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Autore: Grafiati

Pubblicato: 27 luglio 2024

Ultima modifica: 29 luglio 2024

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1

Wishah, Um Jabr. "““Prisoners for Freedom””: The Prisoners Issue Before and After Oslo". Journal of Palestine Studies 36, n. 1 (2006): 71–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2006.36.1.71.

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This is the third and final installment of Um Jabr's ““life story,”” earlier segments of which——on village life in pre-1948 Palestine and on the 1948 war and its aftermath——were published in JPS 138 (winter 2006) and JPS 140 (summer 2006). The current excerpts focus on Um Jabr's intense involvement in the prisoner issue that began when two of her sons were in Israeli jails. In particular, her activism took the form of organizing other women to visit prisoners from Arab countries who had no one to visit them on the twice monthly visits allowed. Um Jabr's 36,000-word ““life story”” was one of seven collected as part of an oral history project, as yet unpublished, carried out by Barbara Bill, an Australian who since 1996 has worked with the Women's Empowerment Project of the Gaza Community Mental Health Program, and Ghada Ageel, a refugee from al-Bureij camp now earning her Ph.D. at the University of Exeter in England. The women who participated in the project were interviewed a number of times during the first half of 2001; after the tapes were transcribed, the memories were set down exactly as they were told, the only ““editing”” being the integration of material from the various interviews into one ““life story.”” Um Jabr, who was in her early 70s at the time of the interviews, still lives in al-Bureij camp, where she has since 1950.

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2

Catherine Rose. "‘Free Her’: women political prisoners". Socialist Lawyer, n. 73 (2016): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.13169/socialistlawyer.73.0006.

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3

Rey-Schyrr, Catherine. "Le CICR et l'assistance aux réfugiés arabes palestiniens (1948–1950)". International Review of the Red Cross 83, n. 843 (settembre 2001): 739–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1560775500119297.

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During the 1948–1949 conflict in Palestine, the ICRC conducted a major operation for the wounded and the sick, the prisoners of war and civilian victims of the conflict. It was also one of the first international organizations to provide Palestinian refugees with concrete help: to begin with, starting in July 1948, through the delegation it had opened several months earlier in Palestine to carry out its traditional protection and assistance work there; later, by setting up the ICRC Commissariat for Relief to Palestine Refugees, which, alongside other organizations, acted as a distribution agency within the framework of the United Nations Relief for Palestine Refugees. In 1950, this activity was taken over by UNWRA.

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4

BORNSTEIN, AVRAM. "Ethnography and the Politics of Prisoners in Palestine-Israel". Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 30, n. 5 (ottobre 2001): 546–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/089124101129024268.

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5

Mojab, Shahrzad. "Women Political Prisoners in Iran: A Political Art Project". Journal of Prisoners on Prisons 15, n. 1 (1 dicembre 2006): 67–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.18192/jpp.v15i1.5348.

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6

Caglar, Ali, Meltem Onay e Caglar Ozel. "Women prisoners in Turkey". Middle Eastern Studies 41, n. 6 (novembre 2005): 953–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263200500106057.

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7

Khader, Nehad. "Rasmea Odeh: The Case of an Indomitable Woman". Journal of Palestine Studies 46, n. 4 (2017): 62–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.46.4.62.

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In this profile of Rasmea Odeh, JPS examines the case of a Palestinian woman who has been incarcerated in both Israel and the United States. After a decade of confinement in Israel, Odeh was freed in a prisoner exchange in 1979. Following deportation from the occupied Palestinian territories, she became a noted social justice and women's rights organizer, first in Lebanon and Jordan, and later in the U.S., where she built the now over 800-strong Arab Women's Committee of Chicago. In April 2017, Odeh accepted a plea bargain that would lead to her deportation from the United States after a years-long legal battle to overturn a devastating conviction on charges of immigration fraud. Observers, legal experts, and supporters consider the case to “reek of political payback,” in the words of longtime Palestine solidarity activist, author, and academic Angela Davis. Odeh's generosity of spirit, biting wit, and easy smile did not desert her throughout the years that she fought her case. To know Odeh is to be reminded that the work of organizing for social justice is about the collective rather than the individual, and that engagement, relationship building, and trust are the foundations of such work.

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8

Gökatalay, Semih. "British Colonialism and Prison Labour in Inter-War Palestine". Labour History 125, n. 1 (25 ottobre 2023): 139–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/labourhistory.2023.23.

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Great Britain ruled modern-day Israel and Palestine from 1917 to 1948. The exploitation of prison labour became a source to fund its colonial government. This study explicates the economic and legal rationale for prison labour, the living and working conditions and discipline of convicts, and public debates and controversies surrounding political prisoners in Mandatory Palestine. With specific references to forced labour in the colonised world, it evaluates the experience of Mandatory Palestine from a transnational perspective and makes a connection between global colonialism and prison labour. Using a rich trove of official documents and newspaper articles as its primary sources, this article links the proliferation of the prison labour system with the introduction and consolidation of British colonialism in Palestine and argues that colonial ideology and practices coloured and justified the use of prison labour.

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Teitlbaum-Karrie, Naama, e Yael Nahari. "The Experience of Female Prisoners of the Underground Movements in Bethlehem Prison, 1939-1947: Gender Aspects". Iyunim - Multidisiplinary Studies in Israel and Modern Jewish Society 40 (1 luglio 2024): 217–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.51854/bguy-40a168.

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Bethlehem prison was the only women’s prison in Palestine during the British Mandate. It housed over two hundred Jewish women, mainly from the Irgun and Lehi underground movements. This article describes, for the first time, the experience of the women in Bethlehem prison and analyzes it using gender tools. Their experiences were documented and preserved in ego-documents that include personal letters, diaries, and subsequently written memoirs. The analysis of gender content in the writings of the women in Bethlehem prison focuses the discussion on a number of components: their relations with Jewish prisoners accused of criminal offenses and with Arab prisoners; feminine outward markers and concern about external appearance and the women’s physical and medical needs; family and motherhood behind bars; and also, spiritual elements, including ritual practice in female environments. We also discuss elements that do not appear in their writings, including feminist themes or at least those interpreted as feminist in a modern reading. All of this sheds light on the unique perspective of the woman fighter in the Revisionist movement and adds another layer to the history of women and gender in the Jewish Yishuv and the study of the underground movements

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10

Bigé, Emma, e Léna Dormeau. "Palestine". Multitudes 94, n. 1 (6 marzo 2024): 171–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/mult.094.0171.

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« La solidarité est un verbe. » Ainsi la philosophe Sara Ahmed désigne-t-elle le travail de créer des ponts entre les luttes. La guerre en cours en Palestine, depuis les attentats terroristes du Hamas en octobre 2023 jusqu’aux représailles meurtrières et incessantes des Forces de Défense Israéliennes, a soulevé de nombreux gestes de solidarité transnationale : de la part des mouvements juifs pour la paix (Women Wage Peace, Standing Together, Tsedek!, Union juive pour la paix…), mais aussi de la part de mouvements pour la justice sociale qui se sont efforcés de construire des solidarités précises, avec les Palestinien·nes comme avec les Israélien·nes qui résistent au colonialisme (des mouvements autochtones aux États-Unis à Black Lives Matter et aux mouvements queers en Europe et ailleurs). Quelles leçons tirer de ces solidarités décoloniales ?

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11

Silberman, Matthew. "Mean Lives, Mean Laws: Oklahoma’s Women Prisoners". Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 45, n. 2 (24 febbraio 2016): 240–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306116629410fff.

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12

Arnold, Regina A., e Lori B. Girshick. "Soledad Women: Wives of Prisoners Speak Out". Contemporary Sociology 26, n. 6 (novembre 1997): 744. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2654658.

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13

Halberstam, Malvina. "Terrorism on the High Seas: The Achille Lauro, Piracy and the IMO Convention on Maritime Safety". American Journal of International Law 82, n. 2 (aprile 1988): 269–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203189.

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On October 7, 1985, the Achille Lauro, an Italian-flag cruise ship, was seized while sailing from Alexandria to Port Said. The hijackers, members of the Palestine Liberation Front (PLF), a faction of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), had boarded the ship in Genoa, posing as tourists. They held the ship’s crew and passengers hostage, and threatened to kill the passengers unless Israel released 50 Palestinian prisoners. They also threatened to blow up the ship if a rescue mission was attempted. When their demands had not been met by the following afternoon, the hijackers shot Leon Klinghoffer, a Jew of U.S. nationality who was partly paralyzed and in a wheelchair, and threw his body and wheelchair overboard. The United States characterized the seizure as piracy, a position that has been supported by some commentators and opposed by others.

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14

Whitehead, Jaye Cee. "Sisters Outside: Radical Activists Working for Women Prisoners". Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 39, n. 4 (luglio 2010): 462–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306110373238cc.

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15

Harlow, Barbara. "Palestine: Kan Wa-Ma Kan?" Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 7, n. 1 (marzo 1998): 75–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.7.1.75.

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Too many memories? Difficulties of diaspora? Or lapses in memory? The spring of 1998 marked the passage of fifty years of nakba, the historic Palestinian “catastrophe.” Israel celebrated the season as an anniversary, commemorating the fifty elapsed years of its statehood. The short-lived “peace process” initiated in the preliminary if protracted negotiations in Madrid in 1990, which were abruptly concluded in their displacement to Oslo, was once again “stalled.” Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced plans to expand the boundaries of West Jerusalem, in a move clearly designed to add to the pressures on Arab East Jerusalem and predetermine the “final status” talks of the process by decisively altering both the topography and the demography of greater Jerusalem. And the Israeli Supreme Court referred the highly controversial issue of the legalized torture of Palestinian prisoners back to the Knesset for further determination. What had happened to the “human rights,” and their universal declaration, that were also being commemorated in the year 1998, in celebration of the passage in 1948 of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights? According to Article 5 of the Declaration, “No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.” And under the terms of Article 13, “Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to return to his country.” Additionally, according to Article 15, first, “Everyone has the right to a nationality,” and second, “No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his nationality nor denied the right to change his nationality.” What then was happening in Palestine, to the Palestinians, in the spring of 1998 when these anniversaries came up?

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16

Khalili, Laleh. "‘Standing with My Brother’: Hizbullah, Palestinians, and the Limits of Solidarity". Comparative Studies in Society and History 49, n. 2 (aprile 2007): 276–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417507000497.

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On 30 January 2004, after months of negotiations between Hizbullah and the state of Israel via German mediators, a major exchange of bodies and prisoners was completed. In return for a kidnapped Israeli citizen—alleged to belong to Israeli intelligence services—and the bodies of three Israeli soldiers captured three years previously, Israel released twenty-nine Lebanese and other Arab prisoners, the remains of fifty-nine Lebanese citizens, and, astonishingly, 400 Palestinian prisoners. The prisoner release was something of a coup for Hizbullah and its success led Hizbullah on 12 July 2006 to emulate the same capture operation hoping to precipitate the release of the last remaining Lebanese prisoners in Israeli prisons. In 2004, many from across the political spectrum in Lebanon and Palestine praised Hizbullah's achievement. In Beirut, the welcoming ceremonies for the released Palestinian prisoners were awash in both Palestinian and Lebanese flags. Among the celebrants were tens of thousands of Palestinians. The superior effectiveness of Hizbullah in comparison with then Palestinian leadership was not lost on observers. After all, in its most successful negotiations with the Israeli state the previous August, then Palestinian Prime Minister Abu Mazen had been able to secure the release of only 338 Palestinian prisoners of Israel, most of whom had reached the end of their terms anyway. In his welcoming speech to his Palestinian and Lebanese audience, Hizbullah Secretary General, Sayyid Hasan Nasrallah, further took a swipe at the Fatah-dominated Palestinian National Authority (PNA) by insisting that “We should not fall under any illusions and let ourselves believe that peaceful negotiations are an alternative to military resistance. Effective [military] resistance was the main factor behind our success” (Daily Star, 30 Jan. 2004, my emphases). One Lebanese analyst claimed that the Hizbullah success could not possibly be “a popular deal with Palestinian leadership” (Daily Star, 26 Jan. 2004), because it showed the relative effectiveness of Hizbullah compared to the Fatah-dominated PNA.

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17

Martin, Jennifer. "Social work direct practice with women prisoners". Australian Social Work 54, n. 2 (giugno 2001): 37–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03124070108414322.

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18

Rashkin, Elissa J. "The Gendered Revolutionary Body: Memory and Resistance in "Torre das Donzelas"". Mistral | Journal of Latin American Women's Intellectual & Cultural History 2, n. 1 (14 dicembre 2022): 36–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/mistral.1.39902.

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In her 2018 documentary Torre das Donzelas (Maidens’ Tower), Susanna Lira explores the experiences of women who were political prisoners during the dictatorship via interviews and a spatial recreation of the women’s cellblock of the Tiradentes prison, known as the Torre das Donzelas. Lira creatively employs set design and sound as discursive elements that complement the women’s testimony and broaden its portrayal of memory and haunting; moreover, as this article argues, the older women (senhoras) who embody past and present political resistance enable the film to contest conventional expectations regarding guerrillas, political prisoners, and the romantic, masculine notion of revolution.

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19

Wahidin, Azrini. "Menstruation as a Weapon of War: The Politics of the Bleeding Body for Women on Political Protest at Armagh Prison, Northern Ireland". Prison Journal 99, n. 1 (17 dicembre 2018): 112–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032885518814730.

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This article draws on the voices of women political prisoners who were detained at Armagh Prison during the period of the Troubles or the Conflict in Northern Ireland. It focuses on women who undertook an extraordinary form of protest against the prison authorities during the 1980s, known as the No Wash Protest. As the prisoners were prevented from leaving their cells by prison officer either to wash or to use the toilet, the women, living in the midst of their own dirt and body waste, added menstrual blood as a form of protest.

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20

Daghmash, Fawwaz. "National Constants in the Textbooks of Social Studies for the High Elementary Stage in Palestine in the Light of Political Adjustment". Hebron University Research Journal (HURJ): B- (Humanities) 16, n. 2 (31 dicembre 2021): 158–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.60138/16220216.

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The study aimed to determine the national constants that should be included in the high elementary stage social studies textbooks in Palestine, and then to check the availability of these constants in the textbooks mentioned. To achieve this goal, the researcher used the method of content analysis. The sample of the study consisted of five textbooks. The study showed that the Palestinian national constants are repeated (323) in the targeted textbooks, and Self-determination constant came in the first place with a percentage of (45.52%) , while the prisoners issue came in the last place among the national constants with a percentage of (4.95%) . The study showed that the ninth grade textbook came in the first place among the five textbooks with a percentage of (%30), while the sixth grade textbook came in the last place with a percentage of (%15.17) The study recommended that the social studies textbook should include the issues of the right of return and Palestinian prisoners much more in order to enhance their role in ensuring these two constants. It also recommended that the sixth grade textbook should include these national constants

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21

Slyomovics, Susan. "THE ARGUMENT FROM SILENCE: MOROCCO'S TRUTH COMMISSION AND WOMEN POLITICAL PRISONERS". Journal of Middle East Women's Studies 1, n. 3 (ottobre 2005): 73–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/mew.2005.1.3.73.

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22

Partnoy, Alicia. "Concealing God: How Argentine Women Political Prisoners Performed a Collective Identity". Biography 36, n. 1 (2013): 211–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bio.2013.0006.

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23

Slyomovics, S. "The Argument From Silence: Morocco's Truth Commission and Women Political Prisoners". Journal of Middle East Women's Studies 1, n. 3 (1 gennaio 2005): 73–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15525864-2005-4004.

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Amalia, Luvi, e Eta Yuni Lestari. "FULFILLMENT OF PRISIONERS RIGHTS IN CLASS II-A WOMEN PRISONS IN SEMARANG". JUPIIS: JURNAL PENDIDIKAN ILMU-ILMU SOSIAL 14, n. 1 (17 giugno 2022): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.24114/jupiis.v14i1.28419.

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AbstractWomen inmates have rights that must be protected in accordance with the mandate of the constitution, moreover women have a different nature from men. But looking at the existing reality, there are still correctional institutions that experience overcapacity so that the fulfillment of rights has not been carried out optimally. One of them is the Semarang Class II-A Women's Correctional Institution with a total population of 249 people as of September 2020, even though the capacity is 174 people. The purpose of this study is to describe the fulfillment of the rights of prisoners and efforts to fulfill the rights of prisoners in the Class II-A Women's Correctional Institution Semarang. This study uses a qualitative approach with data collection methods through interviews, observation, and documentation. The data analysis technique uses an interactive model with the stages of data collection, data reduction, data presentation and conclusion drawing. The results showed that the fulfillment of prisoners' rights went well such as the right to worship, spiritual and physical care, education, health and food, submitting complaints, getting reading materials, premiums, receiving visits, remission, assimilation, political rights. While the rights that are still lacking are: access to wartelsus and video telephones, provision of equipment and food portions for prisoners. Efforts to fulfill the rights of prisoners at the Class II-A Women's Correctional Institution in Semarang, namely, providing guidance according to regulations, managing finances well, maintaining and caring for facilities, evaluating work, arranging schedules appropriately, appointing prisoners as tamping, cooperation with other parties, increasing service innovation.

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Arnd-Linder, Sarah, Ayelet Harel-Shalev e Shir Daphna-Tekoah. "The political is personal - everyday lives of women in Israel/Palestine". Women's Studies International Forum 69 (luglio 2018): 76–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.wsif.2018.05.006.

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Karolyi, Paul. "Chronology". Journal of Palestine Studies 46, n. 4 (2017): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.46.4.s3.

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This is part 134 of a chronology begun by the Journal of Palestine Studies in Spring 1984, and covers events from 16 February to 15 May 2017 on the ground in the occupied Palestinian territories and in the diplomatic sphere, regionally and internationally. U.S. pres. Donald Trump leads a new, regional effort to restart Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations. With the prospect of peace talks on the horizon, the Israeli government announced a new policy to guide settlement growth in the West Bank, and the Ramallah-based Palestinian leadership struggled to consolidate power. Palestinians in the West Bank elected new local leaders, although the elections were compromised by disagreements among the major political parties. Approximately 1,500 Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails declared a hunger strike (the Dignity Strike), drawing support from across the political spectrum. Meanwhile, the right-wing Israeli government continued its efforts to undermine and delegitimize its opponents, including the Israeli Left, the Palestinian minority in Israel, and the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement. For a more comprehensive overview of regional and international developments related to the Palestine-Israel conflict, see the quarterly Update on Conflict and Diplomacy in JPS 46 (4).

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Scheck, Raffael. "Les prémices de Thiaroye: L’influence de la captivité allemande sur les soldats noirs français à la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale". French Colonial History 13 (1 maggio 2012): 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41938223.

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Abstract After repressing the mutiny of West African ex-prisoners in Thiaroye near Dakar on 1 December 1944, the French military authorities concluded that the German treatment of these prisoners had made them prone to revolting. Allegedly, the Germans had planned to destabilize French colonialism by treating the prisoners well (despite the German army massacres of black French soldiers in June 1940) and by allowing black prisoners to enter into intimate relationships with white French women. The article critically analyzes the explanations of the French authorities for the revolt of Thiaroye, tracing the motivations of the ex-prisoners to the way they interpreted Free French policies after liberation in the context of their captivity experience. It argues that the relatively correct German treatment of the African POWs after the summer of 1940 and the contacts of prisoners with French civilians were circumstantial and not part of a deliberate German policy to incite revolts in the French colonies. Ultimately, the unruliness of African ex-prisoners resulted much less from German measures than from the disillusioning experience of the soldiers with the Vichy and Free French authorities during and after captivity, which formed a powerful contrast to the mostly friendly and respectful treatment of the Africans by the French civilian population.

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Bannister, Shelley A. "The Criminalization of Women Fighting Back against Male Abuse: Imprisoned Battered Women as Political Prisoners". Humanity & Society 15, n. 4 (novembre 1991): 400–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016059769101500406.

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Rolston, Bill. "Women on the walls: Representations of women in political murals in Northern Ireland". Crime, Media, Culture: An International Journal 14, n. 3 (12 luglio 2017): 365–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1741659017718037.

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The article documents the under-representation of women in political wall murals in Northern Ireland. There are significantly fewer representations of women than of men in these murals. Where women do appear, it is within a number of specific themes: as political activists, prisoners, victims or historical or mythological characters. The findings will be located within an analysis which sees the murals as a specific articulation of gender as a dimension of political mobilisation during conflict and in the period of transition from conflict. In short, the images sometimes reinforce and at other times challenge gender role expectations and norms. The extent of that reinforcement and challenge differs significantly between republican and loyalist murals. Nowhere do women receive representational equality with men, but in relation to loyalist murals, that absence comes close to being tantamount to silence.

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Santos, Madalena. "Relations of ruling in the colonial present: An intersectional view of the Israeli imaginary". Canadian Journal of Sociology 38, n. 4 (20 febbraio 2013): 509–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cjs17940.

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This article presents a categorical framework for the interrogation of power relations in the study and analysis of Israeli colonialism in Palestine. Following critical anti-racist feminist approaches, I highlight the relationality between race, class, and gender constructions that are crucial to colonial rule. Extending Chandra Mohanty’s (1991) reading of Dorothy Smith’s “relations of ruling”, I outline six intersecting categories of colonial practices to examine Israel’s particular colonization forms and processes. These categories include: racial separation; citizenship and naturalization forms and processes; construction and consolidation of existing social inequalities; gender, sexuality, and sexual violence, racialized and gendered prisoners; and “unmarked” versus “marked” discourses. Understanding colonial experiences as heterogeneous and plural, I conclude by arguing for the furthering of decolonial and anti-racist feminist analyses from within specific sites of resistance.

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Shirlow, Peter, e Lorraine Dowler. "‘Wee Women No More’: Female Partners of Republican Political Prisoners in Belfast". Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 42, n. 2 (febbraio 2010): 384–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a41369.

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Karkabi, Nadeem. "Review: No Place for Grief: Martyrs, Prisoners, and Mourning in Contemporary Palestine, by Lotte Buch Segal". Journal of Palestine Studies 46, n. 4 (2017): 112–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.46.4.112.

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Ryder, Judith A. "Enhancing Female Prisoners’ Access to Education". International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 9, n. 1 (25 febbraio 2020): 139–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v9i1.1468.

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The rate of female incarceration continues to surge, resulting in over 714,000 women currently being held behind bars worldwide. Females generally enter carceral facilities with low educational profiles, and educational programming inside is rarely a high priority. Access to education is a proven contributor to women’s social and economic empowerment and can minimise some of the obstacles they encounter after being released from custody. Support for the intellectual potential of incarcerated female ‘students’ can address intersecting inequalities that impede access to social protection, public services and sustainable infrastructure. Policymakers, academics and activists concerned with gender equality must begin by focusing on academic and vocational program development for female prisoners, built through strong community partnerships, and inclusive of trauma informed supports.

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Greenberg, Ela. "Between Hardships and Respect: A Collective Biography of Arab Women Teachers in British-ruled Palestine". Hawwa 6, n. 3 (2008): 284–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920808x381676.

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AbstractThis article examines the lives of Arab women who worked as teachers in government schools in Palestine between 1920 and 1948. Through a prosopographic study of over 200 employment files of these women, I highlight certain variables as well as shared experiences. My findings show that Arab women teachers were a diverse group, hailing from all over Palestine, and from different religious and socioeconomic backgrounds. Teaching was considered a respectable job, as it did not require women to have contact with men, and it provided them with a significant income, which many teachers used to support family members or purchase property. Nonetheless, many women faced difficulties, and had to negotiate working in unfamiliar places, where they posed challenges to gender norms or had to succumb to social demands to marry.

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Pollack, Shoshana. "Taming The Shrew: Regulating Prisoners Through Women-Centered Mental Health Programming". Critical Criminology 13, n. 1 (gennaio 2005): 71–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10612-004-6168-5.

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Kendall, Kathy, e Soshana Pollack. "Taming the shrew: regulating prisoners through women-centered mental health programming". Critical Criminology 15, n. 3 (20 giugno 2007): 293. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10612-007-9035-3.

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37

Byrne, Charlotte. "Women Political Prisoners After the Spanish Civil War: Narratives of Resistance and Survival." Hispanic Research Journal 22, n. 2-3 (4 maggio 2021): 240–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682737.2021.2030560.

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38

Krivonozhenko, Alexander. "Prisoners of War and Local Population in Karelia during the World War I". ISTORIYA 13, n. 3 (113) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840015970-6.

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Abstract (sommario):

The main reason for the appearance of prisoners of war in Karelia during the World War I is associated with the implementation of large construction projects. The total number of prisoners of war was established based on archival sources. It was prepared special statistical samples. On the basis of them it was established the ethnic picture of the contingent of prisoners, as well as their nationality. It was found that the prisoners of war temporarily affected the current demographic situation in the region because in a separate territory of Karelia their number exceeded the number of the local male population. The problem of interaction with the local population is considered from several positions. The prisoners lived in peasant houses and had the opportunity to buy food from peasant shops. There were cases of prisoners marrying local women. The prisoners living in Petrozavodsk became part of the city's everyday life by the end of the war. Their civilian qualifications were in high demand among local residents.

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Shatz, Julia R. "A POLITICS OF CARE: LOCAL NURSES IN MANDATE PALESTINE". International Journal of Middle East Studies 50, n. 4 (novembre 2018): 669–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743818000892.

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AbstractThis article examines the work experiences of Palestinian Arab nurses to illuminate the operation of the colonial public health regime in Mandate Palestine. Analyzing nurses’ work in the clinics of town and village communities and their relationships with the colonial government's Department of Health, it argues that these nurses were social and political interlocutors in the system of public health, which depended upon their intimate relationships with local communities. By pulling these women out of the archives, this article complicates received wisdom among scholars about development, expertise, and the chronology of welfare. Telling the stories of these women also provides a ground-level view of the operation of daily governance in Mandate Palestine and the lived social, political, and economic realities of an often-overlooked cadre of Palestinian workers from that period.

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40

Afshar, Haleh. "Post Gulf War Forum Women in Afghanistan, Iraq and Palestine". International Feminist Journal of Politics 5, n. 3 (novembre 2003): 467–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14616740310001630296.

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41

Francis, Sahar. "Gendered Violence in Israeli Detention". Journal of Palestine Studies 46, n. 4 (2017): 46–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.46.4.46.

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Abstract (sommario):

Women have been instrumental to the Palestinian liberation struggle from its inception, and the role they have played in political, civil, and armed resistance has been as critical, if not as visible, as that of their male counterparts. In addition to experiencing the same forms of repression as men, be it arrest, indefinite detention, or incarceration, Palestinian women have also been subjected to sexual violence and other gendered forms of coercion at the hands of the Israeli occupation regime. Drawing on testimonies from former and current female prisoners, this paper details Israel's incarceration policies and examines their consequences for Palestinian women and their families. It argues that Israel uses the incarceration of women as a weapon to undermine Palestinian resistance and to fracture traditionally cohesive social relations; and more specifically, that the prison authorities subject female prisoners to sexual and gender-based violence as a psychological weapon to break them and, by extension, their children.

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SEN, ATREYEE. "Torture and Laughter: Naxal insurgency, custodial violence, and inmate resistance in a women's correctional facility in 1970s Calcutta". Modern Asian Studies 52, n. 3 (maggio 2018): 917–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000142.

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AbstractThis article explores the politics of surveillance, suppression, and resistance within a women's correctional facility in 1970s Calcutta, a city in eastern India. I highlight the excessively violent treatment of women political prisoners, who were captured and tortured for their active participation in a Maoist guerrilla (Naxal) movement. I argue that the state officials who formed the lowest rung of the government's machinery to supress the movement—the police, prison guards, and wardens—partially usurped these carceral worlds during conditions of social unrest to create small regimes of de facto sovereignty over prison publics. During that critical period in the history of political uprising in the region, the central government coercively implemented a series of ‘constitutional actions’ in the name of internal security threats and withdrew civil liberties from Indian citizens. Political opponents were captured and imprisoned, and prisons became a space for licensed excess. I show how women political prisoners cooperated and conspired with women convicts (the latter having nurtured their own coping skills and structures to deal with persecution and negligence while in the detention system) to develop multiple forms of resistance to the extra-legal use of authority in prison, especially in the context of a volatile socio-political environment in the city.

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Kotova, Anna. "‘Time … lost time’: Exploring how partners of long-term prisoners experience the temporal pains of imprisonment". Time & Society 28, n. 2 (23 marzo 2018): 478–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0961463x18763688.

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This article identifies and examines the temporal pains of imprisonment as experienced by female partners of male long-term prisoners in the UK. Drawing on in-depth interviews with 33 women, it discusses how long sentences interrupted the women’s normative life courses, shaped their daily lives, and resulted in them having to negotiate living within both prison time and outside time. It also highlights the need to go beyond the focus on concentrated family time and consider the extent to which prisoners and their families are deprived of mundane but meaningful family moments. In exploring these temporal pains of imprisonment, it is argued that time is not just a critical aspect of a long-term prisoner’s sentence, but also of his partner’s experiences. Finally, this article seeks to take the scholarship beyond the assumption that a long-term prisoner’s partner exists in a temporal limbo, and discusses the processes of change and adaptation the women interviewed used to cope with their partners’ long sentences.

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Michaeli, Inna. "Immigrating into the Occupation: Russian-Speaking Women in Palestinian Societies". Feminist Review 120, n. 1 (novembre 2018): 20–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41305-018-0136-5.

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Social researchers have extensively addressed the immigration of one million Russian speakers to Israel/Palestine over the past twenty-five years. However, the immigrants’ incorporation into the Israeli occupation regime and the ongoing colonisation of Palestine have rarely been questioned as such. In the interviews informing this article, Russian-speaking immigrant women living in Arab-Palestinian communities discuss their complex relations with Palestinian, Jewish-Israeli and Russian-Israeli communities. Sharing a background with Russian-speaking Jewish Israelis on the one hand, and marital kinship ties to Palestinians on the other, these women encounter multiple boundaries of territory and identity in their everyday lives. Drawing on feminist border thinking, I explore these encounters as a navigation through geopolitical and epistemic borderlands in a dense colonial reality. I am particularly interested in the potential of such an exploration to question essentialism and destabilise binary ethno-national categories of identity, such as Arab/Jew and Israeli/Palestinian, that dominate not only hegemonic but also emancipatory discourses. These binary divisions are not a straightforward outcome of political regimes but rather the result of ongoing border-making processes, which are vulnerable to disorder and disruption. This perspective aims to enrich understandings of the roles that gendered ethno-national identities play in sustaining the colonial relations of power in Israel/Palestine.

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Rani, Tabinda, Dr Muhammad Ilyas Khan e Dr Shagufta Perveen. "State of Educational Rights of Inmate Dependent Children: A Case Study of Prisons in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan". Journal of Law & Social Studies 4, n. 2 (30 giugno 2022): 286–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.52279/jlss.04.02.286297.

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Abstract (sommario):

Children, who are retained by imprisoned women (mothers), face several issues, including deprivation of their right to education. Imprisonment of women with dependent children often results in the impingement of child rights, including their right to education under Article 25(A) of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, 1973. The retention of children above the age of six by imprisoned women under Pakistan Prison Rules 1978 is a violation of Article 25(A) of the constitution. The current paper analyzes the educational facilities available to the dependent children of female prisoners with reference to international standards and statutory laws. The paper adopts qualitative research design and interviews-based data obtained from women prisoners and jail authorities has been used. The study concludes that there is lack of proper mechanisms and facilities for safeguarding the educational rights of dependent children in prisons. The study has substantial implications for political, educational and administrative leadership in the Pakistani context and for leadership with similar contexts elsewhere.

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Horino, Masako, Salwa Massad, Saifuddin Ahmed, Khalid Abu Khalid e Yehia Abed. "Understanding coverage of antenatal care in Palestine: Cross-sectional analysis of Palestinian Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey, 2019–2020". PLOS ONE 19, n. 2 (2 febbraio 2024): e0297956. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0297956.

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Introduction Antenatal care is an essential component of primary healthcare, providing opportunities to screen, prevent, and treat morbidity to preserve the health of mothers and offspring. The World Health Organization now recommends a minimum of eight antenatal care contacts, instead of four, which is challenging in countries exposed to political violence and structural disparities in access to social, economic and healthcare resources as exist in Palestine. This study examines the compliance of the recommend standard of antenatal care in Palestine. Methods We analyzed data from the UNICEF’s Palestinian Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS) 2019–2020. The eligible sample consisted of 2,028 women, 15–49 years of age, living in Palestine, on whom data were available on reported antenatal care services received during the most recent pregnancy within the last two years. Outcome variables of interest were the reported frequencies of antenatal care visits, gestational timing of 1st visit, and services received. Potential risk factors were assessed in women attending less than eight versus eight or more antenatal contacts, as recommended by WHO, by estimating prevalence ratios with 95% Confidence Intervals. Results Overall, 28% of women did not meet the WHO’s recommendation of eight or more antenatal contacts, varying from 18% in Central West Bank to 33% in South West Bank across the four areas of Palestine (North, Central, and South West Bank and Gaza Strip). Twelve percent of women reported having had no antenatal contacts in the 1st trimester, and these women were two- to three-folds more unlikely to meet WHO recommendation of antenatal contacts than mothers who initiated the antenatal contact in the 1st trimester. Women who had less than eight antenatal contacts were generally poorer, higher in parity, lived in North and South West Bank, sought ANC from either doctor or nurse/midwife only, and initiated antenatal contact in 2nd-to-3rd trimesters. Conclusion There were considerable socioeconomic and geographic inequalities in the prevalence of not meeting WHO recommended number of antenatal contacts in Palestine, offering the opportunity to inform, improve and continuously reassess coverage of antenatal care.

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Scott, Gemma. "‘Women will have to fight this battle’: political prisoners under India’s Emergency, 1975–1977". Contemporary South Asia 26, n. 3 (3 luglio 2018): 270–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584935.2018.1498452.

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48

Arat, Zehra Kabasakal, Naomi Chazan, Maha Abu-Dayyeh Shamas e Rima Nasir Tarazi. "Women for Ending Israeli Occupation in Palestine and for Building Peace". International Feminist Journal of Politics 6, n. 3 (gennaio 2004): 515–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1461674042000235645.

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49

Magni, Diego. "Political Performances of Surviving Oppression". Studi Magrebini 21, n. 1 (7 luglio 2023): 38–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2590034x-20230081.

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Abstract In light of the societal and structural changes that have occurred in Palestine since the signing of the Oslo Agreements in the 1990s, the present work aims to analyse the enhanced role of individuals and individual actions as opposed to actions led by collective and/or top-down organisations in the unarmed resistance of Palestinian people to the State of Israel, both in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT) and in 1948 Palestine/Israel. To understand the main tracts, limits, and potential of this contemporary trend I resort to the work and ideas developed by Bayat on social nonmovements. A further aim is to highlight how the resistance of the individuals intersects with individual-right movements, to understand the changing relation between the fight for individual rights and the fight against occupation. Hence, an in-depth analysis of the village realities of al-Walaja and al-Laqiya will be provided, by examining land defense in reaction to illegal acquisition of Palestinian property. Moreover, the results will be confronted with the broad events of May 2021, to better understand how new resistance dynamics have unfolded in different local realities as well as nationwide. Nowadays Palestine is marked by geographical, social, political, and religious fragmentation, together with economic difficulties. In such an environment I suggest that individuals adapted to the new reality of NGOs’ aid and relief and, with the boost of social media and the discourse brought forward by Palestinian women, have taken the lead of the leaderless Palestinian resistance, as proved by the events of the Habba of May 2021. As for the claims over individual rights, I believe this new resistance paradigm has the potential to prompt social and political reform, while the capabilities of individuals to practice such resistance in a sustained manner have to be carefully thought out.

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50

Hirschmann, Nancy J. "Sex and Social Justice. By Martha C. Nussbaum. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999. 488p. $45.00 cloth, $17.95 paper. Women and Human Development: The Capabilities Approach. By Martha C. Nussbaum. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. 334p. $28.00 cloth, $20.00 paper." American Political Science Review 96, n. 4 (dicembre 2002): 809–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402340462.

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These two books by leading U.S. philosopher Martha Nussbaum take up the issue of women's inequality in a U.S. and international context. Both are hard-hitting, in Nussbaum's characteristic take-no-prisoners style, setting out a clear case that women endure ignominious oppression in the name of culture and religion, and that feminists and liberals alike should tolerate it no longer.

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