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1
Pipes, Daniel. "The dictionary of 20th-century world politics". Orbis 38, n. 2 (marzo 1994): 323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0030-4387(94)90057-4.
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Simic, Predrag. "World politics, globalization and the crisis". Medjunarodni problemi 65, n. 1 (2013): 24–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1301024s.
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In the early 21st century, globalization and the world economic crisis changed the balance of powers between the old (declining) and new (emerging) industrial states replacing the unilateral with a multilateral system of international relations and changing the way in which world politics was functioning. Globalization has increased the number of transnational problems (protection of human environment, international traffic and communications, flows of capital, energy, migrations, etc.) that require global governance. However, these trends also indicate that in the 21st century, international relations and world politics will function in a significantly different manner than they did within the bipolar and unipolar order, which characterized the second half of the 20th century.
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Mair, Peter. "Representation and participation in the changing world of party politics". European Review 6, n. 2 (maggio 1998): 161–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700003203.
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The 20th-century has been the century of mass politics, and the mass parties that emerged at the beginning of this century became deeply rooted within wider society. The passing of this golden age of the party has now been marked by two distinct processes of change. On the one hand, parties have become more distant from society and more closely linked to government and the state. On the other hand, there has been a decline in the political identities of the parties, such that voters now find it increasingly difficult to distinguish between them. These changes, and the related transformation of politics into administration, have led to a growth in popular indifference to parties and to politics in general, as well as to a declining sense of engagement. Should this trend continue, it is mass spectacle rather than mass involvement that is likely to characterize the future of mass politics.
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Roane, J. T. "Queering Growth in Mid-20th Century Philadelphia". Review of Black Political Economy 47, n. 2 (4 maggio 2020): 194–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0034644620916909.
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In this essay, I highlight a critical, if under-examined, dialectic between dominant urbanism and Black queer urbanism. First, I demonstrate the ways that dominant urbanists drew on a sedimented historical imaginary of the slum as a racialized site of debilitation and death in their articulation of and support for new urban infrastructures designed to support long-term stability through capitalist growth. Anti-blackness formed a fundamental aspect of the syntax and grammar of urban renewal and redevelopment. Next, I examine the efforts of the adherents of Father Divine’s Peace Mission Movement to build a world centered in spiritually appropriated, communal architectures wherein their disruptive forms of social-geographic life challenged heteronormative futurity and segregation through the haptic politics of touch and what I term ecstatic consecration.
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Cerny, Philip G. "Capitalism, Democracy and World Politics in the 21st Century". European Review of International Studies 10, n. 2 (20 ottobre 2023): 205–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21967415-10020016.
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Abstract World Politics is undergoing a range of crucial structural changes in the 21st century. The relationship between the states system that evolved since the Peace of Westphalia in 1648 and became predominant in the 19th and 20th centuries is being increasingly challenged in a number of complex ways. The core problématique, as addressed in different ways in these books, is whether states are still predominant hierarchical structures in an anarchical world system – “nodes” or building blocks – as argued in particular by realist and neo-realist theorists exemplified by Kenneth Waltz, or whether they are increasingly criss-crossed and undercut by what are sometimes called “heterarchical” structure and processes. These include macro-, meso-, and mini-hierarchies that are turning states from “proactive” institutions and processes to “reactive” or even or even “residual” ones. The core of these analyses is whether and how states are still the main independent variables in what has been called International Relations or whether and how far they are increasingly dependent variables in a changing World Politics. These books all make interesting and useful contributions to this question.
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Navdaeva, M. E. "Conceptualisation of Sea Power in Global Politics". Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series Political Science and Religion Studies 47 (2024): 80–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2073-3380.2024.47.80.
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The article studies the formation of the sea power theory and its influence on world politics. Although seas influenced the rise and fall of states since ancient times, they acquired strategic importance only after the beginning of the Age of Discovery. From that moment, sea turned into a global transport network and also became a political instrument for transforming the balance of power in the world. After that the formation of the sea power of states began, which led to the rise of the British colonial empire. The research of the success of Great Britain formed the theory of sea power, which developed in the works of Western geopoliticians A. Mahan, F. Colomb, J. Corbett, and others, including Russian theorists N. L. Klado, S. G. Gorshkov, etc. Despite the fact that initially the founder of the theory, American Admiral Mahan, studied the experience of Great Britain to apply it to American politics for the rise of the United States on the world stage, at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries the theory quickly gained popularity among many other countries. According to some researchers, this was one of the reasons for the beginning of the “naval arms race” in Europe that rose contradictions in the distribution of the balance of power, which subsequently led to the First World War. It is indicated that the theory of sea power determined the global politics throughout the 20th century, and also led to the emergence of the United States not only as a great sea power, but also a superpower. Therefore, the main purpose of the article is to study the influence of sea power on the world politics of the 20th century. The theory also remains relevant today, because the relevance of using the World Ocean in achieving economic and political goals does not decrease, and therefore the study of the theory can be useful for the development of the maritime and naval strategies of countries.
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Moghadam, Valentine M. "What is Revolution in the 21st Century? Towards a Socialist-Feminist World Revolution". Millennium: Journal of International Studies 47, n. 3 (30 maggio 2019): 470–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0305829819838607.
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I consider prospects for revolution in the 21st century, defined here as a thorough-going world revolution that replaces the capitalist world-system with a feminist-inflected democratic socialism. An overview of 20th century revolutions and more recent uprisings suggests distinctive contemporary features, including women’s participation and the diffusion of feminist agendas, but also constraints. In the face of reactionary social movements, and given the limits of ‘horizontalist’ politics, activists could learn from past revolutionary strategies to build a powerful global alliance of progressive forces.
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Twose, Nigel. "World in crisis: the politics of survival at the end of the 20th century". International Affairs 73, n. 3 (luglio 1997): 576–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624304.
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Hansen, James T. "The Relevance of Postmodernism to Counselors and Counseling Practice". Journal of Mental Health Counseling 37, n. 4 (1 ottobre 2015): 355–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17744/mehc.37.4.06.
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Postmodernism is a broad intellectual movement that has been changing the way people approach art, music, literature, politics, and philosophy since the late 20th century. This article addresses the impact of postmodern thinking on the practice of counseling and its relevance to counselors' approach to understanding clients and their world.
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Guslin, Guslin, e Amarulla Octavian. "The impact of the Bolsheviks Revolution on the political development and system of government of the new state of the 20th century". Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review 6, n. 2 (20 agosto 2021): 145–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/ipsr.v6i3.31484.
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The Bolshevik Revolution forced the end of Tsar Nicholas II's imperial rule in Russia. Furthermore, under the leadership of Vladimir Lenin, Russia formed a new government in the form of the Republic. The main power of this government is entirely under the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. Subsequent changes in the form of government in Russia, especially after World War I, inspired newly independent countries in the mid-20th century to follow the same system of government. Through theories about the state, politics, and government system, this study will analyze the influence of the Bolshevik revolution on the new system of government for new countries in the world in the 20th century. To analyze the effect of changes in the form of government, the authors use an exploratory qualitative research method with a historical approach through a literature study. After the Revolution, based on a common view of colonialism, human rights, ideology, and the strong understanding of Marxism-Leninism, several countries in the world that were newly independent in the mid-20th century were inspired by the Bolshevik Revolution by forming countries with a Republican system of government, including Indonesia.
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Li, Yan. "The Influence of Changes of Islam and Politics Relations in 20th Century on the Strategy of Belt and Road". International Journal of Social Science Studies 6, n. 2 (23 gennaio 2018): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v6i2.2945.
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In the early twentieth century, with the independence of the Islamic nations, the religion of Islam withdrew from the traditional unification of religion and state (caesaropapism) to private life. The secularization of Islam has taken its course and its political characteristics have weakened. In the process of globalization of economy, politics and culture, the development of all countries became uneven and imbalanced. In the mid-to-late 20th century, it turned out that the secularization and modernization advocated by the nationalist had failed to effectively solve the development problems which the Muslim countries faced. This made Islam continue to strengthen its position in both domestic and international political life of Muslim countries. The traditional religious identity has become a powerful tool for the domestic cohesion and international fight against power. The analysis of the changes of Islamic religion and politics relations in 20th century can help to understand and reflect on the frequent ethnic and international conflicts in the world at present. Such changes will also affect the development strategy of China’s Belt and Road initiative.
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Roussos, Sotiris. "Introduction—Issues and Debates on Religion and International Relations in the Middle East". Religions 11, n. 5 (21 maggio 2020): 263. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11050263.
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By the end of the 20th century, after great political upheavals, two world wars, the decolonization process and political, social and scientific revolutions, it is hard to miss that the world is in a deep de-secularization process. In the Middle East, this process has taken multiple trajectories and has made geopolitics of religion central in reshaping regional issues and in restructuring modes of international politics and international system’s intervention in the Middle East.
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Weismann, Itzchak. "THE POLITICS OF POPULAR RELIGION: SUFIS, SALAFIS, AND MUSLIM BROTHERS IN 20TH-CENTURY HAMAH". International Journal of Middle East Studies 37, n. 1 (febbraio 2005): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380505004x.
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With the advent of the 20th century, Sufism found itself under increasing attack in many parts of the Muslim world. In previous centuries, mystical movements had played a prominent role in the struggle for the revival of Islam and occasionally, where governments were weak or nonexistent, also in actual resistance to European encroachment. In the wake of the increasing consolidation of the state and the spread of Western rationalism, however, Sufis came to be regarded as a major cause of the so-called decline of Islam and an obstacle to its adaptation. In the Arab world, this anti–Sufi feeling was generally associated with the Salafiyya trend. The Salafi call for a return to the example of the forefathers (al-salaf al-**sdotu**āli**hdotu**) amounted to a discrediting of latter-day tradition, which was described as cherishing mystical superstition as well as scholarly stagnation and political quietism. Under the burden of this critique, and as a response to the general expansion of education and literacy, Sufism has been forced to assimilate new ideas and to make room for a new form of organization; the populist Islamic association. These developments culminated in the establishment of the Society of the Muslim Brothers.
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Sidorenko, Irina N. "The Crisis of Democracy and the Problem of Democratic Peace". Russian Journal of Philosophical Sciences 65, n. 3 (16 settembre 2022): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.30727/0235-1188-2022-65-3-39-57.
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The author analyzes three waves of the crisis of democracy during the 20th and early 21st centuries. The first crisis of democracy in the early 20th century is caused by the emergence and development of public politics, which challenged the possibility to govern the masses having conflict potential, it balanced the power of the people and universal suffrage with the control of the media in order to maintain the stability of political system. The second wave of the crisis of democracy (the last third of the 20th century) is associated with the destruction of the conventional world and the weakening of the nation-state; and its markers were: the imbalance between the branches of government, the domination of economics over politics, the predominance of equality over freedom, the problematic implementation of human rights, and, as a consequence, the inability to put into practice the national form of democracy. The third wave of crisis (early the 21st century) is accompanied by the transformation of democracy into post-democracy, in which the power of the people is replaced by the power of global capital, and the illusion of consent is reinforced by the prohibition of alternative points of view and the narrowing of the space of issues allowed for discussion in the name of public security. The crisis of the policy to achieve peace through the transformation of the balance of powers into a balance of interests called into question the principles of democracy. On the contrary, post-democracies justify the use of force to spread democracy around the world, and they take an active part in contemporary military conflicts, which can rightly be defined as hybrid proxy wars. Drawing on J. Habermas’s concept of communicative rationality, the author concludes that to overcome the crisis of democracy it is necessary to accept the very possibility of an alternative to this form of government and allow to discuss these previously marginalized issues as well as to maintain the return of the majority to genuine communication and politics, contribute to its enlightenment.
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Romanova, Ekaterina. "British Foreign Office on the Eve of the First World War". ISTORIYA 14, n. 9 (131) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840028006-5.
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The article discusses some aspects of the functioning of the British Foreign Office on the eve of the First World War. The focus is on the reforms of 1903—1906, which were aimed at solving the problem of providing professional expertise necessary for effective conduct of foreign policy, and contributed to increasing the role of the Ministry in foreign policy decision-making. The author dwells on the activities and views of several high-ranking Foreign Office officials, who combined, to varying degrees, adherence to the traditions and practices of the Victorian era and readiness for changes caused by the realities of politics of the late 19th — early 20th century.
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Montaner, Josep Maria, e Zaida Muxí Martínez. "Modern Housing: Heritage and Vitality". Modern Housing. Patrimonio Vivo, n. 51 (2014): 10–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.52200/51.a.m3ws825n.
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One of the main subjects in contemporary architecture is how to deal with the physical and intellectual requirements of transforming modern housing. Joan Busquets points out in his contribution to this issue, that the special effort made by modern architects and progressive housing politics during the 20th century must be reinterpreted and followed today. Intentionally, this issue brings a special focus on the Iberoamerican world, specifically Spain, Portugal and Latin America, with the aim of relocating it in a cultural world of predominantly Anglo-American historiography. In any case, it presents a very wide spectrum, including North America, Switzerland and Great Britain. For this reason the projects are presented as case studies, both housing politics in different countries, and paradigmatic architectural examples, either positive or negative.
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Tatum, Dillon Stone. "A pessimistic liberalism: Jacob Talmon’s suspicion and the birth of contemporary political thought". British Journal of Politics and International Relations 21, n. 4 (21 agosto 2019): 650–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148119866086.
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Discussions of liberalism as a political ideology often focus on the progressive, civilisational, and triumphalist ideologies of liberal thinkers. Scholarly work on liberal empire situates these issues in the context of colonialism, and contemporary discussions of liberal world order devote much intellectual space to optimism about liberalism. Scholars have spent much less time connecting liberalism to deep cynicism and suspicion. This article, in focusing on what I term a ‘pessimistic liberalism’, fills this gap by examining the ways that the spectre of totalitarianism influenced post-war liberal thought. The mid-20th century was a pivotal moment where both liberalism and its critics proceeded to make arguments about politics that began from similar attitudes about the nature of the political: suspicion, cynicism, resignation, and fear. Specifically, the article analyses historian Jacob Talmon’s genealogy of modern leftist thought to illustrate the shift in liberal thinking from its 19th century optimism to its 20th century pessimism and scepticism. Talmon’s engagement with the issues of political messianism, nationalism, and cosmopolitanism represented a ‘hermeneutics of suspicion’ ( pace Paul Ricoeur) that critiqued the triumphalism of previous political projects. The article concludes by connecting this project to the broader development of ‘contemporary political thought’ and reflects on pessimism’s place in politics.
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Kwon, Roy. "Hegemonies in the World-System: An Empirical Assessment of Hegemonic Sequences from the 16th to 20th Century". Sociological Perspectives 54, n. 4 (dicembre 2011): 593–617. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sop.2011.54.4.593.
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Both the world-economy perspective in sociology and the world politics perspective in political science recognize the importance of examining the rise and fall of world powers, and generally agree on the main causal mechanisms responsible for the rise and fall process. However, there is much less convergence between these perspectives on the indicators used to measure the relative power of nation-states. Thus, although in agreement over theory, there is much less agreement on the identity and timing of hegemonies. This article attempts to overcome this impasse by creating a hegemony index to assess the power structure of the capitalist world-system. Though results support the world-economy view of three hegemons since the 16th century, findings also contradict this perspective and show that England is the most powerful nation during two successive hegemonic sequences. Conclusions highlight the possibility of hegemonic resuccession, while supplementary analysis provides evidence of U.S. resuccession since the 1980s.
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Ryurikov, D. B. "The World Order Crisis and the Threats for Russia and the World". MGIMO Review of International Relations, n. 1(28) (28 febbraio 2013): 70–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-1-28-70-75.
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Crises in global finance and economy, the threat of wars and tension in world relations, the degradation of the non-material bases of civilization, i.e. morality, law, politics, and culture, do not bother a group of influential financial and political figures of the West : they believe that after a sequence of crises and wars, a "new world order", the NWO, will be established. Projected globally once by the "hard", once by the "soft" power, the ideology and practice of the NWO negates the foundations of civilization gained by ordeals and sufferings of mankind, and means the departure from the principles and norms of the actual world order valid until the end of the 20th century. Essentially, the NWO is an anticivilizacion. If the project is allowed to be implemented, the lives of humans will change beyond recognition. Thus, the key challenge of our time : do not let the project to be realized, consolidate the forces opposing the NWO.
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Mahmood, Said Ahmad Najib. "The Treaty of Versailles: Catalyst for Change and Conflict in the 20th Century". Sprin Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 3, n. 6 (29 giugno 2024): 28–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.55559/sjahss.v3i6.364.
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The Treaty of Versailles, signed in 1919 in the aftermath of World War I, had a profound impact on the geopolitical configuration of the world. This paper analyzes the complexity of the Treaty of Versailles and its enduring impact on the countries that signed it and future generations. As a consequence of Germany's involvement in the war, the pact imposed stringent military restrictions, economic sanctions, and territorial losses on the country. Germany saw a period of political turmoil, social unrest, and economic instability in the aftermath of the signing of the Treaty of Versailles. In the end, these conditions facilitated the development of extremist ideologies like as Nazism and played a role in the onset of World War II. The treaty's redrawing of European borders had enduring ramifications, such as lingering territorial disputes and escalating ethnic tensions, which ultimately culminated in hostilities in the subsequent decades. Moreover, the Treaty of Versailles had a profound impact on the global geopolitical landscape since it disrupted the existing equilibrium of power and diminished the efficacy of the League of Nations. The harsh requirements of the treaty caused social unrest and economic pain in Germany, leading to feelings of unfairness and humiliation that had a lasting impact on the country's destiny. The objective of this essay is to offer a thorough and detailed analysis of the Treaty of Versailles, highlighting its complexity and long-lasting impact on global diplomacy. The Treaty of Versailles ultimately underscores the importance of attaining enduring peace via cooperation and reconciliation, while also serving as a cautionary tale about the unintended consequences of punitive measures in international affairs. Understanding the significance of this agreement is crucial for understanding the complexities of the aftermath of World War I and the lasting effects of unresolved issues that continue to impact world politics today.
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Davies, Thomas Richard. "Understanding non-governmental organizations in world politics: The promise and pitfalls of the early ‘science of internationalism’". European Journal of International Relations 23, n. 4 (7 dicembre 2016): 884–905. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066116679243.
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The years immediately preceding the First World War witnessed the development of a significant body of literature claiming to establish a ‘science of internationalism’. This article draws attention to the importance of this literature, especially in relation to understanding the roles of non-governmental organizations in world politics. It elaborates the ways in which this literature sheds light on issues that have become central to 21st-century debates, including the characteristics, influence and legitimacy of non-governmental organizations in international relations. Among the principal authors discussed in the article are Paul Otlet, Henri La Fontaine and Alfred Fried, whose role in the development of international theory has previously received insufficient attention. The article concludes with an evaluation of potential lessons to be drawn from the experience of the early 20th-century ‘science of internationalism’.
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Prozumenshchikov, Mikhail Yur'evich. "Behind the political scenes of world sports: the USSR and international sports organizations in the second half of the 20th century". Российская история, n. 5 (15 ottobre 2023): 170–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s2949124x23050115.
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The 20th century was marked by the active introduction of politics into big sport, the targeted use of athletes and their achievements for political purposes. After the Second World War, the USSR began to position itself as a great sports power, and Soviet athletes were tasked with winning in international sports arenas and setting world records for the glory of their Motherland. At the same time, in order to participate in the World and European Championships and the Olympic Games, the USSR's membership in official international sports organizations (ISO) was required. Issues related to the entry of the Soviet Union into these organizations, the struggle for influence in them, the participation of the USSR in the development of the international sports movement and the determination of its main directions became important elements of Soviet policy in the second half of the twentieth century.
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Moskovskaya, D. "FROM THE HISTORY OF 20TH-CENTURY LITERARY POLITICS. ‘LITERARY HERITAGE’ [LITERATURNOE NASLEDSTVO] AS AN ACADEMIC INSTITUTION". Voprosy literatury, n. 1 (30 settembre 2018): 296–333. http://dx.doi.org/10.31425/0042-8795-2018-1-296-333.
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A review of the editorial archive of the Literary Heritage [Literaturnoe nasledstvo] book series at the Manuscripts Department of the Russian Academy’s Gorky Institute of World Literature. The emergence of the new archaeographical publication, Literary Heritage, was at odds with the political context of the early 1930s. I. Zilbershtein’s personality and extensive connections in the publishing world, as well as the favourable disposition of the RAPP (Russian Association of Proletarian Writers) and Stalin himself, helped to launch the series and made sure that it endured despite the RAPP’s downfall and to meet the program’s goals to ‘explore the archived riches’ and ‘bring out the hitherto unpublished’. It was thanks to the utmost erudition of LH’s authors and reviewers that their editorial office remained a platform that accumulated both archival discoveries and contemporary challenges and ideas. LH’s survival amid constant scrutiny from the party and official censorship was the result of often obscure forces and political schemes put to work. It was driven by personal interests and scholarly collaborations and rivalries, something that broadly defined the trends in literary studies of the 21st century.
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Dashkovskiy, Petr, e Alexander Nasonov. "Burkhanist communities in Altai in 1904–1916: formation and development in the context of state religious policy". OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2023, n. 7-2 (1 luglio 2023): 68–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202307statyi32.
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The article deals with the process of formation and transformation of Burkhanist communities in Altai at the beginning of the 20th century. The changes in the state course in relation to the national outskirts at the turn of the 19th - 20th centuries, revolutionary and military events of the beginning of the 20th century determined the growth of the dynamics of the religious situation and contributed the consolidation of the indigenous population. The formation of Burkhanist communities was a response of indigenous communities to forced state modernization and the result of acculturation process of the elements of the traditional set of beliefs and postulates of world religions.
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Barbato, Mariano P. "Tamed Mobilization. Marian Messages, Pilgrim Masses and Papal Moderateness in Fatima since Paul VI". Religions 12, n. 9 (24 agosto 2021): 671. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12090671.
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Marian apparitions attract modern masses since the 19th century. The radical message of the apparition asking for penitence and the return of public and politics to God resonated well within major parts of Catholicism. While popes kept promoting Marian pilgrimages in order to secure their public and political standing throughout the 20th and 21st century, they tried to control the masses and to attenuate the messages. Particularly since the Second Vatican Council, the popes tamed mobilization. Instead of stirring up the masses, popes kept modest at Marian apparitions sites. A quantitative analysis of the papal documents issued during papal journeys to Fatima, the most political apparition of the 20th century, shows that a modest religious discourse about God and world had been presented instead of promoting the critical messages of the apparition. Following the methodological ideal of parsimony, the analysis concentrates on the most uttered words during the journeys and compares the four pontificates since Paul VI. Instead of stressing the radical message of Fatima, which is introduced in the discussion of the findings, the pontificates share a modest Catholic discourse.
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Ahsan, Abdullahil. "Civilisational Conflict, Renewal, or Transformation: Potential Role of the OIC". ICR Journal 4, n. 4 (15 ottobre 2013): 579–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v4i4.439.
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The Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) came into existence at the end of the 20th century during the Cold War, a period that also witnessed concerns among many Western intellectuals about the decline of the West. By the end of the century and the collapse of the former Soviet Union, the “clash of civilizations” thesis had placed Islamic civilisation at the center of international politics, once again raising questions about world peace and co-existence between civilisations. Could Islamic civilisation as represented by the OIC play a role at this juncture of history? Does it possess the capacity and know-how to meet this challenge? Such questions relate also to ideas of worldview: the Renaissance worldview of the West may be seen to have been tainted by Darwinism and Freudianism while the Islamic worldview appears corrupted by extremism. Can the OIC revive the universal Islamic values such as those upheld by Muhammad Iqbal-the 20th century student of Rumi? Can it do so in the context of tumultuous intra-Muslim relations? These questions frame our discussion in this paper.
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Lo, Vivienne. "How can we redefine Joseph Needham’s sense of a world community for the 21st century?" Cultures of Science 3, n. 1 (marzo 2020): 58–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2096608320919525.
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In the middle of World War II, my father, Kenneth Lo, accompanied Joseph Needham on a lecture tour to Colchester Co-operative Society dedicated to the support of China’s war effort and to boycotting Japanese goods. They were comrades-in-arms, soft-left socialists, inspired by the Spanish Civil War, George Orwell and WH Auden alike to take up the pen and the campaign circuit. This article is a reflection on the politics and aesthetics of research, on decentring the Eurocentric narrative of the history of science, but also on the role of poetry in the quest for a better world. Grounded in socialist, Christian and 20th-century scientific utopian belief, All under Heaven was to be One Community. Post Needham, but in the Needham spirit, I ask what shared vision drives our research?
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Sokolov, Oleg A. "Unsheathing Poet’s Sword Again: The Crusades in Arabic Anticolonial Poetry before 1948". Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Asian and African Studies 14, n. 2 (2022): 335–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu13.2022.211.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Both Arab and Western scholars agree that, starting in the mid-20th century, the correlation of Western Europeans with the Crusaders and the extrapolation of the term “Crusade” to modern military conflicts have become an integral part of modern Arab political discourse, and are also widely reflected in Arab culture. The existence of works examining references to the theme of the Crusades in Arab social thought, politics, and culture of the second half of the 20th century contrasts with the almost complete absence of specialized studies devoted to the analysis of references to this historical era in Arab culture in the 19th century and first half of the 20th. An analysis of references to the era of the Crusades in the work of Arab poets before 1948 shows that, already in the period of the Arab Revival, this topic occupied an important place in the imagery of anti-colonial poetry, and not only in Egypt, Syria, and Palestine, historically attacked by the Crusaders, but also in other regions of the Arab world. If, before World War I, Arab poets only praised the commanders of the past who defeated the Crusaders, then afterwards the theme of the Crusades was also used to liken the European colonialists to the “medieval Franks”. The authors of the poems containing images from the era of the Crusades were, among others, the participants of the Arab Uprising of 1936–1939 and the Arab-Israeli War of 1947–1949, who set their goal with the help of poetry to mobilize the masses for the struggle.
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Subotin, A. "FUTURE OF US HEGEMONY". Actual Problems of International Relations, n. 139 (2019): 4–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2019.139.0.4-12.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract. The demise of the bipolar system of international politics has revived interest in such closely related and contested terms as "superpower", "hegemon", "empire" and "imperialism". This article represents an attempt to define the most probable trend in the future evolution of the international system with regard to the role of the United States of America as the most prominent state power of today's world. This article seeks to analyse the US power posture in today's world politics by comparing its core capabilities to those of the classical empire of the previous century - the British Empire - with analytical emphasis on both the "hard power" and the "soft power" dimensions. The author maintains that the notion of US hegemony or even American Empire is still relevant despite a clear historic tendency of hegemonic decline seen throughout the second part of the 20th century. The United States still ranks high on the scale of most traditional power factors and, what is by far more important, they continue to be able to shape and control the scale and the volume of international exposure of all other major players within the framework of contemporary global international system. The relative decline of US influence upon world politics at the beginning of the new millennia has been effectively off-set by the profound change in the nature of American power which is now assuming the form of a structural dominance. The author's personal view is that US hegemony is not doomed to wane, given the enormous impact the United States have already made economically, politically and intellectually upon the post World War II international relations. The continuance of the US playing the pivotal role in the international politics of the 21st century will be dependent on the ability of the US political class to adapt to and to harness the social power of numerous non-state international actors that are due take over the leading role in the future world's politics.
30
Shaytanov, I. O. "Ludmiła Mnich. Shakespeare in Russian theory in the first half of the 20th century". Voprosy literatury, n. 1 (15 agosto 2023): 179–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31425/0042-8795-2023-1-179-184.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The book written by the Polish scholar treats Russian theory as it has been informed in the process of understanding Shakespeare and in its turn served as a basis for Russian theory. The term ‘Russian theory’ is advanced as analogous to ‘French theory’ represented by M. Foucault and French deconstruction in general. ‘Theory’ in this broader sense is used to denote scientific mind represented in various discursive practices, namely historiosophy, religion, philosophy, and partly politics. An attempt to understand Russian intellectual life through analogy with certain Western events can be productive as it brings the national into the world context, but at the same time it is fraught with a danger to wipe off those features that do not fit into the analogy.Thus, Russian historical poetics, the Russian variant of theory, is practically left out, or falls into separate sections and loosely related individual practices. The book is important as a case study of modern theoretical appropriation at work in the domain of literature.
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Ihsan, Neelofar, Sana Ullah e Hina Malik. "Regional Politics in Economic Perspective: A Case Study of Shanghai Cooperation Organization". III IV, n. III (30 settembre 2019): 49–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/ger.2019(iv-iii).05.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This modern world cannot be encountered alone; therefore, states are preferring to involve in regional blocs. This is the century of trade and commerce. This is the era of economic development. It is due to regionalism in politics that SCO formed in the last decade of the 20th century with the initial name of Shanghai five with the purpose of the economic integration of Central Asian Republics. CARs were facing serious economic depression, and ethnic diversity in these states made the situation worse. Islamic fundamentalism was also posing a challenge to the ruling authorities in this whole region. On the other hand, the US wants to access the energy recourses of Central Asia. Although SCO members have a common interest in the exploitation of energy resources, expansion and improvement of transportation, expansion of trade links will move further towards the formation of a common economic market.
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štok, Robert, e Irina Kozárová. "Reflections on globalization processes in geopolitical thought since the second half of the 20th century". SHS Web of Conferences 129 (2021): 10006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202112910006.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Research background: Geopolitical thought at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries was among the first to accentuate a global dimension of international politics. It stagnated in the context of WWII, however, the adoption of geopolitical approaches in U.S. foreign policy concepts contributed to its revival during the Cold War and its rapid development in the 1990s because of the need to address the changes in the power-political and spatial-political structures of the world. The relationship between geopolitical thought and globalization, however, remains controversial. In academic literature, geopolitics and globalization are perceived either as compatible or as incompatible phenomena. Purpose of the article: The paper aims to outline how geopolitical thought has reflected the development of globalization processes and how it has changed with this development since the 2nd half of the 20th century. Methods: Analytical-synthetic and historical-comparative methods are used for the study of globalization development and content analysis and comparative methods are employed to map the development of geopolitical thought and its reflection of globalization. Findings & Value added: The development, direction and consequences of globalization have been reflected in geopolitical thought mainly since the 1990s. As a result, new trends in geopolitical thought have been established; apart from the changes in the power-spatial and political-spatial structures of the world studied by classical geopolitical thought, they also reflect the relationship between global and local, an acceleration in contradictory processes in the world caused by economic, cultural, demographic, information and other factors of spatial control.
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Yosypenko, Serhii. "The long twentieth century?" Filosofska dumka (Philosophical Thought) -, n. 3 (3 novembre 2022): 83–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/fd2022.03.083.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The paper describes the historical and intellectual foundations on which the European political system was built after the Second World War; this system pursued the goal to prevent any war in Europe, but proved unable to prevent the russian-Ukrainian war. The paper shows that this system was built not only because of the trauma of the First and Second World Wars, but also in accord- ance with the liberal attitude to war, which M. Vatter called «war with “war”»; at the same time, such a clear attitude does not refer to real wars, but to an imaginary «war of all against all». Based on the analysis of the principles and results of the research project “War and Society” under the direction of J. Baechler, the author outlines the principles of liberal Realpolitik as the implementation of the mentioned attitude in the realm of wars: it consists in their rationalization both at the level of goals and at the level of means of warfare; such a rationalization finally makes war irrational and unacceptable. From the point of view of such Realpolitik, war is only an extraordinary means of politics, and the russian-Ukrainian war is only an excess of violence, while in the opinion of the author, it is an inevitable consequence of the irrational and violent russian-Ukrainian extrapolitical conflict, whose stakes is the existence self of Ukraine. The author believes that one of the reasons for the inability of the European political system to prevent the russian-Ukrainian war is the belief that with the end of the Cold War, the “century of total war” in Europe also ended, and that the economic and cultural integration of post-communist countries into the European space makes such conflicts impossible. The author refers to the description of the own logic of wars of the 20th century, proposed in R. Aron’s book «The century of total war», and suggests considering the russian-Ukrainian war as a continuation of these wars. In the perspective pro- posed by R. Aron, the mentioned «century of total war» can be considered as a «long 20th century», which continues to this day.
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Taylor, Leonard. "Catholic Cosmopolitanism and the Future of Human Rights". Religions 11, n. 11 (30 ottobre 2020): 566. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11110566.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Political Catholicism began in the 20th century by presenting a conception of confessional politics to a secularizing Europe. However, this article reveals the reworking of political Catholicism’s historical commitment to a balance of two powers—an ancient Imperium and Sacerdotium—to justify change to this position. A secular democratic faith became a key insight in political Catholicism in the 20th century, as it wedded human rights to an evolving cosmopolitan Catholicism and underlined the growth of Christian democracy. This article argues that the thesis of Christian democracy held a central post-war motif that there existed a prisca theologia or a philosophia perennis, semblances of a natural law, in secular modernity that could reshape the social compact of the modern project of democracy. However, as the Cold War ended, human rights became more secularized in keeping with trends across Europe. The relationship between political Catholicism and human rights reached a turning point, and this article asks if a cosmopolitan political Catholicism still interprets human rights as central to its embrace of the modern world.
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Pirker, Jürgen. "Memory Wars and Minority Rights: From Ethnic Conflict towards a Peace Region Alps-Adria?" Treatises and Documents, Journal of Ethnic Studies / Razprave in Gradivo, Revija za narodnostna vprašanja 86, n. 86 (1 giugno 2021): 5–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.36144/rig86.jun21.5-32.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract Described as “the age of extremes” by historian Eric Hobsbawm, the 20th century was defined by heavily-contested borders and identities in Central Europe: politically, culturally, socially, and intellectually. With the end of World War I, communities found themselves in new nation- states, and the politics of assimilation and relations between minorities and their kinstates created tensions that continue to reverberate today. Using the Slovene minority in Austria as a case study, the article provides insight into two international projects that involve civil society actors in the field of memory politics and young people and their attitudes towards history and minorities. In drawing lessons from these initiatives dealing with troubled pasts to counteract current forms of exclusive identity politics, the article proposes that effective minority protection depends on a conductive social environment that allows for the reflection of opposing narratives stemming from ethnic conflict and acknowledges diversity as enrichment.
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Watanabe, Shoko. "THE PARTY OF GOD: THE ASSOCIATION OF ALGERIAN MUSLIM ʿULAMAʾ IN CONTENTION WITH THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT AFTER WORLD WAR II". International Journal of Middle East Studies 50, n. 2 (maggio 2018): 271–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743818000065.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractScholarship has long held that Islamic reform was a preparatory stage for nationalism in the Muslim world. In challenge to this view, this article shows how in the context of 20th-century Algeria Islamic reformers and nationalists continued to maintain distinct political ideas, visions, and projects. The article examines the internal framework of the Association of Algerian Muslim ʿUlamaʾ, an Islamic reform movement founded in 1931 when Algeria was under French colonial rule, and its interactions with other local movements, especially the Algerian nationalist movement. Through a comparison of the discourse of the Algerian ʿulamaʾ to that of the nationalists, it argues that while both groups claimed to be successors of Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, their understanding of politics (siyāsa) was different. Whereas the ʿulamaʾ associated politics with their own spiritual leadership, the nationalists associated it with institutions. The study situates these distinct visions within the post–World War II historical context, in which the expanding nationalist movement undermined the ʿulamaʾ’s popular appeal.
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Masterson, James. "America in Performance of 20th Century Identity and Individualism in Chrissie Hynde’s Reckless". European Journal of Life Writing 11 (21 aprile 2022): 41–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/ejlw.11.38628.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Chrissie Hynde relocated to London from her native Ohio in 1973. She has now spent well over twice as much time in Britain as she has in America, only moving back briefly to care for her dying parents - whose passing facilitated the releasing of her autobiography: Reckless (2015). When she moved to London she felt she had found her spiritual home, in direct contrast to Akron, her fast changing hometown. In forming this link Hynde can tell us a lot about America from a British perspective. She lived on the front line with, for example, first hand experience of the Kent State University shooting, whilst England still had no place for the Street Fighting Man: Her America is not the wild west of her hero Keith Richards, nor the ‘continuous positioning of himself vis-à-vis America’ of her ex-husband Ray Davies. Hers is the visceral and realistic picture of a failing society. Hynde is a complex character. Famously tetchy, intensely private, why did this American become such an Anglophile, living under the noses of the infamous English media? Cynical of the American Dream she chose to escape to what was the most exciting place in the world of entertainment in the 1970s. Talking of her material heritage she states ‘it was the ‘land of opportunity’ but people like mine didn’t get very many back then’. How prescient she was, as those failures come home to roost now in the politics of the US. Chrissie Hynde is arguably the epitome of the ‘British Other’, a legal alien if you will, offering a perceptive eye and commentary upon the world across the pond. Like Henry James before her, she adds an extra, informed, dynamic in her sharp analysis of America compared to anyone else.
38
kunz, Waldemar. "The European Case for International Security". Security Dimensions 41, n. 41 (29 luglio 2022): 52–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0015.9447.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Armed conflicts between states and friction within international organizations, not forgetting wars in the economic-technological, and economic-commercial dimension, including issues related to natural resources, raw materials, and energy, are part of an attempt to position elites in a new axiological-political space. This article takes up the complex and contentious issue of the security crisis in the European dimension, with an emphasis on international and transnational issues, while focusing on the transformation of the existing political, social, axiological, and cultural order. In other words, the issue concerns the new paradigm of civilization, which has been taking shape on a global scale since the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries. The main intention and purpose of the study is to present the complex problem of specificity of the European security, pointing to the processes and phenomena that change the architecture of the world order, taking into account the international, transnational, and migration contexts. As far as the diagnosis of the current international situation is concerned, it concerns the conviction about the regression of the old civilization and cultural patterns, valid in the 19th and 20th century, and the formation of a new paradigm from the turn of the 20th and 21st century (until 2019), determining the economy, politics, and society.
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Petrosyan, D. V. ,. "FOREIGN POLICY ATTITUDES OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY IN THE POSTBIPOLAR WORLD". Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Historical science 7 (73), n. 3 (2021): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1741-2021-7-3-87-98.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Contemporary Federal Republic of Germany is the leader of the European Union, on which the development of the European Union and European-transatlantic relations largely depends. The Federal Republic of Germany determines the main content and direction of the EU policy towards the Russian Federation. Russian-German relations have a significant impact on the solution of many world problems. The unification of two states at the end of the 20th century – the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic — became one of the greatest and most significant events in the history of Germany and world politics. The creation of a unified German state contributed to the change of both the economic and political situation of Germany in Europe and in international relations. They are one of the determining factors of global politics and directly related to the European world order, therefore, the study of the philosophy and nature of German foreign policy in the postbipolar world is a topic and important task for specialists. The article considers the internal and external conditions and factors affecting the foreign policy of Germany in the postbipolar world.
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Loginova, Nina N., Milan M. Radovanović, Anatoliy A. Yamashkin, Goran Vasin, Marko D. Petrović e Dunja Demirović Bajrami. "Analysis of the population dynamics in the “Slavic World” with a special focus on Russia". Indonesian Journal of Geography 52, n. 3 (31 dicembre 2020): 317. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/ijg.51202.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Population changes of the Russians and other Slavs are an important original indicator of demographic, economic, political, and cultural analysis of over 300 million Slavic inhabitants in Central, Eastern, and Southeastern Europe. The indicators are conditioned by the large number of people executed in World War I and World War II, significant economic migrations, the disintegration of the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, and Czechoslovakia. Utilizing data from official reports, the authors proceed to analyze the demographic tendencies in order to find out the relationship between modern demographic trends and political and economic events over the past years. The results showed that economic and demographic stagnation, which favor religious and national (ethnic) ambivalence, influence the strengthening of groups ethnically isolated or religiously differentiated in the observed macroregions of Eurasia. The contemporary challenges of modern society in terms of global politics (e.g. terrorism and migrations) will be more pronounced and turbulent in these areas. For these reasons, the original data represent an important segment of the study of Slavic history, demography, and politics throughout the turbulent 20th century and the beginning of the new millennium.
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Nesselhauf, Jonas. "Brave New Sex – Aldous Huxley und die „Sexual Politics“ der Dystopie". Politisches Denken. Jahrbuch 29, n. 1 (1 gennaio 2019): 123–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/jpd.29.1.123.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The dystopian novel Brave New World (1932) by British writer Aldous Huxley (1894 – 1963) depicts a future society, in which every form of individualism is nothing but a ‚system error‘. Although the biological sex as well as sexuality (as a form of reproduction) itself have basically become irrelevant, the totalitarian system abides by a patriarchal ideology in order to suppress and control its inhabitants. This may, at a first glance, both affect male and female – but actually, using the examples of family, gender and sexuality, affects inherently more women than men in their everyday life or their social roles. Thus, 20th century novels such as Huxley’s Brave New World stand for a paradigmatic shift: While almost all ‚classical‘ utopias establish a patriarchal structure as a ‚stable‘ foundation for their society, it is in contrast maintained in the later (post–)modern dystopian novels mainly as a negative example in order to illustrate systemic injustices and sexist power structures.
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Guo, Yixiao. "Beijing Subway and the Political and Economic Development of China". Public Administration Research 8, n. 1 (28 aprile 2019): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/par.v8n1p23.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This research paper analyses the main purposes the Beijing subway system, which served from 1969 to now as a tool of political defense as well as a transportation system. The notion to construct the system arose in 1953, but the first section of today’s Line 1 did not open until September 1969. Today, the Beijing subway system is the world’s busiest in terms of annual ridership and the world’s second longest subway system, ranking only behind Shanghai’s. (Xinhua News Agency, 2017, http://www.xinhuanet.com/politics/2017-12/30/c_1122188643.htm.) The political and economic development and trends in China in the second half of 20th century and the first decade of the 21st century, such as the Cultural Revolution and the 2008 Olympics, affected the subway system’s development greatly. This paper examines Chinese documents with the aim of providing a general understanding of the development and purpose of the Beijing system, through political, economic and technical analysis, among others, of its history.
There exists almost no document, ¬¬either in English or Chinese, that analyzes the development of Beijing’s subway system. However, this topic should be considered important, as it provides an alternative way of viewing the development of China and its governing principles throughout its late-20th century and current-day history.
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Korunova, Evgenia. "From Eventual Neutrality to Non-Aligned Policy at the Initial Stage of the Cold War: the Swedish Experience". ISTORIYA 12, n. 7 (105) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016461-6.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article is devoted to the shaping of a new security doctrine in Sweden after World War II, its evolving from eventual neutrality to a deliberate avoidance of military-political alliances, meaning non-alliance politics. Later this concept was called “freedom from alliances in peacetime in order to maintain neutrality in the times of war”. The author of the article focuses on establishing of Sweden's non-alliance politics, which took place at the time of the antagonism gaining between the United States and the USSR in the late 1940s — early 1950s, describes the main difficulties that the Scandinavian state had to face during this period and ways to solve the problems, standing in the way of the realization of a new doctrine. In the article a significant attention is paid to Swedish politicians who played significant roles in the shaping and sustainable development of Swedish non-alliance politics in the second half of the 20th century.
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Baron, Beth, e Sara Pursley. "EDITORIAL FOREWORD". International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, n. 4 (novembre 2011): 587–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811001188.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The first three articles in this issue, grouped under the subtitle “Insurgency, State Formation, Counterinsurgency,” all deal with historical aspects of nationalism and state-building in the 20th century and resonate with contemporary politics in the Arab world. Starting with Egypt, Omnia El Shakry looks at how student demonstrations in 1935 and 1936 helped usher in the “figure of youth as an insurgent subject of politics.” This discourse placed youth at the vanguard of nationalist struggle and social change in Egypt “but only insofar as they could enact a non-antagonistic conception of politics grounded in national unity.” It also foreshadowed the emergence of a discourse of adolescent psychology in the 1940s, in which adolescence was “reconfigured as a psychological stage of social adjustment, sexual repression, and existential anomie.” Given the emphasis on the role of youth in the 2011 uprisings in Arab states, the article has potential theoretical implications for analyses of current events and discourse.
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Burkhanadin, A. "Political islam or conservatism: a typology of the Deobandi movement". Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Historical Sciences. Philosophy. Religion Series 144, n. 3 (2023): 178–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7255-2023-144-3-178-189.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article analyzes the general nature, branches, political and religious enlightenment activities of the Deobandian movement, which appeared in India in the 19th century and passed through various stages, based on the issue of typology related to religious movements in Islam. Thus, a typology of religious and political groups originating from the Deobandian movement is created. A systematic conclusion is made on such issues as the beginning of the movement, its relationship with the colonial government, branching, involvement in political decisions, sources of religious education, legal and creedal sect, and its current state. Without such a comprehensive analysis, it is impossible to reveal the meaning of a certain religious movement on a scientific basis. The division of the Deobandian movement into different branches due to historical conditions requires an analysis of the problem of typology in a political context. In the 20th century, the emergence of the phenomenon of political Islam in the Islamic world affected the involvement of some branches of this movement in politics in the form of a party, and now, one of its directions became radicalized and turned into a military force influencing the geopolitical conditions in the region. Therefore, the political experience of the Deobandian movement, which began with classical religious education, mixed with colonialism in the 19th century and a new political structure in the 20th century
46
Farkas, Mária Ildikó. "A modern japán birodalom születése". Ismeretlen kolonializmus 38, n. 1 (30 gennaio 2023): 63–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/aetas.2023.1.63-88.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Japan represents a special case in the history of colonialism at the end of the 19th century. At the middle of the 19th century, it was a closed East Asian country that was forced by the Western colonial powers to open its doors to the outside world, but in the second half of the 19th century, it started a modernization process following the „Western model”. Japan defined itself as a modern nation-state, and with the successful modernization, economic and military advancements it could acquire territories in Asia through military actions or agreements with the great colonizing powers. By the beginning of the 20th century, Japan had become a colonizing country in Asia, instead of being colonized. In order to understand this process thoroughly and to interpret Japanese colonization and imperialism at the end of the 19th century, it is necessary on one hand to briefly summarize East Asian international relations of the second half of the century, and to review the changing environment in which Japan had to find a place for itself in this era. On the other hand, the internal development of Japan must also be examined, especially the state in which the new challenges of the outside world reached the country, and the political and ideological sources of the response the political leaders of the time gave to them. Understanding Japanese development needs an examination of the characteristics and significance of Japanese cultural traditions and political thoughts, which influenced Japan's modern politics besides the "universal" models of that time (capitalist development, colonization, imperialism). This paper attempts to provide an interpretation of the multifaceted relationship between Japan and colonization with attention to the external and internal factors that influenced Japanese policy at the turn of the 19-20th centuries.
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Saeed, Ahmad, Khan Bakhtiar e Khalid Ijaz. "Encouraging Trends of Women’s Politics in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa". Global Social Sciences Review I, n. II (30 dicembre 2016): 59–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2016(i-ii).05.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Modern democratic age is based on the philosophy of |ONE-MAN ONEVOTE". Women constitute more than 50% of the world population. Pakistan's Constitution of 1973 has guaranteed women's political rights, equally with men. The general elections of 2002 and 2008 witnessed greater women political participations compared to the elections of 20th Century. The 9/11 incident and un-natural death of Benazir Bhutto left society plagued with extremism, fundamentalism and terrorism. In many instances, the war on terror crossed 'Durand-Line' and affected Pakistan, especially Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and FATA, where every second family faced causality. Vested interests and international media focused on the region and sketched it from darkness to table of discussion. The reports of FAFEN, IDEA, PILDAT, European Union Observation Mission and Election Commission of Pakistan also acknowledged the truth that political participation of women has accelerated in Pakistan tremendously by means of casting votes, launching elections campaigns and contesting elections on general seats.
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Talishinsky, Elvin. "Information and psychological warfare in the context of the war between Azerbaijan and Armenia". Eminak, n. 4(44) (13 gennaio 2024): 231–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.33782/eminak2023.4(44).684.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The purpose of the paper is to highlight the development of information-psychological warfare, its history, concepts, technologies and methods, which are one of the most important areas of work in the field of international relations. The concept of ‘information warfare’ has concentrated a number of phenomena from the sphere of mass communications and during the 20th century was called various terms, such as ‘disinformation’, ‘propaganda’, ‘psychological warfare’, ‘psychological operations’.
Within the scope of the study, the importance of psychological warfare in today’s context has been examined using the example of Azerbaijan and Armenia. It has been emphasized how Armenia effectively employed psychological warfare tactics and propaganda to gain an advantageous position in the late 20th century. In the early 21st century, the significance of Azerbaijan gaining a superior position in psychological warfare and using propaganda effectively has been discussed. Additionally, the article delves into the importance of using white propaganda during psychological warfare and the drawbacks of black propaganda within the context of the psychological warfare between Azerbaijan and Armenia.
The novelty of the paper lies in a comprehensive analysis of information and psychological warfare and operations in the context of the Azerbaijan-Armenian conflict.
Conclusions. In the 20th century information and psychological warfare and operations became part of the military policy of states. Now, due to the current situation on the world stage, the methods and means of conducting information warfare are changing and every year they are reaching a higher level. It can also be stated that in the 21st century, information wars have become more widespread. In summary, the historical context and evolution of information warfare demonstrate its enduring significance as a tool for states to achieve their strategic and political goals. As technology and global politics continue to evolve, information warfare is likely to remain a key component of statecraft and international relations.
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Pelden, Sonam, Elizabeth Reid Boyd, Madalena Grobbelaar, Kwadwo Adusei-Asante e Lucy Hopkins. "Ladies, Gentlemen and Guys: The Gender Politics of Politeness". Social Sciences 8, n. 2 (15 febbraio 2019): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci8020056.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Are there ladies and gentlemen in the 21st century? Do we need them? In the 20th century, lady became particularly unpopular with second wave feminists, who preferred ‘woman’. Gentleman was seen as similarly politically incorrect: class, race and culture bound. Following previous research on the word lady, we explore here some current evocations and debates around these words. We consider how the more casual, etymologically gendered term ‘guy’ has been utilized for men and women, and how it functions to reflect and obscure gender. While the return of the lady might be considered a consumer fad, a neo-conservative post-feminist backlash, or nostalgia for an elite ‘polite society’, it also offers an opportunity for a deeper discussion about civility as part of a broader conversation that is gaining impetus in the Western world. Politeness is personal and political. Whilst evidence for a comeback of the gentleman is limited, we critically consider the re-emergence of the lady as reflecting a deeper desire for applied sexual and social ethics. Such gender ethics have global, social and cultural ramifications that we ought not to underestimate. The desire for a culture of civility is gaining momentum as we are increasingly confronted with the violent consequences of a culture without it.
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Matsvimbo, Tichaona Byson, Tatenda Yvonne Mupasu e Tinashe Brian Katsidzira. "John W. Harbeson & Donald Rothchild (Eds.) Africa in World Politics: Reforming Political Order. Boulder: Westview Press, 2008.ISBN 13: 9780813343648". International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VII, n. XII (2024): 1285–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2023.7012096.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Sub-Saharan African states have shown signs that they may participate in global politics due to notable economic and political developments that they have attained since their independence in the second half of the 20th century. The end of the Cold War saw African states being integrated into the world economy through multilateral institutions and also applying the new wave of democracy to their systems of governance. This book examines the important trends and developments in the participation of Africa in world politics. The book is divided into 14 chapters. In the first chapter, authors highlights the political and economic challenges that were being faced by sub-Saharan states soon after attaining their independence. States such as Mozambique, Angola, and Rwanda engaged in civil wars for years, while Zimbabwe was resistant to multiparty democracy. The author argues that since 1990, most Sub-Saharan countries have democratized and conducted multiparty elections, as well as opened doors for civil society organizations. The number of democratizing African countries had risen from 2 to approximately a third of all African countries.