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1

Feige, Edgar L., e William Velvel Moskoff. "German Jewish Soldiers and the Celebration of Yom Kippur in Wartime: Patriotic Images and Jewish Aspirations". Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 41, n. 3 (2023): 32–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2023.a918854.

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Abstract: One of the enduring themes in German Jewish history has been the deep-seated desire of Jews to be fully accepted as equals by other Germans, including the right to worship freely. Their conscription and voluntary service in the military during both the Franco-Prussian War (1870–1871) and World War I (1914–1918), provided an opportunity for Jews to demonstrate their fealty to the nation. Moreover, their requests for Jewish military chaplains were granted, enabling them to celebrate their traditional High Holy Days services. This article tells the story of Jewish religious worship on Yom Kippur during both wars as depicted by German artists. We examine contemporaneous accounts of the scenes depicted, and find that while some were accurate with respect to venue and mood, the most popular images of throngs of Jewish soldiers worshiping on open-air battlefields were fictionalized images of events that never took place. These pictorial images, exaggerated, romanticized, and idealized, portrayed Jews as patriotic Germans, fully engaged with the wartime goals of the German government while practicing their unique forms of worship. German Jews and Jews throughout the diaspora clung to these images which became widely available on postcards, lithographs, and cloth wall hangings. They continued to be proudly displayed in Jewish homes as symbols of Jewish patriotism, until the end of World War I when blatant antisemitism falsely blamed the Jews for Germany’s defeat.
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Koss, Andrew N. "War within, War without: Russian Refugee Rabbis during World War I". AJS Review 34, n. 2 (novembre 2010): 231–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009410000334.

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After the outbreak of World War I in 1914, Rabbi Ya‘akov Landa was one of some 250,000 Russian Jews who had fled, or been forcibly expelled, from their homes in Russia's western provinces to settle in the country's interior. After Landa's exile, he spent several months traveling amid refugee communities in Voronezh, Tambov, Penza, Saratov, and Samara provinces. At the conclusion of his journey, he composed a detailed report about the state of religious observance among the refugees, which he sent to Rabbi Shalom Dov-Ber Schneerson of Lubavitch. Landa's observations during these months shocked his core sensibilities as a rabbi and an observant Jew. He noted that refugees were disregarding such fundamental aspects of Jewish practice as Sabbath observance and were living without the basic institutions that had traditionally defined religious and communal life.
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Panter, Sarah. "Neutral Spectators from a Distance? American Jews and the Outbreak of the First World War". Religions 9, n. 7 (18 luglio 2018): 218. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel9070218.

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As the First World War broke out in 1914, American Jews seemed far away from the upheaval in Europe. Yet their role as neutral spectators from the distance was questioned right from the outset because of their diverse transcultural entanglements with Europe. Seen from a specific Jewish perspective, the war bore the potential of becoming a fratricidal war. In particular at the Eastern front it was a likely scenario that Jewish soldiers fighting on either side would have to face each other in battle. For Jews, depending on how one defined Jewishness, could be regarded as citizens of a particular nation-state or multi-ethnic empire, as members of a transnational religious community or as members of an ethnic-national diaspora community. Against this background, this article attempts to shed fresh light on the still under-researched topic of American Jewish responses to the outbreak of the First World War. Although American Jewry in 1914 was made up of Jews with different socio-cultural backgrounds, they were often regarded as being pro-German. The war’s impact and the pressures of conformity associated with these contested loyalties for American Jews did therefore not just unfold in and after 1917, but, as this article emphasizes, already in 1914.
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4

Weeks, Theodore R. "Reading Vilna in the First World War". Colloquia 48 (30 dicembre 2021): 138–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.51554/coll.21.48.09.

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The outbreak of war in August 1914 marked a new era in the history of Vilna for all of the city’s inhabitants, but perhaps for the Jews most of all. The world war accelerated the processes of political and economic modernisation, to the detriment of local Jews. These processes were not, however, immediately evident to local residents, though the more far-seeing among them feared for the worst. After all, when had Jews gained from military action? In this short paper, I will give an overview of the impact of the First World War on Vilna, and highlight two specific, very different, sources: Paul Monty’s Wanderstunden in Vilna, a guidebook for German soldiers, and Hirsz Abramowicz’s Profiles of a Lost World, a memoir published later (in Yiddish) by a long-time Vilna resident.
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5

Crim, Brian E. "“Our Most Serious Enemy”: The Specter of Judeo-Bolshevism in the German Military Community, 1914–1923". Central European History 44, n. 4 (dicembre 2011): 624–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938911000665.

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That the Wehrmacht participated fully in a racial war of extermination on behalf of the National Socialist regime is indisputable. Officers and enlisted men alike accepted the logic that the elimination of the Soviet Union was necessary for Germany's survival. The Wehrmacht's atrocities on the Eastern Front are a testament to the success of National Socialist propaganda and ideological training, but the construct of “Judeo-bolshevism” originated during World War I and its immediate aftermath. Between 1918 and 1923, central Europe witnessed a surge in right-wing paramilitary violence and anti-Semitic activity resulting from fears of bolshevism and a widely held belief that Jews were largely responsible for spreading revolution. Jews suffered the consequences of revolution and resurgent nationalism in the borderlands between Germany and Russia after World War I, but it was inside Germany that the construct of Judeo-bolshevism evolved into a powerful rhetorical tool for the growing völkisch movement and eventually a justification for genocide.
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6

Lesser, Jeffrey. "The Immigration and Integration of Polish Jews in Brazil, 1924-1934". Americas 51, n. 2 (ottobre 1994): 173–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007924.

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The end of World War I marked the beginning of a new era in European migration to Brazil. The immigrants that had poured into the “país do futuro” (country of the future) now came at only a trickle and the number of entries fell by over fifty percent between 1913 and 1914 and by another sixty percent the year after. In 1918 fewer than 20,000 immigrants entered Brazil, a low that would not again be approached until 1936. Even so, between 1918 and 1919 the number of arrivals to Brazil's ports almost doubled, and in 1920 almost doubled again, reaching 69,000.Post-war immigrants to Brazil differed in many ways from the pre-war group, both in national origin and in their views of success and opportunity. Although Portuguese, Italians, Spanish, and German immigrants continued to predominate, between 1924 and 1934 East European immigration to Brazil increased almost ten times to more than 93,000, representing about 8.5 percent of the total. Most of the East Europeans who migrated to Brazil in the quarter century after World War I were those fleeing the upheavals created by the establishment of the state of Poland. At the same time quotas and other forms of restriction in the U.S., Argentina, and Canada increasingly led potential migrants to look towards Brazil. The frequently destitute East Europeans rarely enjoyed the support of their often powerless governments, a factor that made such immigrants attractive to Brazil's large landowners. In 1927, a contract between the Polish Government and Brazil's Secretary of Agriculture for the transportation of 2,000 Polish families was partially based on the belief that the mixing of “docile” East Europeans with more “volatile” Southern Europeans would “go a long way to obviate any labor trouble that might otherwise occur.” Whatever positive attributes the East Europeans might have presented to Brazilian elites in terms of “dividing and conquering,” the Lithuanian government complained that the condition of its 20,000 immigrants was “so pitiable … that (we) might be forced to repatriate them.”
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7

Le Rider, Jacques. "Les juifs viennois (1867-1914)". Austriaca 73, n. 1 (2011): 237–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/austr.2011.4951.

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The historical period of the so called “Liberal Empire” between the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867 and World War I was the Golden Age of integration and assimilation of Jews within the Viennese society and at the same time the period of a deep identity crisis of the Vienne Jewry. The demographic change of the Jewish group in Vienna as a consequence of mass immigration of Eastern Jews, the political fall of the liberal party, and the spraid over of a new antisemitic cultural code forced many Jewish Jews to redefine their own conception of Jewish identity. The political engagement in the social-democratic or in the Zionist movement was characteristic of an increasing number of Viennese Jews.
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8

Baczkowski, Michal. "Żołnierze żydowscy w armii austro-węgierskiej podczas I wojny światowej". Res Gestae 13 (7 gennaio 2022): 96–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/24504475.13.5.

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The military service of Jewish soldiers during World War I caused controversies, with the term“Jew” itself being problematic. In Austria-Hungary, a Jewish nationality was not recognized, andthe only criterium of identification was a declaration of practicing religion (Judaism). This isnot a problem for establishing the number of Jewish privates, but it disrupts the statistics of theofficer corps, where it was common to abandon Judaism. In the Austro-Hungarian Army, Jewshad the ability to acquire higher officer ranks (general), but in practice, this was only applicableto Jews assimilated to German culture. The percentage of Jews among reserve officers was higherthan average due to their high level of education. According to data from 1910, Jews constituted3.1% of all privates in the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. World War I took the lives of about25,000 Austro-Hungarian Jews, i.e. about 8.3% of all followers of Judaism mobilized to the army.This was a percentage slightly lower than for Christians, which became fodder to anti-Semitism.Jewish soldiers showed loyalty to the state and did not engage in military rebellions in 1918. After the war, the memory of Jewish soldiers was not cultivated in the Austro-Hungarian monarchy’s successor states. In contrast to Germany, however, they were not accused of acting to undermine the empire’s military potential during World War I.
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9

Imiłowska-Duma, Aleksandra. "Stosunki polsko-żydowskie we Lwowie w latach 1918 – 1919 (wybrane zagadnienia)". Pomiędzy. Polonistyczno-Ukrainoznawcze Studia Naukowe 3, n. 1 (2017): 117–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppusn.2017.03.09.

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Polish-Jewish relations in Lviv 1918 – 1919 (selected issues). During World War I Lviv became a field of struggle between Poles and Ukrainians for the possession of the city. During the conflict Jews declared to be neutral. Nevertheless, when the Polish army took over the city, anti-Jewish riots started. Jews were, mainly falsely, believed to support Ukrainians. The pogrom lasted for two days (Nov 22 – 23 1918) and had a strong negative effect on the Polish-Jewish relations. Another important issue was the question of equality for Jews. Most of the Jewish political parties in Lviv understood and supported the demand. Poles, for various reasons, could not agree to grant Jews with a national-cultural autonomy. For the public opinion in Poland, the Jewish struggle for equality was only another example of their hostility towards the Polish state.
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Silber, Marcos. "Poland? But which? Jewish Political Attitudes toward the Polish State in Formation during World War I". Przegląd Humanistyczny 63, n. 1 (464) (17 settembre 2019): 39–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.4973.

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What kind of country are we talking about when we speak of Poland from the perspective of the organized Jewish political leadership in Poland? What should the scope and characteristics of the new Polish state in their view be? What kind of relations should Poland have with neighbouring states, as well as within, among its various populations and societies? The paper explores the changing answers given by different political Jewish leadership in a period of liminality – the interval between two stages and two distinct situations: the imperial order (Austrian and Russian) and the Polish national state. It examines Galicia and the Congress Poland from 1914 to 1918 when the territory was disputed among different empires and nations and its fate was far from clear. The article claims that the different visions of Poland presented by the Jewish leadership were grounded in two assumptions. The first was that the Jews as an integral part of society were legitimately entitled to express their own vision of the future state, the second – that the Jews, as an integral part of society, were entitled to equality on all levels of social life. That is the reason, the article claims, behind the demands for a fair distribution of the state’s resources regardless the mother tongue, religion, or ethno-national identification. The efforts the leaders of the Polish Jewry made to include the Jews as a minority group equal to others in the Polish state took place in the framework of the ethno-national ethos as the constitutive principle of state-building. The changing political circumstances and the growing hegemonic discourse based on the nation and nationality brought, claims the article, to the raising of a new Jewish national leadership during World War I. This leadership became convinced that, in the light of the discriminatory policies and growing anti-Jewish violence, only a mechanism of minority rights could guarantee Jewish existence in Poland.
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11

VAN ONSELEN, CHARLES. "JEWISH POLICE INFORMERS IN THE ATLANTIC WORLD, 1880–1914". Historical Journal 50, n. 1 (13 febbraio 2007): 119–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005942.

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The great migration from the tsarist empire, sparked by the assassination of Alexander II, in 1881, saw two to three million east European Jews re-settling in the great cities of the Atlantic world before the First World War. Often discriminated against in labour markets, and socially marginalized in new environments, Russo-Polish males either persisted in, or resorted to, organized crime centred on the illicit sale of alcohol, professional gambling, and prostitution to survive. Atlantic states, however, were reluctant to employ Jews as uniformed police or detectives in their fight against syndicated crime. In order to overcome the challenge of ethnicized crime, law-enforcement agencies, like nineteenth-century tsarist administrations before them, employed informers. Jewish informers who, unbeknown to police handlers, were sometimes also psychopaths in an era before the condition was clinically identified, were used to infiltrate underworld structures. By nature, informing offered a short-term, unstable, existence fraught with unintended consequences for police and spies alike – thereby encouraging extraordinary geographical mobility amongst informers. Orthodox histories of law-enforcement agencies tend to focus on structural changes in police forces but a re-examination of the role of informers in organized crime should allow for the development of more subtle insights into the evolution of policing as a dynamic, interactive, social process.
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12

Shevchuk, Oleksandr, e Yuliia Siekunova. "The Humanitarian Mission by Jewish Joint Distribution Committee in Hungary (1914-1921)". Eminak, n. 1(41) (13 aprile 2023): 116–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.33782/eminak2023.1(41).625.

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The purpose of the research paper is coverage of the process of deployment of the Jewish Joint Distribution Committee’s humanitarian mission in Hungary, determination of its scope and addressees, evaluation of aid results. The scientific novelty is lies in the fact that for the first time the JDC’s humanitarian mission is shown in the Hungarian territories – during the First World War, as part of Austria-Hungary, after – as an independent State. The JDC’s role in helping both Hungarian Jews and refugees from the territories who suffered from hostilities is shown. The volumes of assistance, its forms and the main addressers of its receipt are disclosed. Conclusions. In spite of insurmountable difficulties during World War I and in the post-War years that followed it; in spite of the lack of unity and of many internal differences; in spite of negative attitudes from various governments – in spite of all these obstacles, American Jewry was able not only to deliver general organized relief to the starving European Jews (including Hungarian Jews), but also to assist in the organization of the machinery for the transmission of private relief. Indeed, on November 13, 1919, Dr. Bogen wrote in his report: “The most essential factor in this rehabilitation is the establishment of the necessary means to transmit the relief so generously proffered by American Jewry, the organization of the transmission system”. JDC for the first time had brought together in the common task of mercy American Jews of all shades of opinion. The experience of these years had developed an organization and had recruited dedicated personnel. A small but adaptable staff of diverse background and experience brought together a corps of experts ready to take on additional assignments. A network of affiliated Jewish organizations was prepared to assume responsibility for reconstruction, but was also available in the event of unexpected crisis. Aids for the Jews of Hungary was, though small, but very tangible. Local Jews, as well as refugees from neighboring territories (especially Galicia) received much-needed support. Participation in the program of the European Children’s Fund saved tens of thousands of children and their families from death. At the same time, this program had its continuation in the future. All this created the basis for the transition to the stage of reconstruction, which, if possible, we will highlight in further studies.
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Ahonen, Paavo. "The first steps in a Judaeo-Bolshevik conspiracy". Nordisk judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 35, n. 1 (28 giugno 2024): 15–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.142240.

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At the turn of the twentieth century, Jews were mostly blamed for small-scale and local conspiracies, but during and after the First World War global antisemitic theories started to emerge. In 1917, even before the Communist revolution, rumours spread around Russia that there was a close connection between the Bolshevist movement and Jews. Fear of Communism was prevalent in Finnish society, especially after the Civil War in the spring of 1918. This article focuses on one of the main manifestations of this fear, the development and spread of the Jewish-Bolshevik conspiracy theory in the Finnish press after the Russian Revolution. The main sources for this article are Finnish newspapers and magazines published between 1917 and 1920. The goal is to describe how and whence the idea of a Jewish-Bolshevist conspiracy spread to Finland, and how new antisemitic ideas were connected to the millennia-old hatred of Jews.
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Lavrenko, Valeriia S. "Images of Jews in the minds of the Russian Administration and Society of the Front-line Zone during the First World War". Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 1, n. 1-2 (26 dicembre 2019): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/2611808.

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The article analyzes generalized visions of the Jewish population that existed during 1914–1917 in the surrounding of Russian administration and among the general population of the temporarily occupied territories of Russian empire and of its western provinces. The source base of the study is presented by documents of the gendarme agency from the collections of the Central State Historical Archive of Ukraine (Kyiv). They reveal the political mood of the population, rumors and statements that potentially can destabilize the situation in the region. The sources give the following generalized characteristics of the Jewish population: 1. Jews avoid military service and public works; 2. Jews massively sympathize to the enemy and gladly perceive his victories and defeats of the Russian army; 3. Jews spy in favor of Austria-Hungary; 4. During the war, the Jewish population significantly increased its wealth by raising prices for essential goods; 5. Jews gain excessive wealth in the game of exchange rates; 6. Jews in Galicia directly agitate for the return of the Austrian authorities; 7. Jews represent a community that is unsafe to provide civil rights, because it will automatically strike in the interests of the rest of the population; 8. Jews are often robbed during the war, but they deserve it; 9. The Jewish community is characterized by a special rejection of Nicholas II’s personal and royal family; 10. Jews massively spread anti-Russian rumors. The author concludes that most of the characteristics of the Jewish population reflect the attitude towards it as a “domestic enemy”. The Russian authorities, both in the front-line provinces and territories temporarily occupied during the war, actively contributed to the formation of such a negative image. This fully fitted into the policy of the tsarist government, which can be characterized as state anti-Semitism. Later, such actions were partly due to the pogromous activity of the local population against the Jews in the revolutionary purges of 1917-1921.
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Steer, Martina. "Nation, Religion, Gender: The Triple Challenge of Middle-Class German-Jewish Women in World War I". Central European History 48, n. 2 (giugno 2015): 176–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938915000333.

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AbstractGerman-Jewish women are elusive figures in the current literature on World War I. Looking at the complexity of their wartime experience and its consequences for the Weimar years, this article deals with Jewish middle-class women's tripartite motivation as Germans, Jews, and females to make sacrifices for the war. To that end, it traces their efforts to help Germany to victory, to gain suffrage, and to become integrated into German society. At the same time, the article shows how these women not only transformed the war into an opportunity for greater female self-determination but also responded to wartime and postwar antisemitism. The experience of the war and the need for reorientation after 1918 motivated them to become more involved in the affairs of the German-Jewish community itself and to contribute significantly to shaping public Jewish life in Weimar Germany—but without giving up their German identity.
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Wibowo, Hanafi. "Mandat Liga Bangsa-Bangsa : Kegagalan Palestina Menjadi Negara Merdeka (1920-1948)". Buletin Al-Turas 20, n. 2 (29 gennaio 2020): 297–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/bat.v20i2.3762.

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Abstrak Artikel ini mengkaji Palestina pada masa Mandat Inggris melalui Metode Historis dengan Pendekatan Politik. Pasca Perang Dunia Pertama (1914-1918), Inggris mendapat mandat dari Liga Bangsa Bangsa untuk mengelola administrasi bekas wilayah wilayah Arab yang sebelumnya adalah bekas wilayah Turki Usmani. Di dalam proses pengelolaan ini, terjadi permasalahan dimana muncul dua kekuatan yang saling bertentangan yaitu Zionis Yahudi sebagai pendatang baru dan rakyat Palestina sebagai penduduk asli. Keinginan Liga Bangsa Bangsa yang menugaskan Inggris untuk memberikan masing masing kedua bangsa itu sebuah negara yang merdeka mendapat penolakan baik dari pihak Palestina maupun dari pihak Yahudi itu sendiri. Studi ini juga mempelajari dampak dari keberhasilan orang Yahudi mendirikan Israel diatas penderitaan rakyat Palestina. Artikel ini ingin menjelaskan mengapa Palestina mengalami kegagalan dalam mendirikan sebuah negara merdeka yang penulis dapatkan dari pelbagai sumber dan data-data tertulis. Menurut penelahaan penulis, era Mandat Inggris adalah akar dan awal kegagalan Palestina mendirikan negara merdeka, selain itu terdapat dua faktor penting penyebab kegagalan tersebut. Pertama, adalah faktor internal dari rakyat yang saat itu berupa adanya kesalahan strategi dari elit dan rakyat Palestina sendiri. Kedua yaitu faktor eksternal adalah campur tangan negara-negara Arab tetangga yang memecah Palestina demi kepentingannya.---Abstract This article examines the period of the British Mandate of Palestine through the Historical Method and Political Approach. Post First World War (1914-1918), the British received the mandate from the League of Nations to manage the administration of the former Arab territories which previously was a former territories of the Ottoman Empire. In this management process, there is a problem which emerged two opposing forces, namely the Zionist Jews as newcomers and the Palestinians as natives. League of Nations assigned Britain to give each of the two nations was an independent country gets a rejection by the Palestinians and the Jews themselves. This study also studied the impact of the success of the Jews set up Israel over the plight of the Palestinians. This article wants to explain why the Palestinians have failed in establishing an independent state that the author got from various sources and data. According to the review of the author, the British Mandate era is the root and the beginning of the failure of the Palestinians to establish an independent state. There are two important factors causing this failure. First, the internal factors of the people who was in the form of an error in the strategy of Palestinians themselves. A second ,external factor which the interference of neighboring Arab states (Jordan and Egypt) who partitioning the territories of Palestine.
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Dmitrieva, O. P. "THE JEWISH LIBRARIES ON THE TERRITORY OF BELARUS BEFORE THE WORLD WAR I". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of Belarus, Humanitarian Series 63, n. 3 (25 agosto 2018): 297–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.29235/2524-2369-2018-63-3-297-305.

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The condition and development of the Jewish libraries on the territory of Belarus before the World War I is researched. The author emphasizes that the Jews were one of the biggest ethnic groups in the region; therefore, they influenced cultural and educational processes on the Belarusian territories, including the development of librarianship. Special attention is paid to the quantity of the Jewish population on the Belarusian territories before the World War I (1897– 1914). It is also stressed that the Jews used the oral and written language at a sufficient level: this is an important condition for the development of nation-based libraries. The author analyses the state of the Jewish libraries in Vilno, Vitebsk, Grodno, Minsk and Mogilev provinces. The positive points are as follows: a good number of readers, free access to books outside the libraries as a stimulating measure to increase some interest among visitors, and periodicals reading rooms in some Jewish libraries in Belarus. Some obstacles on the way to the active development of the already existing and newly appearing Jewish libraries are revealed. They are as follows: weak state financial support, untimely book fund renewal, narrow target groups (mostly children and teenagers), non-qualified staff, low level of record management and local authorities’ bans for the registration of new libraries.
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Connelly, John. "Poles and Jews in the Second World War: the Revisions of Jan T. Gross". Contemporary European History 11, n. 4 (28 ottobre 2002): 641–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777302004071.

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Jan T. Gross, Neighbors: The Destruction of the Jewish Community in Jedwabne, Poland (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001), 261 pp., ISBN 0-691-08667-2.Marek Jan Chodakiewicz, Żydzi i Polacy 1918–1955: Współistnienie – zagłada – komunizm (Warsaw: Biblioteka Frondy, 2000), 731 pp., ISBN 8-391-25418-6.Leo Cooper, In the Shadow of the Polish Eagle: The Poles, the Holocaust, and Beyond (Houndmills and New York: Palgrave, 2000), 255 pp., ISBN 0-333-75265-1.Martin Dean, Collaboration in the Holocaust: Crimes of the Local Police in Belorussia and Ukraine, 1941–44 (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999), ISBN 0-312-22056-1.Yitzhak Arad, Israel Gutman, and Abraham Margaliot, eds., Documents on the Holocaust: Selected Sources on the Destruction of the Jews of Germany and Austria, Poland, and the Soviet Union, 8th edn (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press and Jerusalem: Yad Vashem, 1999), 508 pp., ISBN 0-803-21050-7.
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Zieliński, Konrad. "Polish-Jewish Relations in the Kingdom of Poland During the First World War". European Journal of Jewish Studies 2, n. 2 (2008): 269–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187247109x454440.

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AbstractThe First World War, and particularly the occupation by the Central States, had a great impact upon the relations of the Jews with the Poles. During this period, Polish-Jewish relations deteriorated. The growing economic problems as well as the rise of the nationalistic mood accompanying the approaching independence supported this tendency. At the same time, the new social and political situation, the relative liberalism of the occupying forces, the free elections, the activities of self-government, and the emergence of the Polish autonomous institutions created new possibilities for Polish-Jewish cooperation. Yet more often they actually multiplied the areas of conflict. In the autumn of 1918 there had been pogroms in the Kingdom of Poland: Polish-Jewish relations apparently worsened in big cities as well as in the small towns and the countryside, which earlier had been relatively free from anti-Semitism.
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Hagen, William W. "Murder in the East: German-Jewish Liberal Reactions to Anti-Jewish Violence in Poland and Other East European Lands, 1918–1920". Central European History 34, n. 1 (marzo 2001): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916101750149112.

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World War I intensified antisemitism everywhere in Central and Eastern Europe, both at the level of public opinion, among right-leaning political parties and, often, in government circles. The war elevated the significance of the Jewish question in other ways as well, and not only because the Balfour Declaration of 1917 conjured up a Zionist triumph. The prospect of a German victory over Russia promised a reordering under German hegemony of the civil condition and citizenly status of the east European Jews, such as the Central Powers' creation in November 1916 of the Kingdom of Poland in the heartland of Russia's former Polish lands had already begun to bring about. Later, in the shadow of the German defeat, there arose the quite different question of the Jews' integration into the newly founded, nationally legitimized, nationalistically agitated successor states to the now vanished multiethnic monarchies.
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Mendel, Yonatan. "1914 as an inflection point: Arabic teaching in the Jewish community in Palestine". Journal of Arabic Sociolinguistics 2, n. 1 (marzo 2024): 116–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/arabic.2024.0025.

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The late Ottoman period in Palestine witnessed the establishment of some prominent Hebrew educational institutions which, in addition to Hebrew, taught Arabic and other languages. Arabic was primarily taught in Arabic by native speakers – either Palestinians of Muslim or Christian origin, or Jewish-Sephardic teachers (from Palestine or neighboring countries) who were fluent in both the language and the culture. In light of pedagogical developments in the field of Arabic studies in the Middle East, and the widespread instruction of Arabic in Jewish schools, an Arabic-language pedagogical and educational elite developed in Jewish schools in Palestine, composed of Jewish and Arab natives to the region. Yet political and demographic changes transformed Arabic-language study at the start of the century. Whereas at the close of the 19th century, Jews constituted 3% of the population, they had increased to 10% by 1914, and included more and more European Jews as well as Jews who immigrated to Palestine as part of the Zionist movement’s efforts. In other words, for the first time in history, on the eve of World War I most Jews in the country were immigrants from Europe who represented new national Zionist ideologies. Their attitudes toward Arabic instruction were different, their pre-school capabilities in Arabic were nonexistent, and their presence transformed relations between Jews and Arabs alongside Arabic pedagogy in the Jewish school system. Thus, 1914 symbolizes the end of an era of Arabic-language instruction dominated by individuals intimately familiar with Arabic language and culture and ushered in the demise of the Arabic-Sephardic Jewish leadership that had been instrumental to Jewish Arabic-language instruction until that time.
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ALBANIS, ELISABETH. "JEWISH IDENTITY IN THE FACE OF ANTI-SEMITISM". Historical Journal 41, n. 3 (settembre 1998): 895–900. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x98008024.

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A history of the Jews in the English-speaking world: Great Britain. By W. D. Rubinstein, Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996. Pp. viii+539. ISBN 0-312-12542-9. £65.00.Pogroms: anti-Jewish violence in modern Russian history. Edited by John D. Klier and Shlomo Lambroza. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992. Pp. xx+393. ISBN 0-521-40532-7. £55.00.Western Jewry and the Zionist project, 1914–1933. By Michael Berkowitz. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997. Pp. xvi+305. ISBN 0-521-47087-0. £35.00.Three books under review deal from different perspectives with the responses of Jews in Western and Eastern Europe to the increasing and more or less violent outbursts of anti-Semitism which they encountered in the years from 1880 to the Second World War. The first two titles consider how deep-rooted anti-Semitism was in Britain and Russia and in what sections of society it was most conspicuous, whereas the third asks how Western Jewry became motivated to support the Zionist project of settlement in Palestine; all three approach the question of how isolated or intergrated diaspora Jews were in their respective countries.
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Zyskina, Esther. "From Ally to Enemy: the Ottoman Empire in Publicistic Works by Ephraim Deinard". Tirosh. Jewish, Slavic & Oriental Studies 18 (2018): 77–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2658-3380.2018.18.2.2.

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The paper considers is the transformation of the image of the Ottoman Empire in the publicistic texts by Ephraim Deinard, outstand ing Jewish writer and journalist of the turn of the 19th and 20th centu ries. The research was based on two Deinard’s works, “Atidot Israel” (“The Future of Israel”, 1892) and “Tzion be’ad mi?” (“Zion for Whom?”, 1918), which deal with a variety of topics, including Deinard’s opinion on the Ottoman Empire. In particular, the radical change of his position from the statements in “Atidot Israel” to those in “Tzion be’ad mi?” is observed. Deinard discusses the following three aspects, each case being a vivid example of this controversy: 1. The Ottoman government’s attitude towards Jews and the pros pects of the collaboration of the Jewish community with the government; 2. The economic situation in the Ottoman Empire and its foreign policy; 3. The culture and cultural policy in the Ottoman Empire. Deinard’s interest in Turkey was initially caused by his Zionist views, as the Land of Israel was part of the Ottoman Empire. Later, after World War I and especially after the Balfour Declaration in 1917, the Zionists placed their expectations on Britain, while Turkey, after losing the war and the territory so important for Jews, could no more be praised by Dei nard. In addition, Deinard had lived in the USA for more than 30 years by 1918, and it is merely logical that his publicistic works were aimed against the USA’s enemy in World War I. This shift looks especially interesting when looked at through the context of the history of the Russian Jewish Enlightenment. A very simi lar process occurred in the ideology of the Russian maskilim in the 19th century. Throughout the 19th century, they believed that the Jews should be integrated in the Russian society and viewed the Russian government as their ally. The Russian authorities, correspondingly, tried to assimilate the Jews and to make them an integral part of the society. However, af ter the pogroms of 1880s, the authorities’ attitude towards Jews changed dramatically, and so did that of the maskilim towards the government. Laws regarding Jews were tightened and became openly anti-Semitic, and the maskilim started to criticize the state instead of hoping for col laboration with it. Deinard’s works used for this research date to a later period. More over, the aforementioned events influenced his positive attitude towards the Ottoman Empire: concerning the status of Jews in the both countries, Deinard opposed Turkey to Russia. Eventually, however, Turkey took the same place for Deinard as Russia did for his predecessors, the maskilim. His hopes for collaboration with the state were just as replaced by disap pointment and criticism. To conclude, the above similarity may suggest that the shift in Dein ard’s views might have correlated with the change in the ideology of the Russian maskilim.
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Salivon, Elisha. "What Does Jewish Praying Book from the World War Tell: after the Publication by Rabbi Dr. Sali Levy". Tirosh. Jewish, Slavic & Oriental Studies 18 (2018): 110–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2658-3380.2018.18.3.2.

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This paper presents an article by Rabbi Dr. S. Levi published in 1921 in Monatsschrift für Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums about French Jewish army rabbis and Jewish praying books from World War One distributed among Jewish soldiers in French Army. Levi served himself as an Army Rabbi in German army. He used his own experience to highlight the most interesting and significant features of French approach toward Jewish military service in time of war. This article of Rabbi Levi serves as an example of continuation of the pre-war GermanJewish self-identification as both culturally German and religiously Jewish. However, it also presented an interesting depiction of the technical details about French Army praying book. In contrast to German Jewry, their French counterparts published praying book under the auspices of the Chief Rabbi of France and distributed in with the help of his office. Levi pointed out that these praying books reflect in their content the original war time religiosity, which was still important to reconstruct and to reflect about in the after war epoch. The Great Rabbi of France gave his sanctions for the publishing the Prayer for the War Time and Prayer for France, both prayers bore his name and originated in the years 1914-1915. Dr. Levi justly saw in the figure of the Great Rabbi a central authority for the Jews in the French uniform. The French praying book was designated not only for the French Jews of European origin who mostly had had Alsace and Lorraine roots, but also for the Sephardic Jews from the French colonies in North Africa (Morocco and Algiers). Because of this fact, this praying book was different in its content from both German Jewish praying books. It provided two versions of the Hebrew texts in accordance to Ashkenazi and Sephardic rites. Both versions, the Ashkenazi (and the German one as Dr. Levi called it) and the Sephardic were printed together. Dr. Levi thought that it was necessary to highlight the differences between these two Jewish rites. He found that there elements in general were of great importance whereas his Ashkenazi German readers would find it confusing to differentiate between ritual nuances with their Sephardic co-religionists, namely in the conducting the death-, burial- and mourning praying ceremonies. In accordance to the articles published in the Monatsschrift Jewish experiences during the First World War were positively evaluated by their German co-religionists.
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Ashworth, Lucian M. "Warriors, pacifists and empires: race and racism in international thought before 1914". International Affairs 98, n. 1 (gennaio 2022): 281–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab199.

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Abstract Before 1914 scholars of international thought frequently relied on racist arguments, yet the ways that race was used varied widely from author to author. This article charts the way that race was used by two groups of Anglophone writers. The warriors used biological arguments to construct views of international affairs that relied on racist analysis. Pacifists might have used racist language that relied more on cultural prejudices, and would often base their more progressive views of international affairs on the idea of a civilizing mission. Using A. T. Mahan and Brooks Adams as exemplars of the warrior approach, and Norman Angell and H. N. Brailsford for the pacifists, I argue that race and racism play an important part in international thought before the First World War. This racism was directed at the colonized in the global South, Indigenous peoples in settler colonial states, and Jews in the global North. This use of race and racism in pre-First World War international thought has implications for how we view the development of International Relations today. It is not just statues and stately homes that require a thorough reassessment of attitudes to race, but also our understanding of the progression of ideas in international thought.
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PASTERNAK, Vasylyna. "Changes in the national composition and symbols of Zhovkva’s urban space as a result of the Second World War". Ukraine-Poland: Historical Heritage and Public Consciousness 12 (2019): 77–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/up.2019-12-77-87.

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Before the war, urban symbolic space of Zhovkva was divided between several national groups – Ukrainians, Poles and Jews, who created the culture and history of the city. The foundations for such cohabitation were laid during the construction of the city by the Field Crown Hetman Stanisław Żółkiewski, and survived until the start of the war, as evidenced by the memories of its inhabitants. Therefore, the article explains how the ethnic composition of the city’s population has changed and its further influence on the symbolism of the urban space. Subsequently of the dramatic events of the Second World War and the processes of resettlement of the population, two of the national groups disappeared from the urban space. The Jewish community was physically destroyed during the war, and the Poles were evicted from Zhovkva to Poland in 1944–1946. The destruction of the Jews meant the death of the whole subethnos with original culture and history. The resettlement of Poles from Zhovkva, from their homes, was extremely difficult psychologically, because they were saying goodbye to their hometown, where they lived for several generations, were deprived of their homes, property that belonged to the ancestors, they were allowed to take out only 2 tons of items social household consumption. Soviet soldiers and functionaries, peasants from the surrounding villages, who got used to living together and rebuilding Zhovkva, became “new” city dwellers. The “new” residents of the city, in cooperation with the Soviet authorities, changed the symbolic space of the city, starting with the change of name from Zhovkva to Nesterov, in honor of the Russian pilot Peter Nesterov, who died near the city in 1914. The city was built on the socialist urban model, which destroyed the historical and architectural environment of Zhovkva, founded in the XVI century. Architectural sights that testified to the multinational of Zhovkvа were destroyed or completely changed their purpose. Polish churches and monasteries were turned into warehouses or barracks for soldiers, and icons, paintings, statues, religious things were destroyed or exported abroad. Keywords Zhovkva, Stanisław Żółkiewski, Jan ІІІ Sobieski, socio-demographic processes, Poles, Jews, interethnic relations, symbolic space.
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27

Rybak, Jan. "Racialization of Disease: The Typhus-Epidemic, Antisemitism and Closed Borders in German-Occupied Poland, 1915–1918". European History Quarterly 52, n. 3 (21 giugno 2022): 461–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914221103467.

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This article analyses responses to the typhus epidemic in German-occupied Poland during the First World War. The German conquest of the Kingdom of Poland in 1915 not only instated a new political regime, but also brought about social misery on an unprecedented scale. Especially in larger cities, the poor segments of the population were made homeless or cramped into tiny apartments and suffered from hunger and disease. From 1915 outbreaks of typhus occurred in major cities, often found amongst the Jewish population. The German occupiers forcefully responded by fumigating houses, quarantining suspected cases, and forcing thousands of families into delousing facilities. These measures particularly targeted Jews as German medical officials identified them as the carriers and spreaders of the disease – some of them characterized typhus itself as a ‘Jewish disease’. In an effort to prevent the spread of the disease to Germany and to protect the German Volkskörper, Polish Jews – for the fact that they were Jews – were from 1918 onwards barred from crossing the border and thousands of Jewish migrant workers in German industry were arrested and deported. The article examines both the political and the medical context in which these policies were employed and analyses Jewish responses to both the spreading of the disease and the German anti-Jewish policies. It shows the close connection between health policy and antisemitic and nationalist ideological narratives and projects, and identifies this racialization of disease as a key moment in the development of German antisemitism.
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Bezarov, Oleksandr. "The Phenomenon of Interethnic Tolerance in Bukovyna (1861-1914): the History of the Bukovynian Jews". Науковий вісник Чернівецького національного університету імені Юрія Федьковича. Історія 2, n. 46 (20 dicembre 2017): 67–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2017.46.67-75.

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The article analyzes the phenomenon of interethnic tolerance in Bukovyna during the period of 1861-1914 on the example from the history of the Bukovynian Jews. The importance of the concept of «Bukovynism», by which modern scholars consider the phenomenon of interethnic and interconfessional tolerance in Bukovyna, is mentioned. It is proved that mutual understanding in the political and socio-cultural space of Bukovyna was achieved due to the efforts of the Austrian administration during 1861-1914. Among the factors contributing to the establishment of political consensus here, the author names such as the reform of the political system of the Austrian empire in the 1960s of the XIXth century, high intensity of the ethno-cultural communications in Bukovyna (interlingual interference) and the migration policy of the central authorities, as a result of which there was formed the German-Jewish political symbiosis with the «new socio-economic ideology»of the «Middle European economic people». The Jews, who in the second half of the XIXth century reached a marked level of political influence on the processes of socio-economic life of Bukovyna, at the beginning of the XXth century, found themselves, according to the author, in a unique situation, in which they almost did not feel the manifestations of the policy of anti-Semitism, which became noticeable in other provinces of Austria-Hungary, as well as in Vienna; the Bukovyna Jews proved to be more bearers of imperial loyalty than the Germans themselves; they managed to preserve their traditional culture, focused, first of all, in shtetls (the Jewish towns) and at the same time remained a “demographic reserve” in the production of the cultural values in Bukovyna. Instead, during the given historical period the Bukovynian Jews did not avoid the negative phenomena in their political life, which were connected, first of all, with the processes of modernization of the Habsburg Empire (urbanization, nationalism of imperial ethnic groups) and strengthening of the Viennese anti-Semitism at the beginning of the XXth century. The Austrian administration in Bukovyna stubbornly denied the Jews as an independent ethno-group, and in the economic life of the region gradually introduced the principles of segregation of the Jews. But such negative phenomena almost did not affect the situation of the Jews of Bukovyna, which, until the beginning of the World War, remained generally satisfactory, and showed, on the one hand, that the general-imperial economic crisis of the 1870s in Bukovyna did not acquire such sharpness, as in other regions of the country, and on the other hand, that alternatives to tolerant relations in the processes of harmonious development of multinational societies do not exist. Key words: Bukovynism, tolerance, identity, Jews, Bukovуna
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Bystryk, Aliaksandr. "Enemies within, Enemies without: the Ideology of a Conservative West-Russianist Newspaper During World War I (1914–1915)". Journal of Belarusian Studies 9, n. 1 (17 febbraio 2020): 74–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/20526512-12340005.

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Abstract This paper deals with the topic of conservative West-Russianist ideology and propaganda during World War I. The author analyzes the most prominent newspaper of the movement at the time – Severo-Zapadnaia Zhizn (The North-Western Life). The discourse of the newspaper is analyzed from the perspective of Belarusian nation-building, as well as from the perspective of Russian nationalism in the borderlands. The author explores the ways in which the creators of the periodical tried to use the rise of the Russian patriotic feelings to their advantage. Appealing to the heightened sense of national solidarity which took over parts of Russian society, the periodical tried to attack, delegitimize and discredit its ideological and political opponents. Besides the obvious external enemy – Germans, Severo-Zapadnaia Zhizn condemned socialists, pacifists, Jews, borderland Poles, Belarusian and Ukrainian national activists, Russian progressives and others, accusing them of disloyalty, lack of patriotism and sometimes even treason. Using nationalist loyalist rhetoric, the West-Russianist newspaper urged the imperial government to act more decisively in its campaign to end ‘alien domination’ in Russian Empire, and specifically to create conditions for domination of ‘native Russian element’ – meaning Belarusian peasantry, in the Belarusian provinces of the empire.
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Kwoka, Tomasz. "Etnotopografia Nowego Sadu – o dziedzictwie narodów osiedlających się w Nowym Sadzie". Balcanica Posnaniensia. Acta et studia 24 (20 febbraio 2018): 127–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bp.2017.24.8.

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The article is an attempt to catalogue the most interesting traces of the presence of nations which were part of the Novi Sad community throughout the ages. From the very beginning of its existence, Novi Sad was a meeting place for different ethnic and cultural groups settling down in the city. Serbs from the surrounding countryside moved to the oldest districts of Novi Sad, Podbara, Salajka, and Rotkvarija, at the beginning of the 18th century. At the same period nations from different parts of the Habsburg Empire, such as Germans, Hungarians, Slovaks and Ruthenians brought by Habsburgs to colonize Vojvodina, moved to the city. It was the time of continuous development of Novi Sad, which became an important trading and manufacturing centre, where businesses were also run by the Jews, Armenians, Aromanians (Tzintzars), and the Greeks. The turn of the 19th and 20th centuries was marked by the strengthening of presence of the Hungarian community, which ended with the First World War. After the establishment of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (1918), the ethnic structure changed seriously with the influx of Serbs from the southern regions of the country. This trend was followed after the Second World War and most recently during the period of the so-called Yugoslav wars at the Nineties. In the meantime, under dramatic circumstances of the second World War, German and Jewish inhabitants vanished from the city.
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Waligórska, Magdalena. "On the Genealogy of the Symbol of the Cross in the Polish Political Imagination". East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 33, n. 2 (16 aprile 2019): 497–521. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325418821415.

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This article traces the genealogy of the cross as a key Polish national symbol back to the independence struggles of the nineteenth century and the post-1918 attempts to map the new Polish nation-state over its multiethnic territory. Discussing the shifting meaning ascribed to the symbol in the changing political conditions in the 1860s and during the Second Republic, the article relates the semantic content of the symbol to the cycle of solidification and defiance (corresponding with Victor Turner’s “structure” and “anti-structure”). While, in conditions of defiance, during the January Uprising (1863–1864), the cross connoted progressive and egalitarian ideas of emancipation and solidarity with other nations who were also deemed as deserving their freedom, this changed once Poland regained its independence. After the First World War, the cross came to be employed as a marker of Poland’s territorial ambitions and an emblem that redefined ingroup boundaries by excluding from the national community the threatening Others: whether Bolsheviks, Ukrainians, Belarusians, Lithuanians, or Jews.
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Wierzbieniec, Wacław. "The Consequences of the Lviv Pogrom on November 22–23, 1918, in Light of the Findings and Actions of the Jewish Rescue Committee". Scripta Judaica Cracoviensia 18 (2021): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20843925sj.20.003.13871.

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In the areas that became part of the Second Polish Republic, manifestations of antisemitism became more pronounced at the end of World War I and at the beginning of the interwar period. These manifestations often turned into acts of violence against Jews, as became apparent in many towns with Jewish populations. The Lviv pogrom on November 22–23, 1918 was particularly devastating. The Jewish Rescue Committee, established at Lviv at that time, was very active in providing help to the injured, determining the number of casualties and wounded, and determining the extent of material damage resulting from the robberies and acts of destruction, including arson. According to the findings of the Jewish Rescue Committee, 73 people died and 443 were wounded as a result of the pogrom. The estimated material damage amounted to 102,986,839 Kr,[1] with a total of 13,375 people affected. The actions taken by the Jewish Rescue Committee to help the victims were extremely important and effective, but they did not fully satisfy the existing social needs.
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Orbán, Imre. "Az egyházak helyzete Makón az őszirózsás forradalom idején". Belvedere Meridionale 33, n. 2 (2021): 5–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/belv.2021.2.1.

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With a population of more than 35,000, Makó was one of the most populous and important cities in Hungary. Makó was the seat of Csanád county. Its religious life was characterized by diversity. The Reformed Church was the largest. The Roman Catholic Church was strong, with a significant Greek Catholic and Lutheran community. Almost two thousand Jews also lived in the city. Several church schools operated here. After the lost World War I, Hungary, which had been part of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy until then, declared its independence. The Aster Revolution of 1918 created completely new conditions for the operation of churches and religious communities in the country and, in Makó. Political life continued to radicalize, and church-critical and anti-church forces grew stronger. This endangered, among other things, the property of the churches, their educational institutions, and the system of religious education. The article examines how the life of the churches of Makó developed in the new circumstances, especially in view of the fact that, as early as January 30th 1919, far-left forces seized power in the city, ahead of national processes.
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Neumann, Victor. "Timişoara between “fictive ethnicity” and “ideal nation” the identity profile during the interwar period". Balcanica, n. 44 (2013): 391–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1344391n.

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Seeking to delineate the identity profile of the citizens of interwar Timi?oara, a city at the crossroad of Central- and South-East-European cultures and civilizations, the paper analyzes the national, linguistic and religious population structure using the data provided by three censuses (1910, 1930 and 1941). Under Hungarian rule, until the First World War, there prevailed the policy of linguistic nationalism. After 1918, in Romania, there occurred a policy shift towards ethno-culturally based differentiation, i.e. towards belonging to a nation. Yet, amidst the interaction of cultures and customs, the notion of nationality or ethno-nationality was quite relative, and Timi?oara functioned as a multilingual and multireligious environment. Contradictions were observable between nationalist political orientation and aspirations of local society. The Jewish community was an embodiment of multiculturalism. The Jews enjoyed equal rights and functioned as a bridge between other communities. In the 1930s multicultural Timi?oara seems to have been a contrast to the cities where different linguistic and religious communities lived parallel lives in isolation from one another. Thus, Timi?oara resisted radical, racist and anti-Semitic movements that emerged on the European political scene in the interwar period.
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Hetnal, Adam A. "Stephen D. Corrsin, Warsaw before the First World War: Poles and Jews in the Third City of the Russian Empire 1880-1914". Polin: Studies in Polish Jewry 6, n. 1 (gennaio 1991): 325–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/polin.1991.6.325.

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36

Likhvar, V. V. "International legal regulation of the use of reprisals as a form of political responsibility of states". Analytical and Comparative Jurisprudence, n. 1 (20 marzo 2024): 703–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2788-6018.2024.01.124.

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The article attempts to determine the principles of international legal regulation of the use of reprisals as a form of political responsibility in international law, since reprisals are illegal actions committed in response to previous illegal actions of the state, proportional to the initial offense. International law has changed the application of the doctrine of retaliation to avoid an upward spiral of violence where one side retaliates against the illegal actions of another, causing ever more violent bloodshed, while the laws of war are meant to regulate and limit such harm. Theoretical provisions regarding the international legal regulation of the use of reprisals as one of the forms of political responsibility according to international law are analyzed. In order for reprisals against permitted categories of persons and objects not to be illegal, five conditions must be met. Most of these conditions are laid down in military instructions and confirmed by official statements. The following conditions: the purpose of reprisal (can be used only in response to a previous serious violation of international law and only to induce the adversary to comply with the law); last resort (can only be used as a last resort when there are no other legal measures), proportionality (measures must be proportionate to the violation it aims to stop), decision at the highest level of government (the decision must be taken at the highest level of government), termination (must be terminated as soon as the adversary begins to enforce the law). The occurrence of reprisals in real cases is analyzed - Naulilaa Incident (When Portugal was neutral, in October 1914, a German group entered the Portuguese-African territories from German South­West Africa) and «Israel against Palestine» (After the Second World War the Jews wanted their own country. They were given a large part of Palestine, which they considered their traditional home, but the Arabs did not accept the new country. In 1948, both sides went to war); the use of reprisals in today's world is analyzed.
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TYMOSHENKO, Leonid. "Ukrainian Language Publications of Aron Zhupnyk’s Printing House in Drohobych". Наукові зошити історичного факультету Львівського університету / Proceedings of History Faculty of Lviv University, n. 23 (8 giugno 2022): 165–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/fhi.2022.22-23.3608.

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In the intellectual space and public life of Drohobych private publishers created the city's book culture in their printing houses. The first printer in Drohobych is considered to be Aron Hersch Zhupnik, who founded the newspaper “Drohobyczer Zeitung” in 1883. Later, the Drohobych publisher continued to print products for Jews and Poles. However, he also contributed to Ukrainian-language publications. In 1887, A. Zhupnyk's printing house published the first Ukrainian-language brochure in Drohobych. Before the First World War, Zhupnyk printed a Ukrainian postcard in Drohobych. In 1911–1912 he published the first Ukrainian newspaper “Voice of Subcarpathia” (editor and publisher – Rudolf Skybinsky). During the period of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic (1918–1919), the Ukrainian newspaper Drohobych Leaf (edited by Ivan Kalynovych) was published in the Zhupnyk printing house. However, the founder of the printing house was no longer alive. A. Zhupnyk's printing house also published calendars, advertising posters, payment books, orders, instructions (announcements) of the WUPR County Board, various forms: birth/death certificates, IDs, invitations to dance evenings and marriage ceremonies. accounts, and contracts of sale. Chronological boundaries of these publications are 1884 – early 1930s. A. Zhupnyk's printing house operated in Drohobych chronologically for the longest time. The merits of Aron Župnik who, unlike Polish publishers, boldly and successfully published Ukrainian publications, should be considered significant.
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Denezhuk, Artem Naskidovich, e Andrey Sergeevich Mikaelian. "WORLD WAR I 1914-1918". News of scientific achievements, n. 6 (2019): 18–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.36616/2618-7612-2019-6-18-20.

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Manojlovski, Aleksandar. "Sjećanja sarajevskog jevreja Benjamina Samokovlije – Damjana o njegovom učešću u narodnooslobodilačkom i antifašističkom ratu u Jugoslaviji (1941-1945)". Historijski pogledi 5, n. 8 (15 novembre 2022): 165–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.165.

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Benjamin Samokovlija (Sarajevo, 31.III.1918 - Skopje, 28.II.1996), comes from a Jewish family. On April 5, 1941 he was mobilized in the ranks of the army of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. In the second half of August 1941, Benjamin joined the ranks of the National Liberation Army and the People's Liberation Army. He took part in numerous battles in the anti-fascist war for the liberation of Yugoslavia. After the Fourth Enemy Offensive of the Supreme Headquarters of the People's Liberation Army and Partisan Detachments of Yugoslavia which took place in the first half of 1943, Samokovlija together with part of his partisan unit were captured by the Germans and imprisoned in Zenica. After a month in the Zenica prison, a group of 600 prisoners, including Samokovlija, were transferred to the Thessaloniki concentration camp. In October 1943, through an EAM connection, Benjamin Samokovlija managed to escape and join ELAS. He remained in the ranks of the Greek partisans until the contact with the Macedonian partisans from the First Macedonian-Kosovo Brigade on the territory of the Aegean part of Macedonia in the period between the second half of December 1943 and January 1944. He was admitted to the III Battalion and was in charge of the agitprop of the battalion, from where he was later transferred to the ranks of the II, V and X brigades, acting as a battalion commissioner and participating in the battles for the liberation of Macedonia. At the very beginning of World War II in 1941, Benjamin Samokovlija lost many of his immediate family members, including his parents and wife. As direct witnesses to the measures taken for the physical and economic destruction of the Jews in Bosnia and Herzegovina by the German occupying authorities, their collaborators and the authorities of the Independent State of Croatia, his three sisters joined the People's Liberation War. His eldest sister Laura was killed in 1945. Benjamin Samokovlija is the holder of several military and state decorations. During his tenure, he ran a number of state-owned enterprises. It is particularly important to emphasize that for less than two decades he served as President of the Jewish community in the Republic of Macedonia, building strong friendly relations with other religious communities in the country.
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40

Novikova, Liudmyla. "HISTORY OF JEWS IN UKRAINE IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY AS A SUBJECT OF TEACHING AT A UNIVERSITY: METHODICAL DEVELOPMENT OF SPECIAL COURSES". Chornomors’ka Mynuvshyna, n. 18 (28 dicembre 2023): 165–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2519-2523.2023.18.292470.

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One of the methodological paradigms in teaching the history of Ukraine as a Ukrainian political nation is a multiethnic approach, in this connection the urgent task is to develop university courses, the purpose of which should be the disclosure of mutual intersections and the specifics of the historical development of individual ethnic groups or national minorities as components of Ukrainian society. The proposed projects of general and local history courses «Jews in Ukraine in the Twentieth Century: People, Events, and Places in the Context of Transformation of Social Landscape» and «The Jewish Population of Odesa in the Twentieth Century: People and Events in the Space of a Large City» correspond to this task. In the development of the content of the courses, the approaches of oral history, local history as well as spatial approache were used. Chronologically courses embrace the twentieth century, namely as the «short» twentieth century, as the period from 1914 to 1991, which began with deep changes in the situation of the Jewish population in Ukraine during the First World War and revolutions, and ended in the late 1980s and early 1990s, due to a significant decrease in the number of Jews in Ukraine and the city of Odesa in next decade according to comparative data of censuses. The information on the content of the courses is inserted into their annotations, which discribe the features of their methodology, structure and content. The content of the developed courses include 8 topics each. It should be noted that that, among other things, the courses deal with the relations between Jews and non-Jews in Ukraine, the facts of mutual aid and rescue during the Holocaust, the joint efforts of the political Ukrainian and Jewish opposition in the USSR on certain issues, etc. In the development of the courses, special attention was paid to the work of students with literature and sources, mainly oral, Internet resources, in connection with which special tasks for independent work were developed. The proposed methodological materials for the two special courses, on the one hand, reveal various aspects of the history of the Jewish population of Ukraine in the twentieth century, allow to consider the specifics of the historical experience of Jews in Odesa. On the other hand, their content is determined by a common for them spatial approach to the presentation of events, while "space" is understood as both the concept of a geographical nature and the broader concept of the historical environment. The materials of these courses have been partially applied and can be used in the future in the development of work programs (syllabuses) of university courses, including courses of a local history. The presented programs are the author's view of the problem and offer to start a discussion, in particular, on the use of a spatial or other modern approach and the use the potential of oral sources in the development of the content of university courses on the history of the Jewish population or the history of other ethnic groups in Ukraine.
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41

Ivanova, Natalia. "Petrograd: First World War (1914–1918)". Cahiers Bruxellois – Brusselse Cahiers XLVI, n. 1E (2014): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/brux.046e.0159.

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42

Kassow, Samuel D. "Warsaw Before the First World War: Poles and Jews in the Third City of the Russian Empire, 1880-1914. By Stephen Corrsin. Boulder: East European Monographs, 1989. 183 pp. Tables. Bibliography. Index. Hard bound." Slavic Review 52, n. 1 (1993): 137–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2499606.

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43

Nolan, Cathal J. "Civilians in a World at War, 1914–1918". International History Review 34, n. 3 (settembre 2012): 619–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2012.718125.

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44

Kahn, Marcel-Francis. "The World War I (1914–1918) and rheumatology". Joint Bone Spine 81, n. 5 (ottobre 2014): 384–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jbspin.2014.04.015.

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45

Gregory, Dr Adrian. "Civilians in a world at war, 1914–1918". First World War Studies 4, n. 2 (ottobre 2013): 274–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19475020.2013.843885.

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46

Lazarovici-Vereș, Raluca. "From the Ghetto to Auschwitz and Back – Transgenerational Trauma". Trimarium 4, n. 4 (30 dicembre 2023): 266–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.55159/tri.2023.0104.11.

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A city in present-day Romania with a multicultural, multiethnic and multiconfessional history, Oradea (Nagyvarad, Grosswardein, Varadino, Magnum Varadinum) has had from its very foundation an entirely distinct geopolitical reality, its century-long existence being marked by a wide variety and continuous differentiation, which penetrate deeply into every aspect of everyday community life. The Jewish community, actively present since the 18th century, carved out a place for itself and represented a hub of Jewish emancipation in the episcopal city, which was often a battleground for the hegemonic local forces, the reformed Transylvanian ones, Austria-Hungary and the Ottoman Empire. After a long and relatively peaceful period of Romanian rule (1918–1940), following the Second World War the population of Oradea was shaken by racial laws issued first by the Romanian authority and afterwards by the Horthyst occupying forces (1940–1944) in Northern Transylvania, which concentrated Jews for deportation in the second biggest ghetto in Eastern Europe after Budapest. The demography of Oradea showed the loss of one third of its residents. Out of nearly 30,000 inhabitants, barely 2000 survivors returned, and the transgenerational trauma sent its echoes through time to the fourth generation, that of today’s teenagers. Their grandparents and great-grandparents, returned from deportation, had to go through another trauma and persecution, with the communists’ coming to power in 1948 and soon afterwards, that of the ‚red antisemitism’. The ways this trauma passed down across generations and deepened during communist totalitarianism, its masks during the postcommunit period, as well as the means of limiting and combating it are the ramifications of the topic which was examined not only theoretically, but by concrete examples of original case studies based on face-to-face interviews and microhistorical accounts received from the descendants of concentration camp suvivors. To these we shall add several examples from post Shoah memoirs of Oradea survivors and their descendants.
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47

M L, Revanna. "Problems of Industrialization Mysore -1914 -1918". Shanlax International Journal of Arts, Science and Humanities 8, S1-Feb (6 febbraio 2021): 254–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/sijash.v8is1-feb.3962.

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During the First World War period, despite the best efforts by the Government of Mysore it was difficult to start and run many industries which required large -scale import of machineries. The First World War had broken the regular commercial traffic between Europe, the Mediterranean and India. On the one hand, the state escaped from the reckless floatation of companies that characterized the boom that followed the war, but some capital was invested in shares in outside companies. However as far as the investment in the new industries was concerned, capital was certainly shy in Mysore during the warperiod1. This situation continued even in the early twenties. Even during 1921-22, business conditions continued to be unfavorable throughout the year. Heavy losses were sustained by per-sons engaged in the business of piece-goods, timber, hides and skins and to a certain extent in food grains.
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48

Laskier, Michael M. "Egypt and Beyond: The Jews of the Arab Countries in Modern Times - Gudrun Krämer. The Jews in Modern Egypt, 1914–1952. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1989. x, 319 pp." AJS Review 16, n. 1-2 (1991): 199–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009400003172.

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Gudrun Krämer's study on the Jews of Egypt is divided into five sections: Communal Structure and Composition; Communal Organization; Socioeconomic and Political Change (1914–1918); Jewish Reactions to Political Change: Egyptian Patriotism, Communism, and Zionism; and The Beginning of the End: Egyptianization, the Arab-Israeli War, and the Burning of Cairo.
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49

Salevouris, Michael. "Bourne, Britain And The Great War, 1914-1914". Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 17, n. 1 (1 aprile 1992): 41–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.17.1.41-42.

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"War," said Thomas Paine, "involves in its progress such a train of unforseen and unsupposed circumstances that no human wisdom can calculate the end." History is replete with examples of wars that didn't exactly go as planners planned, but one conflict above all, the "Great War" of 1914-1918, has been responsible for our contemporary fear of the "unforseen and unsupposed circumstances" of war. The short, heroic, victorious war that most Europeans foresaw in August, 1914, became an unimaginable tragedy that buried a generation in the mud of the western front. It is, therefore, not surprising that books on World War I continue to flow from the presses.
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50

Gregory, Adrian. "1914–1918: The History of the First World War". English Historical Review 120, n. 488 (1 settembre 2005): 1056–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cei347.

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