族主義與民主主義的相容關係 --- p.83
Chapter 乙. --- 民族主義作為香港民主運動的推動力 --- p.86
Chapter 二. --- 民族主義與民主運動的策略、行為 --- p.88
Chapter 甲. --- 民族主義作為政治象徵的作用 --- p.88
Chapter 乙. --- 民族主義作為群眾動員工具的可能性與限制 --- p.94
Chapter 丙. --- 中、港兩地民主運動的匯合與分離 --- p.102
Chapter 1 . --- 非主流民主派 --- p.104
Chapter 2 . --- 主流民主派 --- p.107
Chapter 丁. --- 六四事件後香港民主運動的矛盾境況 --- p.120
Chapter 1 . --- 兩地民運之間分、合並存的矛盾 --- p.120
Chapter 2. --- 中港關係的矛盾 --- p.122
Chapter 三. --- 小结 --- p.125
Chapter 第四章： --- 總結
Chapter 一. --- 香港民主派民族主義的類型、内涵、變化和特色 --- p.127
Chapter 甲. --- 民族主義的類型和内涵 --- p.127
Chapter 乙. --- 民族主義的歷史變化 --- p.129
Chapter 丙. --- 地域性民族主義的特色 --- p.130
Chapter 二 . --- 民族主義與香港民主運動的關係 --- p.132
Chapter 甲. --- 動機 --- p.133
Chapter 乙. --- 象徵 --- p.133
Chapter 丙. --- 動員工具 --- p.134
Chapter 丁. --- 民族主義與民主運動策略、行為的配套 --- p.135
Chapter 三. --- 研究啓示：香港民主運動的發展策略 --- p.137
Chapter 四. --- 進一步的研究方向 --- p.141
Chapter 甲. --- 分析單位 --- p.141
Chapter 乙. --- 研究假設 --- p.142
Chapter 丙. --- 研究重點 --- p.143
附錄
Chapter 附錄一： --- 訪問題目
Chapter 附錄二： --- 六四前後支援中國愛國民運的群眾動員紀錄表(1989-91)
Chapter 附錄三： --- 香港民主運動民促會的群眾動員紀錄表（1986-90)
註釋
書目
主要英文參考書目
主要中文參考書目
主要參考報章雜誌